Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

Poitier

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Fed up and not afraid!
JACQUELIN KATANEKSZA

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Image Credit: AFP

Following weeks of public demonstrations against corruption, bad governance and a rapidly deteriorating economy, people all across Zimbabwe heeded a call last week for a nationwide stay-away, in an act of defiance against the government.

In recent weeks, protests both within and outside the country have increased in both number and intensity. On Friday July 1, the Zimbabwe-South Africa border post, Beitbridge, was shut down and a Zimbabwe Revenue Authority warehouse set on fire, after citizens took to the streets to protest agovernment ban on the importation of basic goods.

On Monday July 4, public transportation drivers in Harare clashed violently with police during riots over police harassment and extortion on the roads, while in London, UK activists besieged Finance Minister Patrick Chinamasa. The following day, teachers, doctors and nurses in Zimbabwe began nationwide strikes over the government’s failure to pay their salaries on time.

President Robert Mugabe’s order for Zimbabweans to “go about their normal business” on Wednesday went unheeded. Rather, the national stay-away day, galvanized by the social media movement#ThisFlag (to contest ownership of national symbols by the ruling party), marked one of the biggest and most peaceful stay-away actions since 2007.

In South Africa, a wing of demonstrators from the #tajamuka movement, called for Zimbabwean residents there to protest outside the Zimbabwean consulate. The Zimbabwean government responded by shutting down the social media networks, particularly Whatsapp, in an effort to thwart the stay-away. The Postal and Telecommunications Regulatory Authority of Zimbabwe (POTRAZ) further warned members of the public against sharing information or images pertaining to the stay-away, citing such materials as threatening, subversive and offensive, and stating that anyone generating or sharing such materials would be arrested. Hackers from the group Anonymous Africa retaliated by shutting down government websites and the state controlled broadcaster, the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation (ZBC). In the aftermath of the stay-away, leaders of the #tajamuka movement are calling on citizens to march on the State House this coming Saturday and demand Mugabe’s resignation.

While stay-aways have been held several times since 2000, this one is markedly different on account of its non-partisanship, and its use of social media as a mechanism through which to foment and coordinate dissent: Citizens, through direct public mobilization, have deliberately articulated the need for an alternative social order; they have done so without a formal opposition political party to galvanize them; they have done so using the technological avenues available to them. Zimbabwean Twitter feeds, Whatsapp threads and Facebook walls have become spaces of electronic civil disobedience.

This digital activism is not restricted to the online environment. It has manifested in the form of collective public action. The use of social media platforms allows for the co-construction of a new type of social movement and the possibility for alternative forms of social, political and economic organization. Concrete demands have been made. Calls have gone out for the government to remove roadblocks that police officers use to demand bribes, pay civil servants on time (by the end of last week, the government had paid some of the salary arrears), take action against corrupt ministers, remove import controls (which have since been somewhat relaxed), and rescind plans to introduce “bond notes” as a means of easing the liquidity crisis in the country.

Mugabe’s government is facing serious popular resistance. Could this resistance be the basis of a national movement with real political potential? Yes, absolutely. Zimbabwe is in a new phase of politics. The public demonstrations – both organic in the form of riots and protests and organized in the form of the strike and national stay-away – point to an increasingly active and performative citizenry. Through the interface of global digital platforms and local activism, Zimbabweans are reconfiguring visibility and voice, understanding them locally, nationally and transnationally, and thereby illuminating new possibilities for alternative subjectivities and social formations.

But, there are concerns. As things stand, three separate resistance blocs are most visible; #ThisFlag, #tajamuka and Acie Lumumba’s fledgling political party, Viva Zimbabwe. A key challenge moving forward is to foster a continued coalescence of ideas, visions and plans beyond anti-Mugabe rhetoric and politics. The recent and ongoing actions in Zimbabwe point to very real forces at work, with the potential to transmute political and social arrangements within the country. Looking ahead, Zimbabweans will need to harness those actions, ideals and agendas cohesively so as not to lose momentum or face the risk of falling into obscurity – the unfortunate and all too common destination of many such movements.

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Ivory Coast aims to double oil and gas output by 2020

Thu Jul 14, 2016 7:06am GMT


By Loucoumane Coulibaly

YAMOUSSOUKRO (Reuters) - Ivory Coast aims to roughly double oil and gas output by 2020 as it pushes for foreign investment in offshore exploration, the head of state oil and gas company Petroci said on Wednesday.

