From what I read, larger than Venezuela's.I just read that the US is stealing Haitian oil. How true is that? And what’s the size of Haitian oil reserves?
From what I read, larger than Venezuela's.
Jafrikayiti, also known as Jean Saint-Vil, is an Ottawa-based author, radio host and social justice activist who publishes in English, Kreyòl and French on his blog Jafikayiti.com . He recently wrote a Black Agenda Report article entitled, To Solve the Crisis Permanently, Force the US to Stop Backing Notorious White Warlords in Haiti. He joined us from Ottawa to discuss his article and provide analysis on events in Haiti in the second part of a 2-part interview. (Part 1)
Travis Ross
26 Oct 2022
The National Endowment for Democracy (NED) is the soft power arm of the CIA. Its operations in Haiti have played a large role in undermining sovereignty.
Haiti is awash in money from the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).
The NED had a direct role in funding opposition forces and paramilitary forces leading up to the 2004 coup against democratically elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. It is crucial, therefore, to explore how the NED is currently influencing Haiti by funding “Haitian-led” organization inside the country.
The NED is overt regarding the grants it provides and funding it delivers on – you can simply visit their website and search. The organization is rarely analyzed, however, and their grantees are seldom scrutinized.
The National Endowment for Democracy
The NED was founded in 1983. The NED’s co-founder, Allan Weinstein, was described by the Washington post as the “sugar daddy of overt operations”.
According to its website, the NED is “dedicated to fostering the growth of a wide range of democratic institutions abroad” including political parties, business organizations, human rights organizations, and “independent” media.
Weinstein was more honest is describing the purpose of the NED while speaking to the WaPo reporter: "A lot of what we do today was done covertly 25 years ago by the CIA", he explained.
In Rogue State, author William Blum points out that while the NED was supposedly set up to “support democratic institutions throughout the world through private, nongovernmental efforts”, the US Congress provides nearly all its funding.
Blum argues that while the NED claims to promote democracy abroad, it actually promotes U.S. foreign policy, often at the expense of democracy. The NED finances, nurtures, and supplies right-wing political groups, civic organizations, labor unions, student groups, book publishers, and “independent” media to further U.S. interests abroad.
These NED-funded organizations seek to destabilize left-wing governments whose policies oppose U.S. interests or, prevent left-wing movements from successfully achieving power in the first place.
One cannot assume that a recipient of NED funding is somehow beholden to, or ideologically committed to, US foreign policy. One can assume, however, that the goals and methods of organizations and individuals the NED funds do not oppose that of US foreign policy. The U.S. government does not provide funding to individuals or organizations who oppose U.S. interests.
The NED funded “civil society groups” to undermine President Jean-Bertrand Aristide in the years leading up to the 2004 coup d’états that removed him and thousands of others from elected office.
Aristide won an overwhelming majorityof 92% of the vote in the 2000 Presidential elections. His party, Lavalas also won 80% of the seats in the House Assembly. It was then that the NED began funding opposition groups inside Haiti.
In Damming the Flood , author Peter Hallward describes how the NED, through its subsidiary the International Republican Institute (IRI), helped fund a destabilization campaign against Aristide.
This destabilization campaign included funding “civil society groups”. One such anti-Aristide group was Democratic Convergence (CD). Founded months after Aristide’s election victory in 2000, the NED funded this coalition of 200 political organizations who wanted his government overthrown. Led by former Port-au-Prince mayor Evans Paul, CD included industrialists, bankers, importers, media, and intellectuals among their members.
Many members of CD went on to become part of another US-funded anti-Lavalas organization - the Group of 184 , headed by industrialist Andy Apaid Jr . Apaid funded Paramilitary gangs who terrorized and murdered Lavalas supporters, while CD founder Stanley Lucas openly talked about assassinating Aristide in radio interviews.
Among these intellectuals was Ariel Henry, the current de facto Prime Minster of Haiti. Establishing early on his compliance with Washington’s imperial rule over Haiti. Magalie Comeau Denis , one of the leaders behind the Montana group, was also associated with CD.
There are several “local civil society groups” and “human rights organizations” directly funded by the NED in Haiti right now.
