Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

Yehuda

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Cabo Verde’s economy grows 5.8 pct in first quarter

JULY 1ST, 2016
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The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Cabo Verde (Cape Verde) grew by 5.8 percent in the first quarter of 2016, an annual increase of 3.9 percentage points or a percentage change of 205 percent, according to the archipelago’s National Statistics Institute (INE).

The information contained in the Quarterly National Accounts showed that the increase in GDP growth rate, which rose from 1.9 percent in the first quarter of 2015 to 5.8 percent this year, was mainly due to growth recorded in Agriculture, Hotels and Restaurants, Public Administration and Taxes net of subsidies.

The most significant negative contributions were recorded in Construction, Trade and Telecommunications, also according to the data from the Quarterly National Accounts.

A table published by the National Statistics Institute with the year on year variation of GDP by volume since the first quarter of 2014 shows that the GDP growth rate in the first quarter of 2016 was the highest in the covered period, in which there is a single negative growth rate of minus 0.6 percent in the third quarter of 2014. (macauhub/CV)

Cabo Verde's economy grows 5,8 pct in first quarter
 
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Yehuda

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Africa Has No Better Friend Than Israel, Netanyahu Says During Kenya Visit

During a meeting with Kenya's president, prime minister says Israel and African countries have a shared interest in confronting Islamic extremists.

The Associated Press Jul 05, 2016 7:00 PM

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta shake hands at State House in Nairobi, Kenya, July 5, 2016. Sayyid Abdul Azim, AP
Africa has no better friend than the state of Israel for the practical needs of security and development, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Tuesday on the second leg of a four-country tour to pursue better relations with the continent.

Netanyahu is the first ruling Israeli prime minister to visit Kenya. He met with Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta on counter-terrorism, energy and agriculture, amid tight security. Netanyahu is also visiting Uganda, Rwanda and Ethiopia.

Israel played a prominent role in assisting newly independent African countries in the 1960s, but those relations crumbled in the 1970s, when Arab countries, promising aid, pressured African nations to limit or cut ties with Israel. African states were also opposed to Israel's close ties to South Africa's apartheid government.

In exchange for its expertise in security and other fields, Israel now wants African states to side with it at the United Nations, where the General Assembly overwhelmingly recognized Palestine as a non-member observer state in 2012.

Israel and the region also have a shared interest in confronting Islamic extremists.

"Things are changing in the world, things are changing in the Middle East, and things are changing in the relations between Israel and many of our Arab neighbors. A similar change is now undergoing our relation with African countries," Netanyahu said.

He said Kenyatta told him that African leaders would work to restore Israel as an observer to the African Union. "I think that it will have very considerable effect regarding Israel's international relations in the future, vis-à-vis our effort to bring about a very great number of countries that support Israel," Netanyahu said.

Kenyatta said the threat of extremism demands partnership with nations with a common position against it.

"That's why I strongly believe it's critical for us reevaluate our relationship ... with the state of Israel given the challenges that in we in the African continent are faced with today," Kenyatta said.

Kenya has long been a target of extremist attacks which have hit Israeli interests. In a near simultaneous attack in 2002, Al-Qaida extremists blew up an explosives-laden vehicle at an Israeli-owned hotel on the Kenyan coast, killing 11 people, while others shot at an Israeli jetliner.

Kenyatta also said his country supports talks between Israel and the Palestinians.

Africa has no better friend than Israel, Netanyahu says during Kenya visit

e7c7abe8420b33dd8cd0bc99fb0aa61c.png
 
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Africa Has No Better Friend Than Israel, Netanyahu Says During Kenya Visit

During a meeting with Kenya's president, prime minister says Israel and African countries have a shared interest in confronting Islamic extremists.

The Associated Press Jul 05, 2016 7:00 PM

142033048.jpg

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta shake hands at State House in Nairobi, Kenya, July 5, 2016. Sayyid Abdul Azim, AP
Africa has no better friend than the state of Israel for the practical needs of security and development, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Tuesday on the second leg of a four-country tour to pursue better relations with the continent.

Netanyahu is the first ruling Israeli prime minister to visit Kenya. He met with Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta on counter-terrorism, energy and agriculture, amid tight security. Netanyahu is also visiting Uganda, Rwanda and Ethiopia.