While it has developed natural gas deposits for domestic consumption, French-speaking West Africa's largest economy has ignored its energy sector for decades as the government concentrated on developing agricultural exports.

Authorities are now seeking to develop offshore reserves in the oil-rich Gulf of Guinea.

"Today we have around 60 blocks. We've awarded about 20," Petroci's Managing Director Ibrahima Diaby said on the sidelines of an energy conference in Ivory Coast's capital Yamoussoukro.

"With current exploration our ambition is to reach 200,000 BOE (barrel of oil equivalent) in 2020," he said.

That's around twice current output levels.

Companies either currently conducting exploration in Ivory Coast or preparing to do so include France's Total, U.S. firms Exxon Mobil and Anadarko, and Africa-focused Tullow Oil.

Russia's second-largest oil producer Lukoil withdrew from its Ivorian operations earlier this year. [nR4N14X016]

Ivory Coast has also been expanding its existing oil and gas production.

It has one of West Africa's most reliable power grids, with few blackouts, allowing it to export electricity to its neighbours. But since 2012 an economic boom has seen demand balloon by around 10 percent annually, straining capacity.

Diaby said Canadian Natural Resources and Ivory Coast's Foxtrot International had raised daily natural gas production to 250 million cubic feet from 220 million three years ago.

Ivory Coast's daily crude oil output meanwhile has risen to 53,000 barrels per day (bpd) from around 30,000 bpd last year, he said.

The country is also pushing forward with plans to begin importing liquefied natural gas (LNG) to supplement domestic supply to its gas-fired power plants.

Deals are still being finalised and Diaby declined to give further details, but said the first LNG shipments were expected to arrive in 2018.

Houston, Texas-based Endeavor Energy said in March that it was seeking to secure financing by the end of the year for a $900 million gas-fired power project in Ivory Coast that would be fuelled by imported LNG. [nL5N16U61Q]



(Writing by Joe Bavier; Editing by Susan Fenton)


© Thomson Reuters 2016 All rights reserved

Ivory Coast aims to double oil and gas output by 2020
 
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Yehuda

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Namibia: Historic Breakthrough for Namibian Beef to U.S. Markets

New Era (Windhoek)


15 JULY 2016

By Deon Schlechter

Windhoek — Namibia yesterday became the first African country whose much sought-after beef qualified for the lucrative export markets of the United States of America and exports to the USA could start as soon as September, it transpired yesterday.

The approval for Namibian beef to enter the US market came mere hours after a Meatco announcement that it is in the process of finalising the trade licence with the regulatory body in China before exports to that Asian country can commence.

The US Department of Agriculture Food Safety and Inspection Service yesterday confirmed the eligibility of Namibia to export meat products to the US, according to a statement issued by the US Embassy in Windhoek. It said: "On July 13, 2016, the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) added Namibia to the list of countries eligible to export beef to the United States."

Namibia intends to export some 860 000 kg of beef in the first year, rising to 5.7 million kg by the fifth year. The projected Namibian beef imports in the first year would only be about 0.008 percent of total US production and 0.07 percent of total US meat imports. To date, only 33 countries worldwide have been approved to export meat to the US.

The breakthrough for Namibian beef to the US comes after the United States Cattlemen's Association (USCA) initially opposed Namibian beef on the grounds of the potential risk of foot and mouth disease (FMD) spreading to that country's livestock market as a result of Namibia's proximity to FMD-affected countries Angola, Zambia and Botswana.

Only South Africa and southern Botswana have been classified as FMD-free without vaccination.

Yesterday, the Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS) said it is amending the federal meat inspection regulations to add Namibia to the list of countries eligible to export meat and meat products to the US. The new trade arrangement will thus only come into effect after the rule change is finalised in September.

"FSIS has reviewed Namibia's laws, regulations, and inspection system as implemented, and has determined that they are equivalent to the Federal Meat Inspection Act (FMIA), the regulations implementing this statute, and the United States food safety system for meat and meat products.

"Under this final rule, Namibia will only be able to export to the United States boneless (not ground) raw beef products, such as primal cuts, chuck, blade, and beef trimmings, processed in certified Namibian establishments, because FSIS only assessed Namibia's meat inspection system with respect to these products, a statement by the US Office of Policy and Programme Development, Food Safety and Inspection Service, confirmed.

Evaluation of the Namibian meat inspection system started in 2002 and resumed in 2005 after which the government of Namibia requested approval to export beef products to the US. Namibia stated that, if approved, its immediate intent was to export boneless (not ground) raw beef products, such as primal cuts, chuck, blade, and beef trimmings to the US market.

