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Relevant discussion with Economist William "Sandy" Darity Jr. on the NPR podcast "Code Switch". An excerpt of the relevant parts:
MERAJI:
This conversation, however, is more specifically about the question that any reparations plan would have to address, which is who gets them.
DEMBY: Right. You might ask, who is black enough for reparations, although everyone we spoke to said it's not about how black you are, although it may be about the type of black you are.
MERAJI: And you will find disagreement on this point even among the people who support the idea of reparations. Would every black person be entitled to reparations? Should every black person be entitled to reparations?
DEMBY: So Sandy is like, no. He does not think so. One of the reasons we talked to him is because of the many people who have really big thoughts about reparations, not many of them have outlined who they specifically think should get them. Sandy, though, has some specific criteria. No. 1...
DARITY:
An individual must have at least one ancestor who was enslaved in the United States of America.
DEMBY: And No. 2...
DARITY: For at least 12 years before the enactment of a reparations program, an individual would've had to have self-identified as black, negro or African American.
MERAJI: So in order to get reparations, according to Sandy, you would need one enslaved ancestor who is in the United States, and you have to have identified as black on official documents for at least 12 years.
DEMBY: Right.
MERAJI: All right. Let's start with No. 2. Why are the 12 years of identifying as black on official documents?
DEMBY: OK. No. 2 is, like, a somewhat easier question. So Sandy and his colleagues said that, you know, at first that the number was going to be, like, 10 years. And then he said, well, it would probably need to be two Senate terms, so 12 years is two Senate terms. But the specific time is not really the point, right? They said the bigger functional reason why you need a time period is because it would make sure that people were calling themselves a black way before there was a chance that they might, you know, actually be paid for being black. Plus, it also gets around the janky ways that people talk about, like, racial lineage gleaned from, like, DNA tests.
MERAJI: Right. So you can't say, oh, hey, I did this test and it says I'm 8% West African, where the hell are my reparations? (Laughter).
DEMBY: Right.
MERAJI: You'd have to actually consistently show that you identified as black for a certain period of time.
DEMBY: Exactly.
MERAJI: All right. So the first part of Sandy's criteria, the enslaved ancestor part, that seems a little tricky.
DEMBY: That's an understatement.
DARITY: The first distinction is one that I think makes people uncomfortable, so it's not my gentlest argument.
DEMBY: And his argument gets right into some of these differences we've been talking about when it comes to black ethnic groups and identification.
DARITY:
The first argument is that there is a difference in the way in which more recent immigrants came to the United States and the way in which descendants of enslaved Africans in the United States got here. And so the first group, essentially, has come in some respects on a voluntary basis. So if you voluntarily migrate to a racist society, are you eligible for compensation for the racism that exist in that society? So that's the rhetorical question I'd like to pose.
MERAJI: All right. So if I'm hearing him right, if you chose to come to the U.S. and you presumably knew it was a racist place and you don't have the same right to be paid as people who were brought here against their will in chains and enslaved for hundreds of years.
DEMBY: That argument he's making makes sense in the context of the second part of his rationale. Sandy is thinking specifically about reparations as redress for a particular injury that goes back to the slave period in the United States.
DARITY: The second is probably one that I think would have greater resonance with folks in general.
In our research, the foundation that we identify for the racial wealth gap is set by the failure to provide the formerly enslaved with the 40-acre land grants that were promised.
MERAJI: So he's talking about that 40 acres and a mule order that was promised during the Civil War. And I'm going to do a quick explanatory comment here. In 1865, as the Civil War was drawing to a close, General William T. Sherman issued an order that would have given 400,000 acres stretching along the coast of South Carolina to Florida to newly freed black people.
DEMBY: Yep. That's right. And as a side, Shereen, some of that land was once Cherokee land, like, that you discussed on last week's episode. Y'all should go listen if y'all haven't heard that.
MERAJI: Please do.
DEMBY: But yeah, so Sandy said they calculated what that land would be worth today in 2020. It would be something around $6 trillion - again T, R. So Sandy's argument is based on the cumulative ramifications of that broken promise to newly freed black people.
DARITY: And so it is the descendants of the persons who were enslaved should have received that 40 acres who have a claim on America for reparations. And so that's a unique distinction between more recent immigrants and folks who we might refer to in some way as native blacks.
DEMBY: So, Shereen, I think you already can anticipate where this is getting tricky. So about 10% of the 40 million black people in the United States are immigrants or the descendants of immigrants.