Israel played a prominent role in assisting newly independent African countries in the 1960s, but those relations crumbled in the 1970s, when Arab countries, promising aid, pressured African nations to limit or cut ties with Israel. African states were also opposed to Israel's close ties to South Africa's apartheid government.

In exchange for its expertise in security and other fields, Israel now wants African states to side with it at the United Nations, where the General Assembly overwhelmingly recognized Palestine as a non-member observer state in 2012.

Israel and the region also have a shared interest in confronting Islamic extremists.

"Things are changing in the world, things are changing in the Middle East, and things are changing in the relations between Israel and many of our Arab neighbors. A similar change is now undergoing our relation with African countries," Netanyahu said.

He said Kenyatta told him that African leaders would work to restore Israel as an observer to the African Union. "I think that it will have very considerable effect regarding Israel's international relations in the future, vis-à-vis our effort to bring about a very great number of countries that support Israel," Netanyahu said.

Kenyatta said the threat of extremism demands partnership with nations with a common position against it.

"That's why I strongly believe it's critical for us reevaluate our relationship ... with the state of Israel given the challenges that in we in the African continent are faced with today," Kenyatta said.

Kenya has long been a target of extremist attacks which have hit Israeli interests. In a near simultaneous attack in 2002, Al-Qaida extremists blew up an explosives-laden vehicle at an Israeli-owned hotel on the Kenyan coast, killing 11 people, while others shot at an Israeli jetliner.

Kenyatta also said his country supports talks between Israel and the Palestinians.

Africa has no better friend than Israel, Netanyahu says during Kenya visit

e7c7abe8420b33dd8cd0bc99fb0aa61c.png

:mjpls: indeed


wouldn't trust the jews at all
 

Kitsch

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anyone know anything about the IT/dev scene in africa? currently studying a compsci type degree and thinking of maybe trying to make some moves out there anyone follow some blogs or good websites regarding the IT/DEVstartup scene there?
I'm trying to find out myself, I'll let you know if I find anything.
 

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Tlou Energy to build 50MW coalbed methane power plant in Botswana, Africa

6 July 2016

Australian gas agency Tlou Energy has been appointed by Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Board (PPADB) in Botswana to develop a coalbed methane (CBM) power plant.

The new plant will be developed at Tlou Energy's wholly owned Lesedi CBM Project, which is the most advance of its kind in the African country.

The initial proposal submitted by Tlou Energy was for a 10MW gas-to-power pilot project, but the government has now increased the capacity to 50MW.

Tlou Energy's acting managing director Gabaake Gabaake said: "Although we always planned to expand our project beyond the 10MW initially envisaged, a 50MW project is five times larger than expected and a fabulous result for the company.

"Importantly, it provides more certainty to our investment case to increase our power output as we develop our field.

"A larger project also provides more options regarding development and potential benefits from economies of scale. We also believe it has the potential to strengthen the range of parties interested in partnering to finance the project's development."

Tlou Energy to build 50MW coalbed methane power plant in Botswana, Africa
 

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Uganda: Djibouti Gives Uganda U.S.$20 Million for Fruits

The Observer (Kampala)

6 JULY 2016

By Safinah Nambafu

Muhammad Majyambere, the Djibouti consul to Uganda, has said Djibouti has given Uganda $20m to help in the exportation of fruits and related products to the horn of Africa, urging farmers to benefit from the deal.

Majyambere made the remarks recently at Imperial Royale hotel after meeting members of the Federation of Associations of Uganda exporters [FAUEX] and the ministry of trade to discuss how Uganda can benefit from doing business with Djibouti.

"My government has set aside $100m specifically to import fruit products from within the region but we decided that Uganda gets part of this deal so that the farmers can benefit directly from this venture," noted Majyambere.

Some of the fruits that Djibouti is eying include: mangoes, pineapples, jack fruit, pawpaws and bananas, among others. John Kavuma, the president of FAUEX, requested Djibouti to grant them free clearance for Ugandan exports under the COMESA trading arrangement and also assist them secure a permanent warehouse, where goods shall be traded.

Majyambere granted Kavuma his wish, saying: "You are free to visit the country and make arrangements to secure that warehouse so that it can work as a one-stop shop for all Ugandan imports into our country." He said the country would make all the necessary arrangements to ensure that Ugandan products are secured into Djibouti.

