IllmaticDelta
Veteran
Black ethno racial consciousness has existed already in every single society where african slavery or colonialism has taken place. You posted a string of etymological diatribes about non AA's apparently not knowing they were "black" until coming to the United States
they knew they were "negro" obviously when they looked like stereotype but when they diviated from that stereotype, they thought they were something else and above the ones that looked the part. Those are the people garvey was dissing
when using the term "black" as a mainstream cultural identifier didn't even hit the United States until the 60's.
it was actually around/used often in the USA before that
Black Americans have used various names—African, colored, negro, Afro-American, Black, and African American—to identify themselves. Sometimes these terms were used interchangeably, but, more often than not, one term predominated during a particular historical period. Until about 1915 (through slavery, Reconstruction, and the post-reconstruction periods) the word “colored” was commonly used to designate persons of African descent, and even as late as 1909, when the National Association of Colored people was founded, and 1912, when James Weldon Johnson’s important The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man was published, the term was still in general usage.
Beginning in 1915 with the advent of World War I and the migration of Blacks from the South to the North and from rural areas to urban centers, Black people in this country espoused new concepts of self and of race. The publication of Alain Locke’s The New Negro in 1924 and Carter G. Woodson’s initiation of Negro History Week in 1926 and his founding of the Journal of Negro History [1916] and of the Association of the Study of Negro Life and History inaugurated a new period in Black cultural development.
The shift from “colored” to “Negro” in popular usage reflected a profound change in racial ideology. For the first time, there was a collective affirmation of ethnicity on both the political and the cultural levels, as evident by the Garvey movement and the Harlem Renaissance in the arts. From 1915 to 1965, the word “Negro” symbolized the prevailing ideology, that Black People could realize their greatest potential through integration into the mainstream of American society.
In 1965, however, Malcolm X enunciated his concept of blackness and initiated a movement that hastened a profound effect In very phase of American life—politics, education, business, the arts, etc. Malcolm committed a radical and revolutionary act by rejecting the term “negro” in favor of the word “Black,” and in so doing (1) he placed the protest movement of the 1960 within the historical context of Black nationalism, (2) he established a confrontational dichotomy—Black versus White—which characterized race relations in this country, and (3) he rejected the White, Anglo-Saxon, protestant, middle class norm as a standard for assessing Black culture.
In a brilliant stroke of genius, Malcolm used the word “Black” to affirm and to validate the physical (dark skin, kinky hair, wide nose, full lips) and the cultural (Black speech, the blues, gospel music, funkiness) characteristics of the race. Like Harriet Wilson in her 1859 novel Our Nig, Malcolm employed irony and semantic inversion in using a term of denigration as a means of racial affirmation to move Black people from the “If you’re white, you’re all right; if you brown stick around; if you’re black, get back” mentality to a “Black id beautiful” positive frame of reference.
Historically, then Afro-Americans have called themselves “colored,” “Negro” and “Black,” but even in the earlier periods race leaders, particularly the proponents of militant racial protest, consistently used “Black” as a term of ethnic identification. For example,
David Walker (1829) “ . . . the world may see that we the Blacks or Colored People are treated more cruelly by the white Christians of America.”
Nat Turner (1831) “ . . . it had been said of me in my childhood by those by whom I had been taught to pray, both white and black, . . . that I would never be of any use to anyone as a slave.”
Frederick Douglass (1852) “There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia, which if committed by a black man, subject him to the punishment of Death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment of death.”
W.E.B. Du Bois (1903) “Away with the black man’s ballot, by force or fraud—and behold the suicide of a race.”
Marcus M. Garvey (1923) “Let white and black stop deceiving themselves. Let the white race stop deceiving themselves. Let the white race stop thinking that all black men are dogs and not to be considered as human beings.
Langston Hughes (1926) “The road for the serious black artist, then, who would produce a racial art in most certainly rocky and the mountain is high.”
Malcolm X (1960) “As a collective mass of Black people we have been deprived not only of civil rights, but even our human rights. The right to human dignity . . . the right to be a human being.”
Thus, the term has political connotations, for it expresses militant opposition to racial oppression through its association with black nationalism, “ . . . a body of social thought, attitudes, and actions ranging from the simplest expressions of ethnocentriam and racial solidarity to the comprehensive and sophisticated ideologies of Pan-Negroism or Pan-Africanism,” according to John H. Bracey et al in Black Nationalism in America. It is not by chance that W.E.B. Du Bois, perhaps the greatest theoretician of Black nationalism in the twentieth century, entitled his seminal work The Souls of Black Folk in 1903.
A Black By Any Other Name
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Use of ‘African-American’ Dates to Nation’s Early Days
The term African-American may seem to be a product of recent decades, exploding into common usage in the 1990s after a push from advocates like Jesse Jackson, and only enshrined in the Oxford English Dictionary in 2001.