In 2006, FSIS conducted a document review to evaluate the laws, regulations, and other documentation used by Namibia to execute its meat inspection programme and an on-site audit of Namibia's meat inspection system and identified systemic deficiencies. In response to this audit, Namibia submitted a corrective action plan that addressed FSIS's findings.

In 2009, FSIS conducted a follow-up on-site audit to verify that all outstanding issues identified during the previous audit have been addressed. Following that on-site audit, Namibia again provided a corrective action plan to address the issues identified.

In 2013, FSIS proceeded with a follow-up on-site audit of Namibia's meat inspection system and verified that Namibia had satisfactorily implemented corrective actions in response to the 2009 on-site audit. Following a series of further audits to ensure Namibia complies with US regulatory standards, FSIS determined on the basis of the 2014 on-site audit that Namibia fully met the criteria.

In its statement, the US Embassy in Windhoek said: "Namibia may also receive approval to export other meat products in the future by showing that those products meet other applicable US requirements for those products."

Namibia: Historic Breakthrough for Namibian Beef to U.S. Markets
 

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Hawassa Industrial Park - The Largest Industrial Park in Ethiopia
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Hawassa Industrial Park Inauguration Press Release
Ethiopia Inaugurates Largest Chinese-built Hawassa Industrial Park
July 16, 2016

Business, News
Addis Ababa (Xinhua)―Ethiopia on Tuesday inaugurated its largest industrial park so far as it races to meet its development target and create enough job opportunities for the young population.

The 1.3 million square meters industrial park dedicated solely to the textile and apparel sector is located in Hawassa city, 275 kms southeast of Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa.

Haielmariam Desalegn, Prime Minister of Ethiopia, said that the eco-friendly Hawassa industrial park will showcase that environmental protection and development can go hand in hand.

“The manufacturing sector’s share in Ethiopia’s Growth Domestic Product (GDP) for many years stood at only 5 percent, showing the need for economic structural challenge if the country is to meet its economic promise” said the PM.

Yuan Li, Chairman of China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC), which designed and built the industrial park, said that Hawassa Industrial Park (HIP) has already attracted 15 major manufacturing firms from China, Indonesia, U.S. and Ethiopia.

ALSO READ: Aysha Wind Farm to Be Built in Somali Regional State, Ethiopia
“Industrial parks create powerful wing for economic development of a country, our company deem ourselves as a strategic long-term link between China and Ethiopia” said Yuan.
Arkebe Oqubay, special advisor to the PM said the park can attract Chinese firms that are moving overseas to open plants.

According to him, Ethiopia with a young labor force of 45 million people has a huge potential in the manufacturing sector.

“As annual manufacturing growth currently is 25 percent, in 10 years time, it’s projected to increase its GDP share by four fold and it’s share in exports to 50 percent,” said Arkebe Oqubay.

The Hawassa Industrial Park is expected to employ 60,000 people at full capacity and be able to generate export revenue amounting to 1 billion U.S. dollars.
 

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South Africa beats Egypt, now Africa's second biggest economy behind Nigeria

July 17, 2016 | 15:08


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The South African economy is officially Africa’s second biggest, only behind Nigeria. The rainbow nation surpassed north African giant, Egypt, to become the continent’s second biggest economy.

According to the latest projections by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), South Africa has gone ahead of Egypt after recording a Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of around $275 billion, $5 billion more than Egypt’s $270 billion.



Nigeria’s economy has meanwhile slumped significantly since the long expected currency devaluation which saw the Naira drop by an estimated 30 percent.

Despite the devaluation, and drop in oil prices, the west African nation – and Africa’s most populous country – remains the continent’s biggest economy.

The gap between South Africa and Nigeria is now much lesser, standing at $60 billion compared to the $170 billion gap recorded at the end of last year. The data shows that Africa’s biggest economies have faced a tough 2016 so far, with all three leading markets down significantly from their position at the end of 2015.

South Africa has lost in excess of $35 billion (from $313 billion at the end of 2015), while Egypt has lost around $60 billion (from $330 billion), and Nigeria has lost as much as $155 billion (from $490 billion).

South Africa beats Egypt, now Africa's second biggest economy behind Nigeria
 
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Morocco seeks to rejoin African Union after 32 years
  • 4 hours ago
  • From the sectionAfrica
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Image copyrightAP
Image captionLast month Morocco's King Mohammed VI met Rwandan President Paul Kagame, whose country is hosting the AU summit
Morocco has formally announced its wish to rejoin the African Union, 32 years after leaving the organisation.