Majyambere said because Djibouti was dry, they import all their pineapples and other fruit products from France. He pointed out that President Yoweri Museveni was invited to Djibouti in May to sign some trade and investment bilateral protocols but due to the swearing-in ceremony, he was represented by the vice president Edward Ssekandi.

Uganda has already been given the opportunity to export horticulture products to Djibouti under the COMESA trade arrangement. Kavuma said he was happy that Djibouti had opened up more space for Ugandan exports, urging businesses to take advantage of this opportunity.

Uganda: Djibouti Gives Uganda U.S. $20 Million for Fruits
 

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AfDB Helps DRC and Nile Equatorial Lakes Countries Increase Access to Electricity

African Development Bank (Abidjan)

7 JULY 2016

The African Development Bank has approved a USD 11 million grant to the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in support of a project to extend affordable electricity coverage within the country as well as to neighboring Nile Equatorial Lakes countries in the short term.

National electricity access rates across the Nile Equatorial Lake region are low, ranging between 2 and 17 percent, and only 4 percent in DRC. The country's North Kivu and South Kivu regions, areas in which the DRC component of the larger Nile Equatorial Lakes Subsidiary Action Program (NELSAP) is active, have a combined unmet electricity demand of 115 MW and experience rampant interruptions in supply. Diesel generators drive the majority of the country's private power production.

The overall objective of the NELSAP is to improve access to electricity within the Nile Basin Initiative countries through increased cross-border power trade following the establishment of Uganda-Rwanda and Kenya-Uganda interconnections, in addition to an upgrade of the existing interconnections between Burundi, the DRC and Rwanda.

The implementation NELSAP's DRC component will eventually bridge the energy gap in the provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu; promote energy trade between countries linked by the regional interconnected grid; and increase the electricity access rate in the project area from 4 to 7 percent. In addition, residents and economic operators in the project area will save on the cost of fuel used to power diesel generators for private power production.

AfDB Energy, Environment and Climate Change Department Director, Alex Rugamba, stated that, "In the DRC, this project will increase electricity supply, mainly from hydropower, at a much lower price than the cost of private power generation. It therefore supports AfDB's mission of bringing sustainable access to electricity throughout the region."

The DRC project components include: construction of a 95-kilometer 220 kV Goma-Bukavu line and the Buhandahanda substation; construction of a 13-kilometer 220 kV Goma-Gisenyi line and the Goma substation; studies; project monitoring and supervision; and project administration and management.

The Bank is co-financing the DRC project component with The Netherlands, which is providing a € 6.5 million grant. Funds for the entire NELSAP project (covering DRC, Rwanda, Burundi, Kenya and Uganda) have been mobilized from the AfDB, European Union, Government of Germany and its development bank (KfW); Japanese International Cooperation Agency, Government of the Netherlands, and Swedish International Development Agency at a total cost of USD 223 million, including approximately USD 10 million in counter-funding from the beneficiary countries.

AfDB Helps DRC and Nile Equatorial Lakes Countries Increase Access to Electricity
 

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Eskom’s capacity expansion programme for growth continuing at a pace

Tmg Digital | 10 July, 2016 09:20

BTeskom1122-23-07-2015-11-07-06-166-.jpg

Electricity power lines and cooling towers are seen at Eskom's Kendal power station in Delmas, South Africa. File photo.
Image by: Nadine Hutton/Bloomberg via Getty Images

Eskom says it is making major strides with its capacity expansion programme.

“We started the capacity expansion programme in 2005‚ to build new power stations and increase high-voltage transmission power lines and transformer capacity to meet South Africa’s rising demand for electricity‚ and also to diversify our energy mix.

“The programme‚ which started with the return-to-service (RTS) programme and is currently expected to be completed by 2022‚ will increase installed generation capacity by 17‚384MW‚ transmission lines by 9‚756km and substation capacity by 42‚470MVA‚” the electricity parastatal says.

Since inception‚ it says it has increased installed generation capacity mainly through the RTS programme and most recently‚ Medupi Unit 6 and Ingula Unit 4. Transmission lines have increased by 6‚162km and substation capacity by 32‚090MVA.

