Have a car in the city but dont park it in a garage brehs
Arrests in NYC plummet as police refuse to work following murder of NYPD cops
- Thread starter H.I.M.
- Start date
crazy sh*t right?
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Youre acting like I am making an original unsubstantiated claim. If you're going talk facts, you should read a little bit outside of what your 2nd rate law professors tell you to read.
www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/investigate-police-abuse
You're going to make a fine shytty ass lawyer.
Do you want more sources? There has been a shyt load of them after the Brown and Garner cases.
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Dan Donovan, the DA that presented the Garner murder to the Grand Jury, has known financial and personal toes to police officers and unions. How hard did you think he tried ?
DAs when presenting to Grand Juries are ~90% successful when dealing with civilians.
When it comes to police, it's near 1%.
Corrupt ass pieces of shyt. fukk lawyers.
DAs when presenting to Grand Juries are ~90% successful when dealing with civilians.
When it comes to police, it's near 1%.
Corrupt ass pieces of shyt. fukk lawyers.
christinasade
Banned
not for nothing but here nc they durham police getting shot at as well. 
the shooters got away....
the shooters got away....
Let me explain something to you, that I think no one ever has before--though I have tried. Just because YOU believe something to be an absolute truth, it does not mean everyone who disagrees with you is morally bankrupt. But because you see your positions as unquestionable truths, and anyone who disagrees as a flawed person, you naturally attack their character (be it myself, @Futuristic Eskimo or @Domingo Halliburton , etc.) and do not see the need to convincingly respond to their critiques. It is very difficult to prove someone is corrupt, what you just demonstrated shows a conflict of interest. A conflict of interest does not equal corruption, but it is a gateway to it. You effectively supported my argument instead of your own. You even referred to oversight groups in other nations--which once again--supports my point about systemic flaws. If those lawyers were so naturally trustworthy, why in the world would you need overseers? Second, corruption requires individuals to knowingly commit acts that they believe are wrong. What I demonstrated to you is that most prosecutors believe what they are doing the right thing and have a myopic point of view--especially when it comes to cops (their brethren). And you suffer from the same myopia apparently because in all your anger you failed to realize that my critique of the legal system was much harsher and scary than yours. If it is simply a bad prosecutor, you can hope for better people with a regime change, but if it systemic then the entire structure of the criminal justice system needs to be overhauled. Cops and DAs would be much more comfortable with your analysis than mine.
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When you realize there is a conflict of interest but continue to act supposedly as an objective entity, to me that is clear corruption. To you it may not be.
Also, my solution is to overhaul the system. I proposed doing what other countries have done.
Again BarNone, I'm not exactly making any unsubstantiated claims here. There are people in your profession, as well as journalistic , that have made it very clear there is clear corruption going on here.
www.vox.com/2014/11/25/7173695/ferguson-police-officer-prosecution
There is no integrity.
Futuristic Eskimo
All Star
Edit: nevermind, I get it.
Last edited:
Domingo Halliburton
Handmade in USA
after awhile you just have to let certain criticisms of your line of work roll off your back. I let it go a long time ago. it just comes with the territory.
a lot of people have this narrative that lawyers are bad, corrupt, etc. and you're probably not going to change their opinions.
New York City police officers are protesting by refusing to work. It's not the first time.
Updated by German Lopez on December 31, 2014, 10:40 a.m. ET
New York City's police officers are rebelling publicly against Mayor Bill de Blasio, who drew particular attention in recent weeks when he acknowledged that he taught his biracial son to be careful around police simply because of his race.
"What parents have done for decades, who have children of color, especially young men of color, is train them to be very careful when they have a connection with a police officer, when they have an encounter with a police officer," de Blasio told ABC News' This Week. "It's different for a white child. That's just the reality in this country."
Police took de Blasio's comments personally. Following the December 20 shooting of two New York City police officers, Patrick Lynch, president of the NYPD union Patrolmen's Benevolent Association, said there was "blood on the hands" of the mayor.
Several days later, police officers turned their backs on de Blasio as he spoke at a funeral for one of the slain officers. Then, during a December 29 speech for an NYPD graduation ceremony, members of the crowd booed de Blasio multiple times. And according to the New York Post, police are now working as little as possible — arrests are down 66 percent — in open protest of de Blasio's administration.
This revolt comes at a time when racial disparities in police use of force and the criminal justice system are getting a lot of attention. As protesters march around the country over the killings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, Eric Garner in New York City, and other black men who have been killed by police, cops are reportedly feeling more and more under attack.
But this kind of tension between police, the public, and civilian leaders isn't a new phenomenon. In the 1960s, similar tensions played out when black Americans around the country marched and even rioted against what many at the time viewed as a racist, corrupt criminal justice system. Police responded to the criticisms with the same kind of rhetoric they are using today — sometimes telling elected leaders, including in New York City, that they will not work if they're criticized.
I talked to Heather Ann Thompson, a Temple University historian who has extensively studied urban policing issues, about these conflicts. Here's what she had to say.
