Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

YvrzTrvly

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The term "first world" is barely 50 years old, breh.
The term first second third world is a misnomer.

When it was created it was first world were countries associated with the us during thr cold war years.

Technically china and russia is second world...


I guess u could say that we classify them now by level of education and wealth but in my opinion that is misleading.

Iran should be considered first world in my opinion.

Ti consider a country in africa any world is absurd. Here we run i to an issue with cultural norms and ignorance.

Just because a country does not have an infrastructure like us does should not be held to any lower standards then the us is.
 

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The term first second third world is a misnomer.

When it was created it was first world were countries associated with the us during thr cold war years.

Technically china and russia is second world...


I guess u could say that we classify them now by level of education and wealth but in my opinion that is misleading.

Iran should be considered first world in my opinion.

Ti consider a country in africa any world is absurd. Here we run i to an issue with cultural norms and ignorance.

Just because a country does not have an infrastructure like us does should not be held to any lower standards then the us is.

I think MEDIAN income is a good metric

Social Progress Index - Data - Social Progress Index - The Social Progress Imperative is a really good site.
 

YvrzTrvly

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Mogho Naba: Burkina Faso's mediator monarch
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The king is said to have played a key role in helping Burkina Faso avoid a bloodbath
Mogho Naba played a key role in brokering the return of civilian rule to Burkina Faso after last week's military takeover. The BBC's Lamine Konkobo has this profile of the traditional ruler.

Mogho Naba is the reigning monarch of the Mossi ethnic group and reigns over a traditional kingdom that dates back to the 12th Century.

Once a powerful master over his Mossi subjects, his authority was significantly curtailed during the presidency of anti-imperialist revolutionary Thomas Sankara prior to his death in October 1987.

Nowadays Mogho Naba is seen as a symbol of tradition.

The influence of the king in modern political matters is based on the fact that the centre of power in Burkina Faso, the capital Ouagadougou, lies at the heart of his kingdom - the Mossi Plateau.

Out of respect for tradition, it is customary for powerbrokers seeking to establish a foothold in Ouagadougou to seek his symbolic approval.

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Crowds gathered outside the residence of Mogho Naba during the latest stand-off between the civilian government and the military
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Mogho Naba (left) regularly receives the great and the good
MPs elected to the national parliament, ministers as well as ambassadors are known to respect that tradition.

In times of crisis, the role of the "Naba" becomes even more important.

Like the British Queen, he is supposed to be politically neutral, which is an asset when there is a breakdown of dialogue.

Since the uprising of October 2014, when President Blaise Compaore was forced to resign by massive street protests, protagonists of the crisis have taken turns visiting his compound, seeking to benefit from his wisdom.

For instance, the transitional Prime Minister, Lt-Col Isaac Zida, went to the king's palace for a courtesy visit shortly after taking power following the popular revolt.

He later returned again when presidential guards, in July this year, stormed a cabinet meeting to demand his resignation from the government.

And it was no surprise that the coup leader, Brig-Gen Gilbert Diendere, paid the "Naba" a visit following the announcement earlier this week that army units were bearing down on Ouagadougou to disarm his soldiers.

The king is said to have played a key role in helping Burkina Faso avoid a bloodbath as negotiations between officers from both side of the military spectrum took place in pursuit of an end to the stand-off following last week's coup.

Mogho Naba is well suited to such diplomacy - he is Western-educated, speaks French eloquently, is an avid football fan and was a one-time boxer.

But in official functions, he only speaks Moore, his mother tongue. He engages his various guests through his spokesperson, Larle Naba, his minister of communication and custodian of oral tradition and folklore.