Haiti-based Human Rights Organizations the RNDDH (Reseau National de Defense des Droits Humains), Defenseurs Plus, Initiative de la Société Civile, and OCAPH (Observatoire Citoyen de l’Action des Pouvoirs Publics et des ONGs) are all funded by the NED.
The RNDDH and its director, Pierre Espérance, were instrumental in the propaganda campaign that framed Aristide as a dictator, despite having won 92% of the popular vote in 2000. In addition, the RNDDH manufactured reports that framed Lavalas Prime-Minister Yvon Neptune as having led an alleged massacre in La Scierie, near Saint-Marc in Haiti.
Espérance and the RNDDH worked closely with the LaTortue dictatorship to target and jail thousands of Lavalas supporters. Before and after the 2004 coup, the NCHR-Haiti (the RNDDH’s former name) had an agreement with the head prosecutor in Port-au-Prince, by which any individual accused by Espérance and the NCHR-Haiti would be subject to prosecution. According to a Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA) report , “Countless individuals, many whose only crime was a loose affiliation with Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas party, were arrested by the interim government based on false accusations entered by the NCHR-Haiti.”
Brian Concannon, director of the Institute for Justice & Democracy in Haiti, remarked at the time in an interview with The Jurist that that NCHR-Haiti was a “ferocious critic” of Aristide’s government and an “ally” of the illegal regime.
He explained that “the persecution became so flagrant that NCHR-Haiti’s former parent organization, New York-based NCHR, publicly repudiated the Haitian group and asked it to change its name. [It then] changed its name RNDDH.”
Espérance and NCHR-Haiti received funding from the USAID, the NED, the French government, and the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) at the time.
The NED also funds several media organizations in Haiti such as AyiboPostand Jurimedia . Jurimedia ’s executive director is Abdonel Doudou, a fellow at the NED . He is also a co-founder of the Citizen Observatory for the Institutionalization of Democracy (OCID ), another organization funded by the NED.
OCID uses its NED funding to offer a training program in “the monitoring and evaluation of public policies for executives of political parties and civil society organizations in Haiti”. According to OCID’s website, this program also aims to “strengthen the capacities of 500 actors from civil society and the Haitian political class” in public policies.”
Furthermore, OCID aims to “mobilize the commitment of at least 30 political parties and 200 civil society organizations to advocate for the optimization of public policies and programs, particularly in the sectors of energy, corruption, and security.”
The NED also continues to fund the IRI’s programs in Haiti. The IRI’s website claims they are “laying the groundwork for a new community radio program” in “target areas of the country.”
In short, the U.S. government is influencing organizations on multiple fronts in Haiti. Including the Human Rights sector, the media, political parties, and civil society.
But this is just the tip of the iceberg.
In July of 2022, the NED hosted a conference where speakers shared their opinions on the crises facing Haiti. The speakers included Guy Serge Pompilus and Pierre-Antoine Louis of OCAPH, Carl Alexandre, the ex-head of MINUSTAH, Fabiola Cordova, the Associate Director for Latin America and Caribbean at the NED, and Charles Clermont, the co-founder of Kafou Lespwa (Crossroads of Hope).
Like OCAPH, Kafou Lespwa is a “partner” of the NED, according to the moderators introductory remarks.
Fabiola Cordova had a direct role in funding numerous anti-Lavalas opposition-affiliated groups like Group 184 and CD.
Carl Alexandre led the disastrous MINUSTAH military occupation force for the last four years of its mandate (2013 – 2016).
Guy Serge Pompilus, the Senior Advisor for OCAPH, introduced the organizations “Manifesto for an Inclusive Dialogue” at the conference. The NED describe this manifesto as the result “of their collective efforts in devising innovative solutions for a peaceful and democratic transition in Haiti.”
The Manifesto itself is vague and offers no concrete strategies or solutions. It does, however, point to two “orientations” it promotes for Haiti: Kafou Lespwa and the American Global Fragility Act.
Kafou Lespwa (KL) is headed by co-founder Charles Clermont, a millionaire venture capitalist who has held high ranking posts at various financial institutions in Haiti.
The organizations team includes a wide array of actors from Haiti’s political class, including members of PHTK, Lavalas, MTVayiti, & the Montana group.