In a message to the AU summit in Rwanda, the Moroccan King Mohammed VI said the time had come for his country to retake its place within its institutional family.

Morocco left the AU in 1984, after the organisation recognised the independence of Western Sahara.

Moroccans describe Western Sahara as their country's "southern provinces".

For more than three decades, Morocco has refused to be part of the organisation.

In March, it threatened to pull its soldiers out of UN global peacekeeping missions because of the dispute.

Now, the Moroccan authorities seem to have concluded their absence hasn't helped them diplomatically over Western Sahara and many other issues, says the BBC's Africa Reporter James Copnall.

They sent a special envoy to lobby African leaders at their summit in the Rwandan capital Kigali this weekend.

The AU has said that it will continue pushing for the rights of the people of Western Sahara to hold a self-determination referendum.

Morocco is the only African country which is not an AU member.

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Morocco seeks to rejoin African Union after 32 years - BBC News
 

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Cape Town group marches on US consulate over #blacklivesmatter
2016-07-13 12:51
Jenna Etheridge, News24


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Members of Black Solidarity Action march on the US consulate in Cape Town. (Jenna Etheridge, News24)

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'Black Lives Matter': Thousands protest in US cities
Cape Town - A long line of policemen blocked around 50 members of Black Solidarity Action from marching on the US consulate in Cape Town in solidarity with the #blacklivesmatter movement on Wednesday morning.

Having been stopped a few hundred metres from the consulate in Steenberg, the members of the solidarity group shouted that this was a violation of their constitutional rights.

"Look his face, it's red. You can see the hate in his eyes," one of the marchers said, pointing to an officer in protest gear.

A Nyala and a few other public order police (Pop) unit vans stood nearby.


Pastor Xola Skosana, speaking on behalf of the group, told Pop commander Lieutenant Colonel Jimmy Lucas that their intentions were peaceful.

They wanted to march to the consulate to hand over a memorandum on the killing of black people in the United States. He said it was an emotional issue, but there would not be violence.

After some negotiation, Skosana and Lucas walked to the consulate to point out how close to the building the group would be allowed to stand.

The marchers then gathered a short distance from the main entrance, where 15 Pop officers formed a barrier line.

They held up posters that stated "stop killing blacks", "black pride", "black power" and "bring back my people" among other messages.

The group has called for the withdrawal of the US from South Africa until the killings stop.

The consulate's US flag stood at half mast following the Dallas shootings.

Lucas warned he would be forced to open a docket for an illegal gathering

SA supports USA blacks
BY VOICE REPORTER ON JULY 14, 2016HUB PAGE: NEWS
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IN SOLIDARITY: Black South Africans protest outside the US consulate.


Black Solidarity Action protest at US consulate.

Black South Africans have adopted the call of their American counterparts #BlackLivesMatter.

A group of members from Black Solidarity Action yesterday protested in front of the US consulate in Tokai, demanding the embassy close its doors.

Scores of cops blocked the protesters from getting closer to the precinct a few hundred metres away, with members of the solidarity group shouting that this was a violation of their constitutional rights.

“You can see the hate in his eyes,” one of the marchers shouted, pointing to a cop dressed in riot gear.

The march to the US consulate comes a week after the killing of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile in Minnesota, by white cops.

The BSA says: “Their only crime was being BLACK and by logic of the white supremacist nation that is the USA, deserved to be eliminated from the face of the earth.”

After negotiations with cops, the marchers were reportedly allowed to gather closer to the main entrance, where more than a dozen cops formed a barrier line.

They held up posters that stated “stop killing blacks”, “we will defend ourselves by any means” and “bring back my people” among other messages.

The group has called for the withdrawal of the US from South Africa until the killings stop.

The consulate’s US flag stood at half mast following the Dallas shootings in which five cops were killed.

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The Turkish Coup In Context: Redrawing The Map Of The CIA Drug Trade

JULY 20, 2016

By Rusticus

It’s been four short days since the July 15, 2016 coup d’état (color revolution?) attempt in Turkey, and already, the open-source research community is well underway in digesting what’s just occurred. President Recep Erdogan was quick to place the blame at the feet of his long-time political opponent (and likely CIA asset), a multi-billionaire “refugee” hiding out in the woods of western Pennsylvania – cleric Fethullah Gülen. Gülen, in turn, pointed the finger back at Erdogan, suggesting that the coup was staged for the express intent of centralizing authority.