Mogho Naba: Burkina Faso's mediator monarch - BBC News
 

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One of his ancestors is this guy, Wobgo, the Mogho Naaba(which means elephant chief), his real name being Boukary Koutou, King of the Mossi (Burkina Faso). In 1895 he told the Captain Restenave of the french colonial army : ''I know white people want to kill me to steal my country. And you claim that they will help me organize my country! Now I find my country very well, as it is. I have no need of whites. I know what I need and what I want. I have merchants. Just be glad I did not make my men cut off your head. Now go. And do not come back. '' :pacspit:

 

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"We're gonna help you organise your country". Exactly 120 years later these cacs, especially the french are still using the same exact words to deceive us. :snoop:
 

Yehuda

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http://allafrica.com/stories/201509231860.html

Guinea Bissau: Guinea-Bissau Crisis Averted - but for How Long?

Tagged:
ANALYSIS

By Paulin Maurice Toupane and Cheikh Dieng

With the appointment of Carlos Correia as the new prime minister, the political crisis that shook Guinea-Bissau for more than a month came to an end.

Correia was sworn in on 17 September, following a mediation of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Led by former Nigerian president Olusegun Obasanjo, the mediation aimed to solve the crisis of confidence between President José Mário Vaz and his former prime minister, Domingos Simões Pereira.

On 12 August 2015, the president dissolved the government following growing disagreement within the executive. Eight days later, he appointed Baciro Djá as prime minister. The move was rejected not only by the National Popular Assembly, but also by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde (PAIGC) - who wanted to see Pereira reappointed.

The PAIGC is the majority party in the National Popular Assembly, with 57 deputies out of 102. In its judgment delivered on 8 September, the Supreme Court declared Djá's appointment to be unconstitutional, leading to his resignation on the same day.

The new prime minister, Carlos Correia, is also the first vice president of the PAIGC. This war-of-liberation veteran, who is 82 years old, held the post twice before in the 1990s. His appointment has, for the moment, helped to defuse tensions. But it does not solve the root causes of the recurring crises in the country.

It is precisely to avoid such crises that ECOWAS recommended the revision of the constitution at its extraordinary summit, held on 12 September in Dakar, Senegal.

Guinea-Bissau is no stranger to this kind of tension between the president and the prime minister. These rivalries have historically led to either the dismissal of the prime minister, or to a coup. The phenomenon can be traced back to 14 November 1980, when then prime minister João Bernardo Vieira launched a coup against the first president of the country, Luiz Cabral.

More recently, tensions between former president Kumba Yalà and prime minister Alamara Nhasse led to Nhasse's resignation and the dissolution of Parliament in November 2002. In 2005, tensions between Vieira and Carlos Gomes Junior ended in the removal of the latter. In 2009, disagreement between them also led to a coup.

There are two main factors hampering institutions in Guinea-Bissau. The first is continued leadership struggles within political parties, especially the PAIGC. Indeed, the current crisis appears to be the result of an inter-party dispute between Vaz and Pereira. These tensions date back to the February 2014 Congress, where the party president and candidates for the parliamentary and presidential elections were elected.

The congress was also meant to review the party's constitution - especially Article 40, which states that the party president will automatically become the candidate for the legislative elections, as well as the post of prime minister. After a fierce struggle, Pereira was elected president of the party, and as such became the party's candidate for the prime ministership. Vaz was chosen to run as the candidate for the presidential election, with the support of Pereira's internal opponents.

As party president of the PAIGC and the country's prime minister, the balance of power favours Pereira, who has the support of his party. PAIGC's commitment to renewing Pereira after his removal is illustrated by the many statements challenging the earlier appointment of Baciro Djá. This makes Vaz - despite being president of the country - look like a simple militant, reluctant to comply with the decisions of the party. Pereira's removal can also be seen as an attempt by Vaz to assert himself in a context where he is not in a position of strength.

The second structural factor that fuels the recurring crises can be linked to the dynamics intrinsic to the political regime. Since the constitutional revision of 1993, Guinea-Bissau has opted for a semi-presidential system based on the Portuguese model. This combines elements of the presidential system (where the head of state is elected via universal suffrage) as well as the parliamentary system (where government is accountable to Parliament and the president). In a country where institutions rely on the agendas of the political elite, this type of political organisation often becomes a source of instability between the president and prime minister.