“The positive performance on capacity milestones is due to a number of milestones being achieved either on time or ahead of schedule‚ such as the synchronisation of Ingula Units 3‚ 4‚ 2 and 1 respectively; the commercial operation of Ingula Unit 4; the completion of the Kusile Unit 1 draught group run by the end of March 2016; and the earlier than planned achievement of the Medupi Unit 5 boiler hydro test and back-energisation.

“The construction of transmission lines and substation capacity commissioned exceeded target‚ mainly due to successful schedule management by our project managers and contractor performance exceeding expectations‚” Eskom adds.

Eskom’s capacity expansion programme for growth continuing at a pace
 

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Olam Pushes Farms in Africa Oil Producer to Stem Income Fall

by Pauline Bax
PaulineBax1

July 6, 2016 — 1:00 AM BRT | Updated on July 6, 2016 — 10:43 AM BRT | Share on Facebook | Share on Twitter
  • Commodity trader sends aspiring farmers abroad for training
  • Gabon wants to boost agricultural output to 20% of GDP
Gabon and Olam International Ltd. are trying to persuade young people to take up farming in a nation that faces dwindling crude revenue and imports almost all of its food.

As part of a government plan to develop cash crops, Singapore-based Olam offers to send aspiring Gabonese farmers on training courses in countries ranging from Morocco to Malaysia.

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Oil palm fields in Kango, Gabon.
Photographer: Xavier Bourgois/AFP via Getty Images


“We need to foster the development of an agro-industry here,” Gagan Gupta, country head at the company’s Gabon unit, said in a phone interview. “It’s about creating human capital.”

At least 2,500 people will be able to observe cocoa farming in Ivory Coast, train as bulldozer operators in Morocco or learn modern farming techniques at a palm-oil plantation in Asia, Gupta said by phone from the capital, Libreville. Olam has partnered with Gabon to develop 100,000 hectares (247,000 acres) of oil-palm plantations in the nation, which has a population of less than 2 million.

Large-scale investments in the agricultural sector, especially in cash crops such as palm oil and rubber, may reverse Gabon’s slowdown in growth, according to the International Monetary Fund. Economic growth is expected to be about 3.2 percent this year, from 4 percent in 2015, because of declining crude production, the Washington-based lender said.

Land Titles

President Ali Bongo, 57, who will run for a second term in August, has said he wants to boost agricultural output to as much as 20 percent of gross domestic product by 2020, from about 5 percent at present. Under the government’s agriculture program, which began in 2014 and is known as Graine, people who complete a training course or are seen as eligible to farm can obtain land titles in less than a year. Graine is meant to “turn farmers into entrepreneurs,” Gupta said.

Oil accounts for 85 percent of Gabon’s exports and about 50 percent of revenue, according to the government. Output peaked at 370,000 barrels a day in 1997, after which it gradually declined to about 215,000 barrels daily last year. An oil producer since 1957, Gabon has Africa’s lowest population density and few paved roads, with its second-biggest city and economic hub, Port-Gentil, only accessible by air. Most people lost interest in agriculture as they migrated from rural to urban areas, Gupta said.

The government has also fast-tracked the process of issuing land titles to cooperatives and individuals to boost agriculture, Gupta said. About 4,000 people have registered for the program in the hope of obtaining land, he said.

Olam is currently developing 50,000 hectares of arable land into an industrial oil-palm plantation in northern Gabon, according to Gupta. Once the farm is completed, an additional 30,000 hectares will be laid out for small-scale palm-oil growers.


Olam Pushes Farms in Africa Oil Producer to Stem Income Fall
 

Poitier

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May 23, 2016 7:07 pm

South Africa’s plans for its first ‘black bank’
Regulators must look carefully at the implications of Absa purchase
56002425-624f-4002-afd5-c22a93e5cef2.img
©Bloomberg
The headquarters of Absa Group in Johannesburg, South Africa

B
lack economic empowerment has been an important goal for South Africa since the end of apartheid in 1994. The aim has been to give the country’s disadvantaged majority a bigger stake in the economy. Yet despite the policy’s mixed record, people within the ruling African National Congress could be planning a radical departure.