However, the Erdogan v. Gülen feud isn’t what this article is about; at least notdirectly. There’s a lot for the curious Reader to sink their teeth into there – from the ever-mysterious Gülen’s activities running the largest chain of Charter Schools in America (funded in part by the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and currently under investigation by the FBI for money laundering) to Recep Erdogan’s love affair with NATO intelligence just a few years prior. Inquiring minds will quickly concede that this entire Turkish affair is (and has long been) a proverbial rat’s nest of Intelligencia and regime change.


Wherever the rats are scurrying, one’s likely to find some cheese close by – and the opium flows from Afghanistan bound for the Western world provide plenty of it. Buried among the headlines of the day was a story regarding Turkey’s Incirlik Air Base losing power during the attempted coup. When the lights came back on and the dust settled, Incirlik’s NATO-led “anti-Daesh” operations were given the continued green light, though the base’s Turkish commander remains in custody.

While many have been focused on the concerning amount of American nuclear warheads residing in Incirlik, its position as the drop-shipper of refined Afghan heroin bound for Western markets is equally pertinent. A politically uncertain climate in Turkey (to say the least) coupled with the general chaos of the region calls the future of NATO’s longstanding Incirlik drug-running operation into question – and that’s the finest wheel of Dutch Gouda the CIA’s had its mitts on since Iran-Contra.

Fortunately for the Agency (and correspondingly unfortunate for America’s nonviolent prison population), CIA’s “response” to this Turkish chaos has been anything but reactionary. In fact, their preparedness for such a contingency began in earnest years ago – to such an extent that the entire map of the CIA’s post-9/11 drug trade is being redrawn before our very eyes.

The Gulf of Guinea: The New(ish) and (not so) Improved MENA Drug Route

Readers of Stateless Homesteading will recall that back in November of 2015, we published an article detailing the significant uptick in heroin and cocaine trafficking coming from West Africa – an old route once used by CIA front-men Meyer Lansky and “Lucky” Luciano and their Operation Gladio partners in Lebanon, refined opium would make its way from the Middle East to New York via an airport in Accra, Ghana.

With the explosion of Nicaraguan cocaine stemming from Iran-Contra and the boom in Afghan opium that followed, West Africa’s place in Intelligence-backed drug-running has received far less attention in the modern era; that is, until reports began surfacing in 2013 regarding Accra’s Kotoka Airport once again being used for the smuggling of cocaine and heroin. West Africa, after a decades-long hiatus, finds itself in a position of prominence in the international drug trade – ensnared not by the grip of Operation “Gladio A” and the CIA mob syndicate that supported them, but Operation “Gladio B” and the CIA-backed Salafist boogeymen known as “Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb” (AQIM):


via Gulf News

Unsurprisingly, the “refreshed” heroin and coke-smuggling syndicate in Ghana includes at least some amount of sponsorship from officialdom, as the former President of Ghana, John Atta Mills, voiced public concerns that elements of his own administration were involved in the trade. He is now deceased. His predecessor, President John Kufor (2000-2008) shared similar concerns, with cables suggesting “suspicions of widespread corruption, including instances where airport security was suspected of tipping off smugglers.”

In other words, 2013 was not the beginning of the CIA’s West African operations – it was instead the boiling point at which pressure had to be relieved through limited public exposure. With a major scandal from “leaked” US Embassy cables detailing the Ghanaian police’s wholesale cooperation with the drug operation, it was nothing short of a declaration of ownership – a coup d’état in its own right:

via The Guardian

As a major port for drugs bound to the UK, US, South America, and Western Europe as a whole, Ghana has been actively redesigned over the past decade as NATO’s “backup” of sorts for Incirlik Air Base, with increasing fervor towards this aim beginning in 2013.

Ghana is hardly an “ideal” terminal for would-be drug-runners, though; geographically, it’s farther out of the way from opium producing regions and farther still from target “consumer” markets than the Turkish operation currently is. And as the “Grand Chessboard” in the MENA region is still in the process of being flipped, NATO control of these producing regions generally seems tenuous. In addition to its geographic inconveniences, one of Africa’s chief “illicit” crops, cannabis, is proving increasingly unprofitable in an age of Western legalization and decriminalization.