In the majority of West African countries, the president holds most of the power and appoints the prime minister. In Guinea-Bissau, however, the head of government is chosen by the majority party in the National Assembly, to which the president then becomes accountable. The prime minister, on the other hand, leads the country's politics and only has to provide information to the president.

This means that the prime minister holds most of the executive power, while the president's powers are largely symbolic. Article 68 of the constitution, however, gives him the power to dismiss the head of government or to dissolve the National Assembly in case of crisis. In Guinea-Bissau, the National Assembly has been dissolved only once - under the presidency of Kumba Yalà, in November 2002.

This structure of executive power is also a source of tension in other countries that have the same type of political framework. In São Tomé and Príncipe, for example, a standoff that pitted President Manuel Pinto da Costa against his Prime Minister, Patrice Troavoada, led the country into crisis in 2012. In Guinea-Bissau, however, these tensions have often been resolved by the intervention of the army.

The revision of the constitution recommended by ECOWAS at the recent extraordinary summit in Dakar is, in that sense, relevant. It is now up to the special committee on constitutional reform, which was established in February, to propose a plan to prevent future crises in the executive.

The judgment of the Court, which clearly identifies the respective roles within the executive provides a good base for the commission. A revised draft constitution is meant to be developed within a year. It must then be open to public consultation before being adopted by the National Popular Assembly.

However, a change of system alone will not be enough to end the political crises in Guinea-Bissau. Reforms on security, defence, justice, public service and economic and social development are also essential. However, these will only succeed if there is sufficient political will to outweigh selfish and partisan interests. The country will also need the support of ECOWAS and international actors.

Paulin Maurice Toupane, Junior Researcher, and Cheikh Dieng, Junior Fellow, Conflict Prevention and Risk Analysis, ISS Dakar
 

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Booming Ivory Coast faces elections with confidence
ABIDJAN | BY LOUCOUMANE COULIBALY

Supporters of President Alassane Ouattara queue to enter a pre-election gathering for Ouattara in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, September 13, 2015.
REUTERS/JOE PENNEY



From Abidjan airport's packed arrivals hall to the hotels and plush villas mushrooming across the city, Ivory Coast is booming, a rare African bright spot as the world's biggest cocoa producer bounces back from years of turmoil and civil war.

With elections due in a month, many Ivorians had expected a pause in the post-conflict growth spurt, but such is the confidence in a smooth vote and a second term for incumbent Alassane Ouattara that the expected blip has not materialized.

The government is predicting growth of 9.6 percent this year, making the former French colony the stand-out performer on a continent being hammered by a slump in commodity prices, capital outflows and tumbling currencies.

The International Monetary Fund's assessment is only marginally less bullish, while the bustle on the streets of the commercial capital attests to the turnaround in the four years since the nation's second civil war in less than a decade killed 3,000 people.

"There are many European businessmen arriving these days," airport taxi driver Fabrice Toha said with a smile. "All the taxi drivers can see that the country is doing well and many of us think that Ouattara has a good chance of another term."

The airport had 1.3 million passengers in 2014, double the tally from four years ago.

A stone's throw away, dozens of construction workers swarm around the inside and outside of the 261-room Radisson Blu Abidjan, one of several high-end hotels due to open before the end of this year.

Kome Cesse, the entrepreneur behind the project, said the investment was based as much on faith in the government's record since the war as the rosy outlook for Francophone West Africa's largest economy.

For Cesse, fears of any repeat of the mayhem that followed 2010 elections, when then-president Laurent Gbagbo - now in The Hague accused of crimes against humanity - refused to accept defeat at the hands of Ouattara, are overblown.

"All over Africa, whenever there are elections, there's tension," he said, raising his voice over the din of construction work. "But for African investors like us, we are used to it and we deal with it."