The O.E.D.’s entry, revised in 2012, traces the first known occurrence to 1835, in an abolitionist newspaper. But now, a researcher has discovered a printed reference in an anti-British sermon from 1782 credited to an anonymous “African American,” pushing the origins of the term back to the earliest days of independence.
“We think of it as a neutral alternative to older terms, one that resembles Italian-American or Irish-American,” said Fred Shapiro, an associate director at the Yale Law School Library, who found the reference. “It’s a very striking usage to see back in 1782.”
Mr. Shapiro, a longtime contributor to the O.E.D. and the editor of the Yale Book of Quotations, found the reference last month in one of his regular sweeps of various online databases that have transformed lexicographic research by gathering vast swaths of historical texts — once scattered across the collections of far-flung libraries and historical societies — in one easily searchable place.
One day, Mr. Shapiro typed “African American” into a database of historical newspapers. Up popped an advertisement that appeared in The Pennsylvania Journal on May 15, 1782, announcing: “Two Sermons, written by the African American; one on the Capture of Lord Cornwallis, to be SOLD.”
With the help of George Thompson, a retired librarian from New York University, Mr. Shapiro found one of the titles — “A Sermon on the Capture of Lord Cornwallis” — and located a copy of it, a 16-page pamphlet, at Houghton Library at Harvard University.
The sermon, which crows about the surrender of the British Army at Yorktown the previous year, was acquired by Harvard in 1845 and seems to have been all but uncited in scholarly literature. Its author — listed on the title page as “an African American” — is anonymous, identified only as “not having the benefit of a liberal education.”
“Was it a freeman?” Mr. Shapiro said. “A slave? We don’t know.”
Black people in the Colonial period, whatever their legal status, were most commonly referred to as “Negro” or “African.”
But in the years after the Revolution, various terms emphasizing their claim to being “American” — a label which was applied to people of European descent living in the colonies by the end of the 17th century — came into circulation.
“Afro-American” has been documented as early as 1831, with “black American” (1818) and “Africo-American” (1788) going back even further.
“We want dancing and raree-shows and ramadans to forget miseries and wretchedness as much as the Africo-americans want the Banjar” — banjo — “to digest with their Kuskus the hardships of their lives,” a correspondent wrote to Thomas Jefferson in 1788. (“Kuskus” is a variant of “couscous.”)
Katherine C. Martin, the editor of United States dictionaries at Oxford University Press, said the O.E.D.’s researchers were in the process of confirming Mr. Shapiro’s discovery.
“It’s very exciting,” she said. “Once we have it nailed down, I would expect we’ll update our entry.”
The sermon, one of the earliest surviving ones by a black American, may also attract interest from historians.
In it, the speaker boasts about the capture of Cornwallis and decries the British assault on “the freedom of the free born sons of America” while nodding toward the fact of “my own complexion.”
“My beloved countrymen, if I may be permitted thus to call you, who am a descendant of the sable race,” one passage begins.
The speaker also addresses fellow “descendants of Africa” who feel loyalty to Britain, asking: “Tell me in plain and simple language, have ye not been disappointed? Have ye reaped what you labored for?”
The other sermon mentioned in the ad, Mr. Shapiro said, may be “A Sermon on the Present Situation of Affairs of America and Great-Britain,” which had been previously known to scholars. Both refer to “descendants of Africa,” he said, and have dedications invoking South Carolina, whose governor had been held in solitary confinement by the British for nearly a year.
But curiously, the title page of the other sermon attributes it to “a Black.”
“In other words, the bifurcation between the terms African-American and black, the two leading terms today, was present from the very beginning,” Mr. Shapiro said.
http://www.nytimes.com/2015/04/21/arts/use-of-african-american-dates-to-nations-early-days.html?_r=0
When African Americans of previous generations called themselves Negros, or Coloured or what have you did you think that made them any less aware of the social status of themselves and people who looked like themselves in a predominantly white societies all around the world and the cultural ties that held them together as a community? Are African Americans gifted with a degree of sentience that other negroes aren't?
see above
They just had different ways of describing what was the same exact thing: A trans-ethnic and trans-nationalistic marker of identity for those who are descended from Africa and victims of the global system of white supremacy. And this is disregarding the fact that many black communities outside of the U.S. starting heralding the idea of black consciousness using that literal word decades before African Americans.
no they didn't
Afro-Arab scholar Al Jahiz who was born in 7th Century Iraq wrote an entire book on what it meant to be black. The affirmation of black identity is stated explicitly in the first few lines of the Haitian Constitution.
not the same thing
In the 1930s Francophone black countries in Africa and the Caribbean had the Negritude,( or "the Blackness" movement in English) propelled many independence movements for the continent. Etc.
influenced by the Harlem Renaissance with knowledge of black american racial concepts