How will Joe Biden GOVERN? General Biden Administration F**kery Thread

Pull Up the Roots

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Biden should have did this a year ago.
Well, we have a legal obligation, both through our own laws and international law, to take in asylum seekers in good faith. This might face a legal challenge similar to the one the Trump administration encountered when they tried to do this.
 

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Well, we have a legal obligation, both through our own laws and international law, to take in asylum seekers in good faith. This might face a legal challenge similar to the one the Trump administration encountered when they tried to do this.
No, we don’t.

We’ve just allowed it.
 

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No, it’s in our law


and international law per the refuge convention

Trump and Biden have tried to skirt around it by not letting anyone apply for asylum, but that still is a violation of international law.

It’s not good when the “I will protect democracy” types say fukk the law.
I generally ignore you.

However, you and I generally have agreed on immigration.

With that out of the way, let’s talk about what’s actually happening.

The president has made an executive order and it will remain legal and in effect unless SCOTUS shoots it down.

Do you believe they will as they should?

Will republicans back down an approve the law presented changing what you and I know as the norms?
 

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And I really need yall to stop talking about international law. You’re Americans now. For over 20 years we’ve made it clear we don’t give a fukk about international law.

The un, the icc, the icj, and whatever mechanism nato doesn’t use won’t dictate us policy nor be a vehicle of justice.
 

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I generally ignore you.

However, you and I generally have agreed on immigration.

With that out of the way, let’s talk about what’s actually happening.

The president has made an executive order and it will remain legal and in effect unless SCOTUS shoots it down.

Do you believe they will as they should?

Will republicans back down an approve the law presented changing what you and I know as the norms?
I mostly think you are a smug simpleton who is talking about things above your station.

The executive order violates the law as written in the US. And the president can’t talk about other nations committing war crimes and then ignore international law. We are right to point out that hypocrisy.
 
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I mostly think you are a smug simpleton who is talking about things above your station.

The executive order violates the law as written in the US. And the president can’t talk about other nations committing war crimes and then ignore international law. We are right to point out that hypocrisy.
I don’t know why I was actually expecting you to respond with anything of value.

This is why we call you miniaturemind.

You idiots get on tiktok or Twitter and just retweet whatever bullshyt you see.

Then when someone corrects you, you do this dumbass routine.

  • Section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act does allow the president — if finding “that the entry of any aliens or of any class of aliens ... would be detrimental to the interests of the United States” — to “by proclamation ... suspend the entry of all aliens or any class of aliens as immigrants or nonimmigrants”. President Trump famously utilized § 212(f) to bar the entry of aliens from certain countries in order to enhance vetting capabilities for detecting the attempted entry into the U.S. by terrorists or other public-safety threats. The Supreme Court upheld this suspension, concluding that the § 212(f) power “exudes deference to the President in every clause ... [and] vests [him] with ‘ample power’ to impose entry restrictions in addition to those elsewhere enumerated in the INA”.

Argue with SCOTUS :umad:
 

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Pull Up the Roots

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I don’t know why I was actually expecting you to respond with anything of value.

This is why we call you miniaturemind.

You idiots get on tiktok or Twitter and just retweet whatever bullshyt you see.

Then when someone corrects you, you do this dumbass routine.



Argue with SCOTUS :umad:
You're citing CIS, a notorious anti-immigrant think tank who intentionally misleads on reports and promotes white nationalism.


As far as Section 212(f) and the SCOTUS:


While the language gives the president broad powers over the entry of noncitizens into the United States, that power is not universal. Importantly, INA § 212(f) does not allow the president to interfere with or subvert other parts of the INA or other federal laws. That includes INA § 208, which grants people the right to seek asylum in the United States:

“Any alien who is present in the United States or who arrives in the United States (whether or not in a designated port of arrival […]) irrespective of such alien’s status, may apply for asylum.”

While 212(f) authority has been used in recent years in an attempt to restrict access to asylum at the U.S./Mexico border, the courts have identified significant limitations. Some courts have also ruled that the president may not invoke this authority to address purely domestic considerations, such as high unemployment or costs to taxpayers.