Police officers revolted against civilian leaders during previous periods of racial unrest
/cdn0.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/2892392/460892306.0.jpg)
NYPD graduates salute as Mayor Bill de Blasio speaks. (Andrew Burton / Getty Images News)
"Before the rebellions in [the 1960s], there were lots of black leaders, middle-class leaders, and working-class leaders telling the mayor, 'You have to do something about your police department,'" Thompson said. "In Detroit, the mayor, Jerome Cavanagh, was a liberal mayor who was elected, like de Blasio, on the heels of a more conservative, law-and-order mayor. He took that charge seriously — like de Blasio, trying to get rid of egregious police practices. But the black community felt the police were just unreceptive to it."
"The police don't like it when the mayor starts talking about things like civilian review of police activity or censuring police abuses of the black community, because they feel like they're being betrayed by city hall," she added. "The broader history of police departments being very hostile to mayors trying to reign them in is not new. When Detroit Mayor Jerome Cavanagh tried to root out police brutality by appointing George Edwards as a police commissioner in 1962 … the guy quit. He basically said, 'This department is so bigoted that I can't make any inroads.'"
But police leaders' rhetoric seems more aggressive this time around
"It's much more vocal and it's much more aggressive than things we've seen before," Thompson said. "I think de Blasio touched a nerve in a way that other city mayors haven't — in no small part because he made the statement about his own concern in raising a biracial son in New York."
Cops' protests in some ways seek to undermine civilian rule of police
/cdn0.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/2892398/460891916.0.jpg)
Pictures of two slain NYPD officers are displayed during a graduation ceremony. (Kevin Mazur / Getty Images News)
"From the police point of view, they are working a very, very dangerous job," Thompson said. "In that respect, they feel like they're taking on the greater risk of bringing safety to the city and that their judgment should be respected. They feel they know best on the ground what needs to happen and they deal with problems on a direct basis more than any bureaucrat at city hall does."
"Rather than being a union in a traditional sense, [police union members] see themselves as a much more of a fraternity or a brotherhood," she added. "So when they get criticized, they close ranks."
Work slowdowns and stoppages were previously tried by police
"In 1967 in Detroit, there was a massive 'blue flu,' they called it, in which police protested by basically not showing up and not doing the job," Thompson said. "That method of protesting is saying, 'Screw you. We're not going to do our jobs. We're not going to arrest people. We're not going to police. Let's see what happens now.'"
But these kind of protests can backfire by exposing unnecessary arrests
"The fact of the matter is that so many of the arrests are just gratuitous — they're harassing people on the ground. It's what led to so much of this anger [from the black community] to start with," Thompson said. "Everyone took a different reaction from looking at the Eric Garnervideo. But one of the things that struck me is he says at the beginning of the video, 'Every time you see me, you want to harass me.' 'Please leave me alone,' he keeps saying. That's really the point: this low-level riding up on people, slamming them against car doors, and busting in their houses make black communities in every city in America feel like they're living under siege."
Previous reforms were undone over time
/cdn0.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/2515284/452576588.0.jpg)
The scene of Eric Garner's funeral. (Getty Images News)
"The rebellions of 1960s had really concrete and immediate effects on the way policing happened," Thompson said. "This is why we get, for example, Miranda rights… By the 1960s, there were much stronger civilian review boards of police. We got residence requirements, so police have to live in the city in which they police."
"But in the last 40 years, we have had a counter-revolution — there's no other way to put it — against every bit of that stuff I just mentioned," she added. "Prisoners used to be able to use the courts to sue when they were being abused, but then we got the Prison Litigation Reform Act that makes it almost impossible for prisoners to sue on their own behalf. We have Miranda rights, but now many officers, including private security teams, are not obligated to use Miranda rights because they're private. We have civilian review boards of police, but they have pretty much been gutted in many cities; they don't have a lot of power. We have residence requirements in cities like Detroit that were gotten rid of — you don't have to live in the city now to police."
At the root of racial disparities is too much criminalization
"It's going to take generations for my children's children to undo what it's meant to have a 40-year war on drugs and crime where only black people are targeted for what they do and white people aren't," Thompson said. "That changes the way generations of people understand race. It makes it seem that blackness and brownness is associated with criminality."
This interview was edited for length and clarity.
Updated by German Lopez on December 31, 2014, 10:40 a.m. ET
New York City's police officers are rebelling publicly against Mayor Bill de Blasio, who drew particular attention in recent weeks when he acknowledged that he taught his biracial son to be careful around police simply because of his race.
"What parents have done for decades, who have children of color, especially young men of color, is train them to be very careful when they have a connection with a police officer, when they have an encounter with a police officer," de Blasio told ABC News' This Week. "It's different for a white child. That's just the reality in this country."
Police took de Blasio's comments personally. Following the December 20 shooting of two New York City police officers, Patrick Lynch, president of the NYPD union Patrolmen's Benevolent Association, said there was "blood on the hands" of the mayor.
Several days later, police officers turned their backs on de Blasio as he spoke at a funeral for one of the slain officers. Then, during a December 29 speech for an NYPD graduation ceremony, members of the crowd booed de Blasio multiple times. And according to the New York Post, police are now working as little as possible — arrests are down 66 percent — in open protest of de Blasio's administration.