A plan under consideration by the Public Investment Corporation (PIC), the state pension fund, would see the acquisition of a controlling stake in Absa, one of the country’s biggest banks, to create a majority black-owned institution backed by powerful investors.

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Doing more to raise up the black population is a prerequisite for the country’s future stability, and the government is right to push for it. Despite all the promise of 1994, there has been no great entrepreneurial lift off. For the majority of the population, livelihoods have yet to improve to any meaningful extent.

But intervening to place Absa in the hands of a select group of individuals and institutions is not the best way of changing that. South Africa’s third-largest bank by market capitalisation, presently controlled by the UK’s Barclays, is scarcely a basket case requiring a new business model. The decision to sell it, along with the rest of the African assets in its portfolio, has more to do with Barclays’ balance sheet than Absa’s performance.

In theory, the “black bank” envisaged by PIC, with backing from the ANC, would help to remedy continuing social injustice by investing more proactively than other banks in small black-owned enterprises that have been starved to date of credit.

Such an ambition is understandable — certainly from a political perspective. Public frustration with the slow progress towards creating a more equal society has given rise to populists such as Julius Malema with radical agendas, including the expropriation of white-owned corporations. His ideas are steadily gaining ground.

There are, however, valid reasons to worry about a politically connected takeover of Absa, which is one of the most important suppliers of capital to the South African economy. There are questions about superimposing social objectives on to financial criteria when directing pensioners’ savings or the capital of depositors. The risk is even greater when it involves an economy as riddled with patronage as the country has become.

It may be that South African capitalists are simply too risk averse or myopic to invest in value adding projects put to them by smaller enterprises run by black entrepreneurs. But there are other mechanisms the government could use to remedy this situation. The state could, for instance, establish its own national investment bank with a mission to seek out and back such projects.

Assuming it invested wisely, this new financial institution would then earn superior returns, demonstrating to the private sector the value of what it was missing out on.

This is a delicate time for the country. Black economic empowerment is under fire for fostering cronyism and corruption by allowing a small politically-connected elite to prosper while bringing no appreciable benefit to the disadvantaged. While PIC has a record as a responsible investor, it could emerge as the sleeping partner in any empowerment deal to acquire Barclays Africa. Fortunately, the regulators in South Africa, whose approval would be required, remain independent. They should bear in mind how much is at stake.

South Africa’s plans for its first ‘black bank’ - FT.com
 
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Poitier

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Chances for a black-owned bank are a dime a dozen
BY PHAKAMISA NDZAMELA FEBRUARY 02 2016, 05:59


Handshake.jpg


THE rumblings about the need to start a black-owned bank began last year, as if such an entity has never existed in SA. To remind those who might have forgotten, not only have there been several in the past, but such a bank does exist — it is situated in Sunninghill and simply needs capital to be able to grow.

One day a foreign investor or some big private equity player will grab it and people will complain after the fact about how black South Africans lost out on another opportunity to build a black-owned bank.

The entity I am referring to is a small bank, Ubank, which is led by credible black executives with wide banking experience, such as Luthando Vutula and Madoda Petros. The last time I checked the bank’s annual report, its board also featured other respected people, such as Sango Ntsaluba.

It, therefore, does not seem like an entity that will fold tomorrow.

Ubank, previously Teba Bank, is owned by a trust managed by the Chamber of Mines and the National Union of Mineworkers.

It caters largely for the mining community and understands the financial needs of black workers.

Ubank is not the only banking opportunity out there; there are many others staring us in the face. Another one to look at would be Barclays Africa, previously known as Absa Group. I believe Barclays Africa’s parent in London (Barclays Plc) is considering the reduction of its 62% shareholding in the Johannesburg-headquartered banking group.

In my experience as a journalist, I have learnt that large corporations do not take kindly to false rumours and are quick to issue statements rebutting those that are not true. But neither Barclays Plc nor Barclays Africa have done so since the rumours started circulating.

Should Barclays Plc put a deal on the table, there is an opportunity for black business groups, some of which have accumulated billions of rand in capital in the past two decades, to club together and acquire a significant stake in Absa and Barclays Africa’s eight other operations in Africa.

But this would require big black capital to take the plunge and acquire a significant holding.

It would mean black capital adopting the modus operandi of Afrikaners. Businessmen such as Christo Wiese, Markus Jooste, Jannie Mouton and several others co-invest to create a big dream and do not compete.