Elsewhere, in the capital's chic Cocody neighborhood, Sofitel's lavish Hotel Ivoire - the pre-eminent symbol of Abidjan's post-colonial 1960s heyday - has undergone a face-lift. Its rooms, starting at over $250 per night, are regularly fully booked.

RETAIL LEADER

Besides the strong growth, businessmen point to generous terms offered by Ouattara's administration, such as VAT exemption, reduced customs duties and promises of compensation in the event of social unrest.

The government has also sought to spur on the private sector with heavy investments in long-neglected infrastructure.

New bridges and highways have eased traffic congestion in Abidjan and have cut travel times to other cities. And a revamping of the power grid, already the region's most reliable, has ensured that manufacturing and industrial sectors don't face the extended black-outs that plague Ivory Coast's neighbors.

Those investments appear to have borne fruit already.

On Friday, Dutch brewer Heineken [HEININ.UL] and French industrial group CFO laid the first stone for a new 150 million euro ($169 million) brewery.

"Our business is pretty simple. It's about population, urbanization, economic growth and a stable political setting," said Roland Pirmez, head of Heineken in Africa, the Middle East and Eastern Europe.

"Today we see that all of those parameters in Ivory Coast are extremely positive. It's the right moment to invest."

Ivory Coast ranked second behind Nigeria this year on Nielsen's African Prospects Indicator, an index combining macro-economic, business, retail and consumer outlooks.

In the retail sector, where Neilsen ranked its prospects as the most promising on the continent, foreign companies - particular those from France - are piling in.

Giant French supermarket chain Carrefour plans to open a massive hypermarket in Abidjan - its first in sub-Saharan Africa - next month, shrugging off any concerns about violence linked to the Oct. 25 poll.

FNAC, the French retail chain specializing in electronic and cultural goods, is also setting up shop, eager to tap into the rapidly expanding middle class in a nation of 24 million people and average per capita income of over $3,000 a year.

"When you look at the big global brands coming to our country, it means that they are confident that it is lasting," said investment board director Emmanuel Esmel Essis, who is expecting a record of nearly $1 billion in private investment this year, almost double the 2014 total.



BRIDGING THE WEALTH GAP

Banks keen on bankrolling big deals are among the pioneers. South Africa's Standard Bank is seeking to establish a regional hub, and Germany's Commerzbank has also opened a representative office.

A member of the West African franc zone whose currency is pegged to the euro, Ivory Coast offers investors protection from inflation - now at just over 1 percent - and the currency collapses that have hit the likes of Ghana, Nigeria, Kenya, Zambia and South Africa.

In another vote of confidence, the African Development Bank started moving its headquarters back to Abidjan last year, after instability forced it to take refuge in Tunis in 2003.

Still, observers note that Ivory Coast remains a post-conflict nation. The benefits of the recent years of growth have been unevenly distributed and unemployment, particularly among the youth, remains a major concern for those seeking to stave off future instability.

If he indeed wins a second term, Ouattara must use the next five years to improve financial inclusion, said Kevin Murray, Citigroup's managing director for West and Central Africa.

"He's going to have to do some social safety net stuff. That will be a lot easier to do when he has some money to spend," he said. "If he can get the middle class clicking, he'll make this economy thrive."

In the meantime, the signs that some people are already doing quite well abound.

The residential property sector has seen an influx of Moroccan, Chinese, Turkish and European firms, some of them throwing up beach-front duplex villas worth $1 million or more for rich expatriates and well-to-do Ivorians.

"We're very optimistic for everything that has happened since 2012," said Chadi Srour of SIPIM, a real estate promotion firm. "There's nothing wrong with demand. As the country goes forward, we go forward."



(Additional reporting by Joe Bavier and Ange Aboa; Editing by Ed Cropley and Andrew Heavens)

Booming Ivory Coast faces elections with confidence
 

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Buhari And Obasanjo Meet With Gordon Brown

President Buhari met with Fmr British PM, Gordon Brown alongside Fmr President Obasanjo at the Millennium House in New York.