The Trump administration used this authority more broadly, to execute several large-scale restrictions on entry of noncitizens. In a series of orders known collectively as “the Muslim Ban” or “the travel ban,” President Trump used this authority to ban the entry of people from seven predominantly Muslim countries, even those who already had lawful permanent resident status. Courts found that this order was likely to deprive individuals of their due process rights by failing to give them such notice or a hearing prior to restricting their ability to travel. In response, the Trump administration introduced a revised 90-day travel ban of individuals from the same countries, but exempted those with green cards and added restrictions on North Koreans and certain Venezuelan government officials. This was largely seen as an attempt to circumvent constitutional challenges to the initial ban that it was based on racial or religious animus. Ultimately the third version of the travel ban was upheld by the Supreme Court in Trump v. Hawaii (2018). Notably, even in that decision, the court affirmed that 212(f) could not be used to “expressly override” other provisions of the INA.

In one of the most sweeping uses of the authority, President Trump used 212(f) to suspend the entry of noncitizens at the U.S. southern border between ports of entry in October 2018. This proclamation was almost immediately challenged in the courts by several legal service providers in East Bay Sanctuary Covenant v. Trump. The Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals blocked the ban from being implemented.
Another ban, commonly known as the “third-country transit ban,” was then introduced by Trump in 2019 in an attempt to prevent individuals from claiming asylum in the United States if they first transited through a third country. This ban was also challenged in the courts by the East Bay Sanctuary Covenant and related organizations. The litigation is ongoing, as subsequent rules limiting access to asylum in the United States continue to be challenged.

Some other uses remain legally uncertain. There is an ongoing debate about the extent to which the president can use this authority to restrict immigration in response to perceived domestic issues. In April of 2020, the Trump administration issued a proclamation temporarily suspending the entry of people with non-immigrant visas, ostensibly to curb unemployment during the COVID-19 pandemic. Some courts found that since unemployment within the United States was a purely domestic issue, the authority to suspend immigration should not apply, while other courts disagreed and held that this was within the president’s authority. A similar debate played out in court regarding a different suspension of entry signed by President Trump which banned the entry of certain noncitizens who lacked specific health insurance plans. Both proclamations were later revoked by President Biden before these disagreements reached the Supreme Court, and the question of whether the authority may be used to address purely domestic policy concerns remains an unsettled area of law.

And the ACLU and multiple rights organizations are already in the process of legally challenging the Biden admin on this. They will likely win like they won against the Trump admin when they tried this.
 

Pull Up the Roots

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The order enables border officials to rapidly remove people who arrive in the US without a hearing when border “encounters” or arrivals have surpassed a 7-day average of 2,500 people. This would effectively shut down the border to asylum seekers. Officials would not reopen the border until the number of daily arrivals drops below a 7-day average of 1,500 people.


The executive order is based on the confused premise that “noncitizens who cross the southern border unlawfully or without authorization will generally be ineligible for asylum.” Article 31 of the Refugee Convention makes clear that it is lawful to arrive as a refugee seeking protection, but by shutting down the border to all arrivals, the order treats seeking asylum as unlawful.


“Focusing on arbitrary numbers instead of human beings seeking asylum at the US border ignores the potential harm to individuals, families, and children who could be forcibly returned to danger,” said Vicki B. Gaubeca, associate director of US immigration and border policy at Human Rights Watch. “This policy replicates some of the harshest anti-immigrant polices under the previous administration, seemingly catering to fearmongering against immigrants and driven by a desire to appear ‘tough on the border.’”


The administration claims the new “shutdown” authority is based on section 212(f) of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA), which allows the president to bar the entry of entire classes of noncitizens considered “detrimental to the interests of the United States.” However, people who are already on US soil and seeking asylum or asking for protection are protected not only by section 208 of the INA but also by international law, with which section 212(f) needs to be consistent
, Human Rights Watch said.

Article 31 - Refugees unlawfully in the country of refuge


1. The Contracting States shall not impose penalties, on account of their illegal entry or presence, on refugees who, coming directly from a territory where their life or freedom was threatened in the sense of article 1, enter or are present in their territory without authorization, provided they present themselves without delay to the authorities and show good cause for their illegal entry or presence.

2. The Contracting States shall not apply to the movements of such refugees restrictions other than those which are necessary and such restrictions shall only be applied until their status in the country is regularized or they obtain admission into another country. The Contracting States shall allow such refugees a reasonable period and all the necessary facilities to obtain admission into another country.
 
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