Creating a big black-owned bank or grabbing a sizeable chunk of Barclays Africa would equally mean that wealthy black businessmen would have to club together and shed any idea of wanting to compete with each other. There are many of these black dollar millionaires in SA.

The Public Investment Corporation (PIC) could also consider warehousing a portion of the stake for the black consortium. There is nothing scandalous about that.

Those who bothered to read what the then Public Debt Commissioner (predecessor to the PIC) did to prop up the Afrikaner community should have no qualms at all if Dan Matjila were to set aside some capital to help build a black bank.

On top of the resources available to the PIC, perhaps Sanlam could consider taking back what it has sold and acquire a portion of Barclays Africa.

When Barclays acquired a 55% stake in Absa more than 10 years ago for $5.5bn, the Canary Wharf-based bank bought the shares from Sanlam, Remgro and a number of minorities. Sanlam continues to be a significant shareholder in Barclays Africa, with a stake valued at more than R2bn the last time I looked.

You are probably wondering where black investors might fit into this? Patrice Motsepe’s Ubuntu-Botho is a key strategic partner of Sanlam and the two parties have started co-investing as Motsepe prepares to fulfil an ambition of creating a black-controlled financial services empire. Ubuntu-Botho could consider co-investing with Sanlam in Barclays Africa if there is a deal on the table.

Grabbing Absa operations would also reclaim Meeg Bank, a black-owned institution that was sold to Absa Group.

It is never too late to build a sizeable black-owned bank. It is false to say the market is saturated and, therefore, the horse has bolted. Look at what Capitec has achieved, and it was started only at the turn of the millennium. Discovery is also working on the banking licence process with the South African Reserve Bank. Finbond, one of the new growing banks in SA, only started rolling out transactional banking two years ago, and Sasfin is now on the same path.

A big black-owned bank has to be different. It has to understand the deep financial needs and conditions of many black people. It cannot simply operate in the same way as the existing banks. That sizeable black-owned bank will have to understand things such as lending to people who have assets, but no title deeds.

It will have to be prepared to promote financial inclusion in a manner that is not divorced from the way many black people live, especially in rural areas.

It must recognise that the wealth of many black people is in the form of livestock, and help communities leverage off assets that continue to be largely unrecognised.

The bank will have to offer a broader set of savings products and not oversell funeral cover to the black communities. Black people want to save too and crave products that have good returns. They want to know about equity and bond markets — they do not want to be restricted to the 32-day deposit account.

• Ndzamela is finance writer
Chances for a black-owned bank are a dime a dozen
 

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Nomvula Mokonyane’s Watergate

2016-07-10 06:57

9cd3986b357c4f6186f65ee0659fcb86.jpg

The Katse Dam is part of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project and supplies water to Gauteng. Picture: Deaan Vivier

Allegations of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project being ‘captured’ by politically connected businesses are gaining ground with a year-long delay in construction – and South Africans will be paying for rising costs


Water Affairs and Sanitation Minister Nomvula Mokonyane is set to be grilled by the Public Protector’s office this week in connection with her involvement in the attempted “hijack and capture” of the binational Lesotho Highlands Water Project by a politically connected business entity and senior politicians from the landlocked country.

Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s office confirmed the meeting, as did Mokonyane’s spokespeople, who said she was cooperating and had “given a date to engage with the Public Protector”.

The minister is said to have personally intervened to delay the project by a year to enable the involvement in the lucrative project of LTE Consulting, a company with which she has a long-standing relationship and which is a generous funder of the ANC.

City Press has established that LTE has made donations to the ANC amounting to R3.5 million in the past two months.

The R26 billion project is aimed at building a massive dam and tunnels to ensure the continuous supply of fresh water from Lesotho to Gauteng. It is overseen by three delegates per country comprising high-level officials who form the Lesotho Highlands Water Commission, a binational structure.

Lesotho Highlands Water Project
The R26bn Lesotho Highlands Water Project involves the construction of a 165m dam, a 38km tunnel and the generation of hydroenergy. The project, which will be constructed inside the borders of Lesotho. South African taxpayers will fund the entire project and Gauteng water users will pay royalties to Lesotho. The scope of the project is estimated to be equal to 100 Nkandla renovations.