Courtesy

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QUICK NUMBERS: 20 facts on electricity in Africa that will surprise, make you cry, and uplift too

26 SEP 2015 13:50M&G AFRICA


Lightning strike over Johannesburg. In some African countries, this is the only form of electricity people encounter on a regular basis. (Photo/ Flickr/ Derek Keats).

AFRICAN Development Bank President Akinwumi Adesina, who took over this month, recently said he’s aiming to eliminate Africa’s energy deficit by 2025 by mobilising $55 billion of investment.

Termed the “New Deal for Energy in Africa,” the continent’s largest development bank said the plan will significantly raise its support for energy projects and that its partners should also scale up efforts. The proposal also called for African countries to increase financing for the development of the energy industry. He has good reason to beat the drums on energy.

READ: New AfDB boss sets term rolling with $55bn push for continental energy

Africa’s energy troubles are well documented, but sometimes seeing the cold, hard numbers can bring a whole new perspective. We highlight some of them, drawing from the latest Africa Progress Panel report titled People, Power, Planet:

1. TWO in every three people in Africa, around 621 million in total, have no access to electricity. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, Malawi and Sierra Leone, fewer than one in 10 people have access to electricity.

2. Ethiopia, with a population of 94 million, consumes one-third of the electricity supplied to the 600,000 residents of Washington D.C. Greater London consumes more electricity than any country in Africa other than South Africa.

3. It takes the average Tanzanian around eight years to consume as much electricity as an American uses in one month. When American households switch on their TVs to watch the Super Bowl, the annual finale of their football season, they consume 10 times the electricity used over the course of a year by the more than 1 million people living in Juba, South Sudan.

4. Installed grid-based capacity in sub-Sahara Africa is around 90 gigawatts (GW), which is less than the capacity in South Korea where the population is only 5% that of sub-Sahara Africa.

5. The poor spend the most on energy. Africa’s poorest households spend $10/kWh on lighting, or around 20 times the amount spent by high-income households with a connection to the grid.

6. A rural woman in northern Nigeria spends around 60 to 80 times more per unit of energy consumed than a resident of Manhattan or London. The same woman also spends some 30 times more than the residents of high-income households with grid connections in gated communities in Lagos.

7. On current trends, it will take Africa until 2080 to achieve universal access to electricity. Universal access to clean cooking facilities would occur in around 150 years, sometime after the middle of the 22nd century.

8. But there will be demand for more power in Africa in the next few decades, driven by economic growth, population growth and urbanisation. Each percentage point in GDP growth in developing countries tends to be accompanied by growth in energy demand of 1.2 to 2.3%.

9. Between 2015 and 2040, the population of Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to increase by 755 million, or 81%. Electricity generation will have to almost double by 2040 to maintain per capita provision.

10. By 2050 around one half of Africans will live in cities, compared with just over one-third today – an increase in the urban population of 800 million people. Today, urban consumers in Africa use on average three times more electricity than their rural counterparts.

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African Development Bank president Adesina: It’s energy, energy, and energy.

11. But in a few African countries, the gap in electrification is quite small. One such country is South Africa, where more than 80% of rural homes have power. But in another group of countries - South Sudan, Liberia and Central African Republic - the gap is small for an entirely different reason, it’s because even towns have no electricity. Both urban and rural electrification rates are under 10%.

12. To raise the entire region of Sub-Saharan Africa to the average current per capita electricity access of South Africa would require a 33-fold increase in installed capacity.

13. It seems to be a tall order, but it is possible. Brazil, China and Indonesia have achieved rapid electrification over short time periods. Vietnam went from levels of access below those now prevailing in Africa to universal provision in around 15 years. The country expanded electricity consumption fivefold between 2000 and 2013.

14. Liberalisation in the power sector has been a magnet for equity investors in Africa. Between ?2010 and 2013, there were around 27 private equity investments in energy and natural resources, with an aggregate value of US$1.2 billion.