Two notable members are Danielle Saint-Lôt, Haitian Minister of Commerce, Industry and Tourism under the LaTortue regime, and Clifford Apaid, son of Andy Apaid Jr. Andy Apaid Jr. led the Group 184, who armed paramilitary groups who terrorized Haiti in the lead up to the 2004 coup against Aristide. Other prominent team members include Fritz Alphone Jean, the Montana groups candidate for Provisional President of Haiti, and Joel Edouard Vorbe, a member of Fanmi Lavalas’ executive committee.
Let’s review: The NED chose to bring together a Haitian millionaire venture capitalist partnered with the NED, two representatives of an NED-funded Haitian Human Rights organization that promotes US intervention, the ex-Deputy Special Representative of the United Nations Secretary-General for MINUSTAH, a director at the NED who organized the funding - with U.S. tax dollars - of opposition groups who executed a coup d’état against Aristide, and thousands of other elected representatives.
The conference was organized in part to launch the Manifesto that promotes the American Global Fragility Act. The representatives of these Haitian-led organizations promoting U.S. intervention stood on the same stage as imperial agents like Fabiola Cordova and Carl Alexandre who have directly contributed to the destruction of Haitian democracy and sovereignty.
NED-funded “Haitian-led” organizations like KL and OCAPH serve the purpose of creating consensus among Haiti’s political class for US government Haiti foreign policy: another American-led intervention in Haiti.
This intervention will be applied under the American Global Fragility Act.
From what I read, larger than Venezuela's.
“Partnering” with Haiti under the Global Fragility ActThe American 2019 Global Fragility Act(GFA) outlines a “peacebuilding” strategy to “stabilize conflict-affected areas and prevent violence and fragility”. The Biden administration hopes the GFA will establish the United States as a “trusted partner — a force for peace and stability in the world.” The GFA emphasizes building relationships with “local civil society” by “strengthen[ing] the capacity of the United States to be an effective leader of international efforts to prevent extremism and violent conflict.” This “capacity” also includes "planned security assistance" over periods of ten years.
The GFA has full bipartisan support in the United States government, and among virtually all of the American think-tanks who’ve written on the Act. The Act also has the support of the Canadian government .
The Biden administration recently announced that Haiti is the first “partner” under the GFA.
Before this announcement, articles supporting the GFA focused on it as a vital tool for preventing “adversaries such as China and Russia to expand their influence”.
The GFA has less to do with “preventing violence and fragility”, and more to do with keeping Chinese investment out of so-called fragile states. The U.S. government is open about their desire to prevent China – and Russia – from securing access to raw materials and developing diplomatic relations and trade with nations under Washington’s sphere of influence. Specifically, Latin America, the Caribbean, and Africa.
The push to implement the GFA is the U.S. government’s attempt to develop bilateral relations with so-called fragile states to gain access to key raw materials and prevent China from gaining “unwanted political leverage.” The Biden administration wants to ensure that the U.S. maintains “geopolitical leverage” in its sphere of influence, including Haiti, which has been reduced to neo-colony status since the 2004 coup.
Haiti is now caught in the US government’s Cold War with China.
The intent of the prolonged, brutal depravation and cruelty the U.S. has imposed on Haiti since Jovenel Moise’s assassination is to create the necessary conditions for a U.S. intervention under the GFA. This 10-year intervention will prevent Chinese trade and investment from entering Haiti, while also blocking historical allies like Venezuela and Cuba from offering aid and support.
The NED’s role in funding these various “Haitian-led civil society groups” and “human rights organizations” is to manufacture a consensus among the political class to accept the GFA, which will lead to a ten-year plan including “security assistance” as defined under the GFA. This security assistance will be managed by the Department of Defense under the supervision of the U.S. State Department and USAID.
In other words, an occupation of Haiti.
The terms “Haitian led” and “local civil society groups” are emphasized by the various American government-funded think-tanks who promote the GFA.
NED-funded organizations such as Initiative de la Société Civile, and OCAPH have already endorsed the GFA . As momentum builds, more US-funded “civil society” groups in Haiti are likely to endorse the GFA as part of a “Haitian-led” solution to the crisis in Haiti.