LATE AND EXPENSIVE
Commencement of work on the project has now fallen a year behind because of the delay that Mokonyane ordered.

The year-long delay of Phase Two – the first phase was in the 1980s and 1990s – means the project will only be completed in 2025 instead of 2024. As a result, the original price tag of R22 billion has surged to R26 billion.

Senior officials on both sides of the border say the delay was a deliberate ploy by Mokonyane to buy time for LTE to get involved.

It is not clear how much LTE stood to gain from the project, but the standard fee for consultants is usually 10% of the total cost.

LTE is already the beneficiary of R5 billion worth of projects from the department. Some of these are the subject of a special investigating unit probe, following President Jacob Zuma’s issuing of a proclamation to probe the company in April.

eba48fd626a842bb9c8845c5a38c07df.jpg


FIRING AND HIRING
Between last year and this year, the South African and Lesotho governments fired officials who were seen as obstacles to enabling the deal with LTE by senior politicians and replaced them with favoured officials. City Press can today reveal that:

• In March 2015, Mokonyane’s director-general, Margaret-Ann Diedricks, demanded that Dr Zodwa Dlamini – South Africa’s chief delegate to the water commission – halt the project’s procurement processes, offering no reasons for this.

• LTE boss Thulani Majola met with Lesotho officials to demand tenders, freely dropping Mokonyane’s name in the meetings.

• In October, Mokonyane removed Dlamini – who has 10 years of experience in water mega-projects – from the project, offering no reasons for this. She was replaced by Gauteng’s former MEC for infrastructure development Bheki Nkosi, who served under Mokonyane when she was Gauteng premier, and worked alongside her in ANC provincial structures.

• In April 2015, Maseru’s government removed Charles Putsoane, its most senior and experienced official from the project, citing “incompetence and insubordination”.

• Dlamini and Putsoane were removed after meeting with LTE Consulting and refusing to give the company tenders without going through the formal process.

• Masupha Sole, who served time in jail for corruption in Phase 1A of the project has been roped back in as adviser to Mokonyane’s Lesotho counterpart Ralechate Mokose.

• Madonsela is now investigating the circumstances surrounding Dlamini’s removal from the project.

MINISTER: IT’S ALL ABOUT TRANSFORMATION
The department of water affairs and sanitation denied any wrongdoing by Mokonyane, saying allegations of an improper relationship between her and LTE bosses “are false, malicious, speculative and calculated to discredit and damage her good name”.

The department said her sudden halting of procurement was prompted by the need to incorporate transformation objectives ensuring that black people, women, the disabled and poor communities benefited.

It added that both parties agreed to amend procurement policies to address transformation that would benefit black emerging companies in both countries. The office would not comment on Dlamini’s axing as this was before the Public Protector.

THE ALLEGED CAPTURE
On December 1 2015, Mokonyane wrote to her counterpart Mokose, informing him that she was removing Dlamini from the project and that communication with her “has to cease with immediate effect”. Mokonyane gave no reasons for doing so.

On the same day, she wrote another letter, notifying Mokose that Nkosi, who was acting CEO of the Gauteng Gambling Board at the time, would replace Dlamini.

Dlamini refused to comment, but a source at the water commission said Dlamini’s woes and fallout with Mokonyane began in March last year, when the commission issued prequalification tenders for the design of the dam and tunnel.

The source, a senior administrator, said director-general Diedricks wrote to Dlamini, instructing her not to proceed with the tenders.

The letter read: “You are hereby advised that the RSA government is concerned about the proceeding of the tender adjudication procedures until such time as RSA has had an opportunity to engage with the government of Lesotho on this matter. It would therefore be appreciated if the bid documents received remain sealed and in safe custody until the two countries have had an opportunity to discuss and agree on how to proceed with the tender adjudication process.”

This was followed by visits to Lesotho by Mokonyane in August and October to meet with Mokose. On both visits, she stressed the need for South Africans and Basotho to benefit from the project.

MINISTER WANTS TO BE CLOSER
According to a Lesotho official, in the August meeting with the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority (LHDA) and Mokose, Mokonyane said she felt that the South African government was “too far” from the project.

“She said she sees things happening and reads the newspapers. You could see that she wanted something and that Dlamini was a stumbling block,” he said.