But if a lone blogger can put that much together, the CIA is certainly aware of West Africa’s shortcomings. Opium, as the British learned over a century ago, is the most suitable drug for the aims of population control and Empire. The loss of Afghanistan, currently the world’s largest producer of opium, would seemingly be a critical blow to NATO and its “Third British Empire.

Of this, too, the CIA is keenly aware, as our story now makes a Transatlantic voyage to the Mexican State of Guerrero. Previously, the impoverished Southern Mexican countryside had only a meager affiliation with heroin production. This has all changed in just a few short years.

From “Fair Trade” Avocados to Drug Trade Poppies
While NAFTA’s Globalized push for Big Ag “fair trade” fruits and vegetables has hardly served to assist the American or Mexican “working man,” its drug trade certainly has; Mexico, by geographic necessity, is a key trafficking route for Central American cocaine headed to America, as Barry Seal, Oliver North, and a slew of Deep State agents learned during Iran-Contra.

So, too, was this lesson learned by the victims of the crack-cocaine epidemic of the ’80s and ’90s.

And while “Peruvian Coke” may catch more headlines, Central America has also been (to a lesser extent) a heroin producing region. Previously growing only low-quality brown and black tar heroin, the Central American product was far less preferable compared to Afghan white heroin from the Central Asian Caucasus or poppy from Southeast Asia’s “Golden Triangle” of similar quality.

But quality heroin has done a bit of “Globalization” in its own right, as such “good dope” is no longer the purview of Eastern regions exclusively. Shortly after Colombia and neighboring nations stepped up production of high-grade white heroin, Mexican Cartels (spearheaded by the Sinaloas) abandoned their position as lowly black-tar producers and middle-men, turning Guerrero’s staple cash crop from avocados to poppy in just a few short years:

via The Guardian
 

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Some have even speculated that this global heroin explosion and corresponding quality increase is due, in no small part, to the emergence of Genetically Modified poppy plants. While hard evidence of this claim remains elusive, in a world where even GM yeast has proven effective in producing opioids, the thought can hardly be dismissed outright.

Speculation aside, the CIA’s own “World Factbook” of 2016 not only notes that Mexico is currently the world’s second largest opium producer behind Afghanistan, but that its dramatic rise in poppy production is “statistically significant” at a 31% increase from 2008 to 2009, the last year the CIA provides such information. As no researcher I’ve yet come across, CIA goons and their MSM lackeys included, has successfully disputed the work of late journalist Gary Webb in cataloging the Agency’s wholesale control over Central and South American drug cartels, I’m left only to conclude that these “World Factbook” statistics are as much the CIA’s personal ledger as they are a PR initiative:

via the CIA World Factbook

Considering this uptick in heroin production from Southern Mexico corresponds with the timeframe of the now-infamous DOJ gun-running operation known as “Fast and Furious,” the parallels to Iran-Contra couldn’t be more blatant. Though I’ve paraphrased Mark Twain before, the quote remains as applicable as it is timeless: History may not repeat itself, but it sure does rhyme.

The Turkish Context…?
This investigation started with questions about the future of the NATO-backed drug terminal run out of Incirlik Air Base amidst ongoing political instability in Turkey; and while this author has succeeded in documenting CIA’s longstanding “alternative” to Incirlik being rapidly built up in West Africa as well as the fever-pitch of development to turn Southern Mexico into the next Northern Afghanistan, I must confess that I do not know exactly what this spells for the future of Turkish regime change.

I can, however, posit a hypothesis: As international gold reserves between West and East are being globalized, world currency holdings between nations via the SDR are being globalized, and the “new energy paradigm” of Agenda 21 is being globalized, is it inconceivable to think that the global drug trade, too, is being “equitably internationalized?”

Unfortunately, I don’t have the answer to this question – but I bet a fly on the wall at last week’s meeting between John Kerry and Vladimir Putin could shed some light on the situation. Perhaps the Queen of Color Revolution herself, Mrs. Victoria “fukk the E.U.” Kagan-Nuland, could be on standby for color commentary, as her timely visit to nearby Cyprus discussing the future of Turkey in NATO mere days before the Turkish coup took place is interesting timing, indeed.

One thing, however, is certain: Whether or not NATO retains overt control of Turkey (and even Afghanistan), the international intelligencia responsible for the black market drug trade are more than ready for whatever comes next, up to and including a complete rebalance of power as the region currently knows it. If such meticulous preparedness in bolstering this CIA “cash crop” isn’t evidence of foreknowledge of coups, counter-coups, and purges of all colors in the Turkish political landscape, I don’t know what is.