MERAJI: Which means Sandy's plan would exclude them.
That's around 4 million black people who would be ineligible for reparations.
DARITY: There is an ethnic distinctiveness associated with being a descendant of persons who were enslaved in the United States, and that is the population that merits reparations from the United States government.
DEMBY: And Sandy says, look, you got to remember that black immigration is a relatively recent phenomenon. There've, obviously, long been black immigrants in places like Miami and New York. But...
DARITY: These communities were very, very small share of the black population prior to 1965. In fact, the non descendants of folks enslaved in the United States were less than 1% of the black population in the United States up until the mid-1960s.
DEMBY: And Sandy said, look, I'm open to considering reparations for people who are descendants of black immigrants who came to the U.S., like, during the Jim Crow period. He also feels that black immigrants who are not descendants of enslaved people in the United States, they do have very legitimate claims for reparations, for racial subjugation, for exploitation.
But he says that their claims don't lie with the United States government but with the former colonizers of the countries of origin.
MERAJI: So if you're Haitian American, your reparations fight is with France.
DEMBY: Yeah, exactly.
MERAJI: If you're American with Afro Cuban ancestry, you're fight is with Spain; if you're Bajan American, your fight is with the U.K. - that sort of thing.
DEMBY: That sort of thing. Right.
MERAJI: That is - that's a lot to keep track of.
DEMBY: It is. It is. But to turn to Sandy's other point about choosing to come to the United States that really sticky point there, it is true that voluntary immigration has affects on the educational and economic outcomes of black immigrants, right? Like Sandy said, obviously, there are differences depending on where people live in the U.S. depending on the countries of origin.
DARITY: But on average, yes, that's a more highly educated community than the general American population, not just the black American population.
And it's also a community that has higher occupational status on average than most Americans. And that's because this is an immigrant community that is hyper selected.
DEMBY: So just for example, Nigerian immigrants to the U.S. - they're the largest group of immigrants from Africa - are twice as likely to have bachelor's degrees or higher than Americans as a whole. That's according to Pew.
MERAJI: So black immigrants have higher paying jobs and are more educated than Americans as a whole, which is what I see with lots of immigrant groups, right? I'm thinking about Iranians and Indians for example. And this is in very large part because of how the screening process for immigration to the United States works.
DEMBY: And by contrast, black Americans in the aggregate have lower paying jobs, have lower educational attainment than the country as a whole.
MERAJI: Right. And I'm assuming you're talking about what Christina calls JBs here.
DEMBY: Yeah.
MERAJI: Just black people and then - or what Sandy calls native blacks.
DEMBY: Right.
MERAJI: You know, it's interesting 'cause it is fairly easy to point out high-profile black Americans, at least in politics, whose parents are immigrants. The most obvious is President Barack Obama. But then you've got Kamala Harris, Colin Powell.
DEMBY: To your point, Sandy is like, this is very much a thing.
He says obviously proportionately the children of black immigrants are overrepresented in positions of prestige, in colleges broadly but especially at top colleges like we saw with Christina, in Hollywood, in the halls of power. And all of this, of course, is, like, a little harder to quantify because when you're talking about, like, all these spaces, you're necessarily talking about, like, small numbers of people who are very, very prominent.
MERAJI: Yeah. I brought up politicians, and there have only been 10 black senators in the history of the United States. So, you know, saying 20% of them, for example, were children of immigrants, it sounds like a lot, but you're really just talking about two people.
DEMBY: But their prominence is part of the context. I mean, we're talking about reparations in this conversation, but you can hear or read some iteration of this set of concerns all the time, like, very easily.
Like, say, when black actors who aren't from the United States get cast in these big Hollywood movies about slavery in the United States, you know, there's this discomfort, even this resentment, they feel that the experiences of black immigrants are not representative of black Americans, or JBs as Christina would call them, even though black immigrants are very often in these high-profile positions in which they quite literally represent black Americans to the world.
MERAJI: Yes. I'm hearing all of this, but also, Gene, you know, we talk all the time on this podcast about the broadness of anti-blackness in housing, in education, in policing, in health outcomes, which we're seeing really dramatically right now. And that shadow, it doesn't skip over black immigrants or their kids.
DEMBY: Right. And that's a point that Sandy acknowledged when we were talking.
DARITY: And I would agree that the police don't ask you where you're from if you're black.
You know, there's no question that all black people are weighted by the freight of American white supremacy, but the degree to which people are freighted by that is somewhat different.