Minutes of her October visit show Mokonyane proposed that two “senior politicians” from both countries be appointed to the LHDA board as representatives. The department claims both ministers (Mokonyane and her Lesotho counterpart) agreed at the meeting that transformation objectives were not reached.

By that time, Lesotho’s Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili had axed that country’s chief delegate to the commission, Putsoane, an engineer with 31 years of experience, and replaced him with Tsiu Khathibe as acting chief delegate.

Mosisili’s April 23 dismissal letter to Putsoane reads: “Your performance on the implementation of the Lesotho Highlands Water Project has not expedited smooth implementation of the project. As a result, your contract of employment is terminated.”

Putsoane went to court and was granted an R8 million settlement.

In August, Putsoane wrote a letter to his former boss, water affairs director-general Tau Khomoatsana, putting on record that he had previously asked him to appoint a firm of auditors to investigate “exactly what had gone wrong with the management of the project”.

He added that he was concerned that “the situation is being deliberately confused and manipulated to accommodate corrupt activities. This is déjà vu. Some of us saw this modus operandi before, during Phase 1A.

“It doesn’t give me joy to see corruption once more being perpetuated with impunity in this project, as is the case now. I could not pretend that I enjoy seeing the project turned into a money-making machine for some individuals corruptly, with impunity,” Putsoane wrote.

A senior official in the water commission said the way Dlamini and Putsoane were axed, and replaced with less knowledgeable people, showed the ground was being laid for the “capture” of the project.

“They also want politicians to represent both governments on the board – why? Is that not capture?” the official said.

The department denied “politicians” would be appointed to the board, saying “officials” from both countries’ departments would be assigned to ensure “prompt reporting to their respective departments”. It said Sole’s co-option was raised with the Lesotho government and was subject to discussion between the countries.

But the official claims the deployment of the convicted Sole was a clear indication of both countries’ politicians’ intentions.

LTE IS KNOCKING ON THE DOOR
An executive at the water commission told City Press that LTE boss Majola paid the delegates from both visits at different times, trying to convince them to give his company tenders.

“During the visits he ensured that he mentioned Lesotho’s deputy prime minister, Mothetjoa Metsing, and South Africa’s Mokonyane. On these visits, Majola was instructed to identify companies in Lesotho, as well as global companies, that he could form joint ventures with – and [that he should] present solid proposals and bids as the criteria were stringent,” said the executive.

Another senior executive at the commission told City Press that a senior politician in Lesotho later facilitated a meeting between LTE and Putsoane. “Majola visited Putsoane on his own, and asked him for tenders. Putsoane gave him a list of all upcoming tenders and told him to submit his bid. Majola said he was not interested in submitting a bid and that he would approach Mokonyane. So when the initial rejection from the water affairs department in Pretoria arrived [of the prequalification of bids for the design of the dam and tunnel], Putsoane was not surprised. He was expecting it,” he said.

LTE did not respond to City Press’ inquiries.

THE DELAYS
The senior official said following Diedricks’ instruction to Dlamini to stop the procurement process, Mokonyane’s department rejected the companies which the LHDA had initially shortlisted. They were instructed to re-advertise. “During the first round of the tenders, LTE did not tender. The second time they were there, but they presented a very poor tender,” the official said.

Another senior official at the commission, who was present when LTE’s bid was evaluated, confirmed it was poor.

“They had two engineers in a project that requires between 10 and 15 highly qualified engineers with experience in dam design and construction. Those two cannot even build a farm dam and think that they can build a 165m dam. What a joke.”

The official said there were little changes to the companies that had been prequalified during the first round. “About 95% were the same companies that had been prequalified during the first round.”

Professor Mike Muller, former water affairs director-general, said the axing of Dlamini and Putsoane had weakened the commission and warned that it would be impossible to complete the project.

“Without a good team of technically sound managers, the ability of people to make small changes in the project, which could run into millions, is very real. We need a technically sound team at the commission. What we are seeing now are efforts to capture the commission and weaken the team,” he said.

Gauteng water users would eventually pay for the cost overruns.

“The capture of the commission will push up the costs of the project because of possible corruption,” he warned.

Nomvula Mokonyane’s Watergate
 
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