The extent of that preparedness, nothing short of the complete reinvention of the Western drug trade, also raises far more questions than it does answers. The undertaking of such a monumental task doubtlessly spells correlating monumental changes for the Middle East, a concerning prospect for a land already drenched in decades of blood and Empire.

Like you, Reader, I will be watching for such changes in the coming weeks and months, as I suspect we won’t have to wait long to see these schemes come to fruition.

Blogging under the pseudonym of Rusticus, the author and freedom activist operates a website tracing the machinations of the Anglo-American Establishment throughout history while simultaneously documenting the process of creating a truly off-grid homestead. (www.statelesshomesteading.com)
 

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Decolonise da police: How brutality was written into the DNA of Kenya’s police service

Posted on July 19, 2016 by Nanjala Nyabola

The problem isn’t rogue elements. It’s that the Administration Police division was created under colonialism with the specific purpose of beating Africans into submission.

kenya-police.jpg

Police on patrol in Nairobi, Kenya. Credit: Xiaojun Deng.

“Severe blunt force trauma to the head, neck and chest. Strangulation. Crushed genitals.”

These were a few of the injuries sustained by attorney Willie Kimani, his client Josphat Mwendwa, and their taxi driver Joseph Muiruri, who were allegedly kidnapped and tortured by at least three police officers at the Syokimau Administration Police Camp before being killed and dumped in a river.

The case led to a three-day strike by lawyers and nationwide protests earlier this month, leading many to wonder if Kenya is finally at a turning point in the battle for increased accountability for police brutality.

Sadly, we are not, because the solutions being floated are simply not radical enough. We don’t need to be talking about dealing with “rogue elements in the police service”. We need to be talking about abolishing the Administration Police (AP) and decolonising the Kenya Police.

Fit for purpose

Kenya’s National Police Service is made up of three separately-administered divisions: The Kenya Police Service, the Directorate of Criminal Investigation, and the Administration Police.

The first two are familiar to most countries, comprising of a regular police service and a special investigations unit (e.g. the FBI). But the last is an outdated and dangerous quirk of the British colonial system that defies logic in independent Kenya.

The AP service was formally created in 1958, the last year of the state of emergency that was declared to allow for the violent repression of Kenya’s independence movement. The Administration Police Act defined the AP service as a paramilitary unit to “deal with matters of customary law” – i.e. the black African population.

This act did not create a new unit, but rather formalised a system that had already been in place – namely, the Home Guard system in which loyalist Africans were given special policing powers by the administration to enforce colonisation and punish dissent.

This paramilitary service was harsher, more unpredictable and more violent than the regular police. In her seismic book, Britain’s Gulag, Caroline Elkins catalogues the torture committed by the Home Guard at concentration camps across the country. These included “beatings, strangulations, genitals crushed using pliers to make men confess and inserting objects into women’s vaginas”.

The fact that the AP system survives means Kenya is still policed by a colonial service and is more proof of the country’s stillborn independence. Kenya may have become politically free in 1963, but the ruling elites’ interests in maintaining and profiting from colonial structures led to several incomplete transformations.

Significantly, security services, which were never comprehensively reformed, were not held accountable for atrocities committed by the colonial government. Rather, the same practices that had been used to torture and intimidate Africans were embraced by the new independence government to silence dissidence and control the population.

Accountability for this violence is rare even though torture is illegal in Kenya as a signatory to the Convention Against Torture. In fact, police brutality is so common, particularly against the poor, that a young man from Mathare slum – where according to local organisers at least 17 young men have been killed by police in June alone – told me at this month’s protest: “the people I pity the most in Kenya are those who live near an AP camp”.

Half-hearted reforms

Much like in Baton Rouge or Ferguson in the US, conversations on police reform in Kenya have so far resulted only in better armed police officers rather than any significant policy shifts.

Meanwhile, collective amnesia in Kenya is kicking in. The protests are over. The Office of the President has not reacted. The Minister of the Interior, whose office oversees the police, blamed calls for his resignation on politics, even though the Kenya’s political opposition has not really responded. No national politicians have made this a priority.

To be sure, the AP is not the only police division in Kenya complicit in human rights violations. The General Service Unit (GSU), another paramilitary unit, allows the state to use the force of the army on its local population – usually with disproportionate violence and copious amounts of teargas – without having to deploy the army. Recall the iconic picture from last month of an officer in a Robocop suit seemingly about to step on a protester’s head? That was the GSU.

