In almost every economic category, blacks have been gaining, but not by enough.Median family income (in inflation-adjusted dollars) is up from $22,000 in 1963 to more than $40,000 today, still just two-thirds of the median for all Americans. Black unemployment remains twice the level of white unemployment, similar to where it was in 1972.
The black poverty rate has dropped from more than 40% in the 1960s to about 27% today; child poverty similarly has dipped from 67% to about 40%. Those numbers still are glaring, however. And the gap in overall wealth is more than 5-to-1 between whites and blacks: The average white household had nearly $800,000 in assets in 2011, compared with $154,000 for blacks.
"The impact of the Civil Rights Act is totally defined by where you are when it starts — economically, geographically, socially," says William Chafe, a civil rights scholar and professor emeritus of history at Duke University. "There was a significant increase in the black middle class ... but it had almost no effect on the 50% who were at the bottom."
When it comes to desegregating schools, the Civil Rights Act fulfilled for African Americans the reward that still remained elusive 10 years after Brown v. Board of Education.
In 1964, just one in four blacks above age 25 had graduated from high school. Today, the number is 85%. The percentage of blacks with a college degree has risen from 4% to more than 21% — but there is much further to go. The rate for whites is 34%.
When the schoolhouse doors did swing open, a population long excluded from neighborhood schools or elite colleges and universities required help. Even today, African Americans have not caught up to whites in educational attainment. The percentage of black college students who graduate hovers around 40%, compared with 62% for whites, 50% for Hispanics and nearly 70% for Asian-Americans, according to Education Department data.
"Class and poverty have largely superseded race as the cause of inequality today, particularly in education," says John Brittain, a University of the District of Columbialaw professor and former chief counsel for the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law. Calling it "de facto" rather than "de jure" segregation, Brittain says, "That is the challenge 40 to 50 years later."
Gary Orfield, a professor and co-director of the Civil Rights Project at UCLA, decried the situation faced by African Americans in a stinging critique of President Obama's second inaugural address last year.
"Most whites believe minorities already have equal opportunity," Orfield said. But "the peak of equity in college access happened back in the 1970s, and there are very large gaps today. The schools of black children have been steadily resegregating ... and have weaker graduation rates, less qualified teachers and weaker educational offerings."
The driving force in civil rights policy today, Orfield said, is the Supreme Court. Although it has upheld the consideration of race to create a diverse student body, its landmark decisions in 1978, 2003 and 2013 have admonished universities for over-emphasizing race. And the justices appear poised this year to approve Michigan's statewide ban on affirmative-action policies, something that seven other states also have, including California and Florida.
The Civil Rights Act was followed by separate laws on voting rights in 1965 and fair housing in 1968 — again, with mixed results.
Blacks' gains at the voting booth have been dramatic. In last year's presidential election, black turnout exceeded that of whites for the first time, according to Census data. And the number of black elected officials has soared from fewer than 1,500 in 1970 to more than 10,500 today.
So much has improved, in fact, that the Supreme Court last June struck down the most powerful tool in the Voting Rights Act to block discrimination at the voting booth. As a result, states such as Texas and North Carolina have moved to reinstate some restrictions.
Progress on housing has been much slower. While the Civil Rights Act opened up public accommodations, the Fair Housing Act of 1968 has failed to markedly raise black home ownership rates, and nearly six in 10 African Americans still live in segregated neighborhoods.
For all those reasons — economic and educational progress coupled with problems still facing black families — rights leaders remain committed to the cause.