15. Nigeria is rapidly scaling up solar capacity. Agreements signed in 2014 and the first half of 2015 will take the country across the 5GW threshold. SkyPower FAS Energy has signed agreements with the federal government and the Delta State government to develop 3GW of utility-scale solar photovoltaic (PV) projects over the next five years at an estimated cost of $5 billion.

16. Kenya is now the world’s ninth largest producer of geothermal energy. Current plans envisage the doubling of capacity by the end of 2016 through expansion of the existing Olkaria plant. The Turkana Wind Power Project will also add 20% to currently installed capacity.

17. Ethiopia is taking a big lead in green energy, setting ambitious targets for zero carbon emissins. One of the region’s largest wind-farm projects, the 120MW, 84-turbine Adama project, was recently completed through a $290 million French investment. The government also signed a $4 billion deal with US-Icelandic company Reykjavik Geothermal to build a 1GW geothermal plant by the beginning of the next decade.

18. Since 2010, South Africa has registered one of the fastest rates of growth in ?the world for renewable energy investment. The Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement (REIPPP) programme contracted for $14 billion of private-sector investment across 64 projects, ranging from wind farms and solar PV to biogas.

19. The world’s fourth largest solar facility is under construction in western Ghana. The $400 million Nzema solar project will include 630,000 solar PV modules generating 155MW and adding 6% to Ghana’s overall power generation.

20. In Mauritania, solar energy now powers around one-third of energy use in the capital city, Nouakchott, and 10% of the national grid. Plans are under way to commission a 30MW wind farm, increasing the share of renewable energy in the national energy mix to 45%.

QUICK NUMBERS: 20 facts on electricity in Africa that will surprise, make you cry, and uplift too
 

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Liberia struggles to regain economic footing after Ebola
UNITED NATIONS | BY EDITH HONAN
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A health worker sprays disinfectant on an ambulance in Nedowein, Liberia, July 15, 2015.
REUTERS/JAMES GIAHYUE

Liberia needs two years to regain its economic footing after it was battered by the Ebola epidemic, as it moves to boost access to electricity and infrastructure and diversify the economy, Liberia's president said in an interview on Saturday.

Liberia had been slowly rebuilding from a civil war that ended in 2003 when the Ebola epidemic erupted more than 18 months ago. The disease has since killed 4,800 people in Liberia, and a total of 11,000 people in West Africa.

"Our target is to get it done in two years," Ellen Johnson Sirleaf said of the hoped-for economic recovery, in an interview on the sidelines of the annual gathering of world leaders at the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

Liberia was declared free of the Ebola virus for a second time on Sept. 3, entering a 90-day period of heightened surveillance.

The country was declared Ebola-free in May but more cases appeared in late June, probably via transmission from sexual contact as the virus can survive in semen well beyond the usual 21-day incubation period.

Johnson Sirleaf said she was "concerned" about the continued Ebola risk, and said the government could be doing more to educate Liberians, including advocating safe sex.

But she cautioned that it was important to avoid unfairly stigmatizing Ebola survivors.

The United States has approved a $257 million grant to Liberia under its Millennium Challenge Compact program, which Johnson Sirleaf said she hopes to dedicate to expanding the country's power capacity which currently reaches .

Fewer than 2 percent of Liberia's 4.3 million people have access to electricity, she said.

"We said, 'What is the area that could provide the best impetus for getting our economy moving at a higher pace?' Power came out above anything else," she said. "If you don't have power, you install the best of machines and they blow out.

The Mount Coffee dam on the River Paul in Montserrado County once powered a third of households in the West African country, but it was left battered by Liberia's 1989-2003 civil war.

Johnson Sirleaf said she was hopeful that a rehabilitation of the dam would be complete by late 2016, after the Ebola epidemic delayed the rehabilitate work.

(Editing by Matthew Lewis)

Liberia struggles to regain economic footing after Ebola
 
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