Still, what makes the AP service distinct is that it was created with a colonial, anti-African mindset – to beat and intimidate Africans into submission – that has never been confronted. The pathologist report on Kimani, Mwendwa and Muiriri may as well have been written in 1958 for all the sordid ways in which the police officers tortured these young men.

We should be horrified. We should be upset. But we shouldn’t operate under the fallacy that what happened was unusual or unforeseeable. We are not talking about a few rogue elements or bad apples. We are talking about an ideology of oppression that is deeply embedded in the raison d’etre of this and many other paramilitary units in Kenya. If we really want meaningful change to come out of this, we need to decolonise the police service, starting by abolishing the Administration Police division.

Nanjala Nyabola is a Kenyan writer, humanitarian advocate and political analyst, currently based in Nairobi, Kenya. Follow her on twitter at @Nanjala1


Decolonise da police: How brutality was written into the DNA of Kenya’s police service
 
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Biocom plans to produce 256,000 tonnes of sugar in Angola in 2020

JULY 22ND, 2016

BIOCOM-MACAUHUB.jpg


Angolan company Biocom announced that it will produce 256,000 tonnes of sugar by 2020 which will provide 50% of the consumption needs of the Angolan population.

Biocom, which is owned by Brazilian company Odebrecht and Angola’s Cochan and Sonangol, this year expects to produce 47,000 tonnes of sugar, almost double the amount of the first harvest, according to state newspaper Jornal de Angola.

Some 16,000 cubic metres of ethanol and 155,000 megawatts of electricity are expected to be produced from sugarcane at the Kananda, Malanje Agro-Industrial Hub, in Cacuso.

Biocom, which produces sugar, ethanol and electricity from sugarcane has a production area of over 80,000 hectares.

The 2016 harvest is expected to reach more than 530,000 tonnes of sugarcane.

Biocom currently represents the largest private investment in Angola, outside of the oil sector.

With an investment of US$750 million, Biocom is the first Angolan company to produce white crystal sugar, ethanol and energy from biomass or bagasse from sugarcane.

In the 2015/2016 harvest, Biocom produced 24,770 tons of sugar, 10,243 cubic metres of ethanol and generated 42,000 megawatts of electricity.

For the 2016/2017 period, production is expected to be 47,000 tons of sugar, 16,000 cubic metres of ethanol and 155 megawatts of power.

For 2020/2021, when it is due to reach the maximum production capacity of the first phase, the project is expected to produce in excess of 256,000 tonnes of sugar, 235,000 megawatts of electricity and 33,000 cubic metres of ethanol.


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Tanzania: New Hybrid Rice Seed Brings Hope to Many Farmers

22 JULY 2016

By John Nditi

Morogoro — Farmers in Mvomero district have been cautioned against the use of unregistered seeds to avoid incurring losses due to low crop production.

Acting Mvomero District Agriculture Officer, Lucy Mazengo, made the call on Wednesday when addressing farmer groups from villages in Dakawa Ward in Mvomero district. More than 60 farmers from different groups in Dakawa Ward participated in a research of hybrid rice being conducted by another farmer, Veronica Urio, who has established pieces of land for conducting the study.

Mazengo noted that despite problems of lack of high quality seeds, including rice seeds, farmers in the district must seek quality and registered seeds to avoid incurring losses.

"This is a good thing we are seeing here today. She is a farmer like us and she's brought to us a new technology of hybrid rice seeds still under research. The hybrid rice seed has not received the green light from the government and I cannot give any answers here.

We must wait and see and when it is registered you are free to use it in your farms," she explained.

African Agricultural Technology Foundation (AATF) Public Relations Officer based in Kenya, Wandera Ojanji, said the hybrid rice seed from research conducted in Kenya can produce about 7 tons in one hectare of land. Ojanji said research on the hybrid rice seed was conducted in sub-Saharan Africa countries and showed good results in increased production.

He said Kenya and Tanzania will be the first countries to benefit from the hybrid rice seeds next year following the results of the research conducted in Malindi and Kisumu in Kenya and Dakawa and Mngeta in Tanzania under Afritec Ltd seed company.

"The hybrid rice seeds are still under trial to find out production capabilities and resilience to diseases. In the research Veronica Urio said the hybrid rice seed under trial has shown good results in Kenya where similar trials took place, noting that once registered it will be what rice farmers have been waiting for.


Tanzania: New Hybrid Rice Seed Brings Hope To Many Farmers
 
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