This revolt comes at a time when racial disparities in police use of force and the criminal justice system are getting a lot of attention. As protesters march around the country over the killings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, Eric Garner in New York City, and other black men who have been killed by police, cops are reportedly feeling more and more under attack.
But this kind of tension between police, the public, and civilian leaders isn't a new phenomenon. In the 1960s, similar tensions played out when black Americans around the country marched and even rioted against what many at the time viewed as a racist, corrupt criminal justice system. Police responded to the criticisms with the same kind of rhetoric they are using today — sometimes telling elected leaders, including in New York City, that they will not work if they're criticized.
I talked to Heather Ann Thompson, a Temple University historian who has extensively studied urban policing issues, about these conflicts. Here's what she had to say.
Police officers revolted against civilian leaders during previous periods of racial unrest
NYPD graduates salute as Mayor Bill de Blasio speaks. (Andrew Burton / Getty Images News)
"Before the rebellions in [the 1960s], there were lots of black leaders, middle-class leaders, and working-class leaders telling the mayor, 'You have to do something about your police department,'" Thompson said. "In Detroit, the mayor, Jerome Cavanagh, was a liberal mayor who was elected, like de Blasio, on the heels of a more conservative, law-and-order mayor. He took that charge seriously — like de Blasio, trying to get rid of egregious police practices. But the black community felt the police were just unreceptive to it."
"The police don't like it when the mayor starts talking about things like civilian review of police activity or censuring police abuses of the black community, because they feel like they're being betrayed by city hall," she added. "The broader history of police departments being very hostile to mayors trying to reign them in is not new. When Detroit Mayor Jerome Cavanagh tried to root out police brutality by appointing George Edwards as a police commissioner in 1962 … the guy quit. He basically said, 'This department is so bigoted that I can't make any inroads.'"
But police leaders' rhetoric seems more aggressive this time around
"It's much more vocal and it's much more aggressive than things we've seen before," Thompson said. "I think de Blasio touched a nerve in a way that other city mayors haven't — in no small part because he made the statement about his own concern in raising a biracial son in New York."
Cops' protests in some ways seek to undermine civilian rule of police
Pictures of two slain NYPD officers are displayed during a graduation ceremony. (Kevin Mazur / Getty Images News)
"From the police point of view, they are working a very, very dangerous job," Thompson said. "In that respect, they feel like they're taking on the greater risk of bringing safety to the city and that their judgment should be respected. They feel they know best on the ground what needs to happen and they deal with problems on a direct basis more than any bureaucrat at city hall does."
"Rather than being a union in a traditional sense, [police union members] see themselves as a much more of a fraternity or a brotherhood," she added. "So when they get criticized, they close ranks."
Work slowdowns and stoppages were previously tried by police
"In 1967 in Detroit, there was a massive 'blue flu,' they called it, in which police protested by basically not showing up and not doing the job," Thompson said. "That method of protesting is saying, 'Screw you. We're not going to do our jobs. We're not going to arrest people. We're not going to police. Let's see what happens now.'"
But these kind of protests can backfire by exposing unnecessary arrests
"The fact of the matter is that so many of the arrests are just gratuitous — they're harassing people on the ground. It's what led to so much of this anger [from the black community] to start with," Thompson said. "Everyone took a different reaction from looking at the Eric Garnervideo. But one of the things that struck me is he says at the beginning of the video, 'Every time you see me, you want to harass me.' 'Please leave me alone,' he keeps saying. That's really the point: this low-level riding up on people, slamming them against car doors, and busting in their houses make black communities in every city in America feel like they're living under siege."
Previous reforms were undone over time
The scene of Eric Garner's funeral. (Getty Images News)
"The rebellions of 1960s had really concrete and immediate effects on the way policing happened," Thompson said. "This is why we get, for example, Miranda rights… By the 1960s, there were much stronger civilian review boards of police. We got residence requirements, so police have to live in the city in which they police."
"But in the last 40 years, we have had a counter-revolution — there's no other way to put it — against every bit of that stuff I just mentioned," she added. "Prisoners used to be able to use the courts to sue when they were being abused, but then we got the Prison Litigation Reform Act that makes it almost impossible for prisoners to sue on their own behalf. We have Miranda rights, but now many officers, including private security teams, are not obligated to use Miranda rights because they're private. We have civilian review boards of police, but they have pretty much been gutted in many cities; they don't have a lot of power. We have residence requirements in cities like Detroit that were gotten rid of — you don't have to live in the city now to police."
At the root of racial disparities is too much criminalization
"It's going to take generations for my children's children to undo what it's meant to have a 40-year war on drugs and crime where only black people are targeted for what they do and white people aren't," Thompson said. "That changes the way generations of people understand race. It makes it seem that blackness and brownness is associated with criminality."
This interview was edited for length and clarity.
They're backfiring now. I hope it exposes all the waste and bloating in the dept and they just fire officers and slash their ridiculous budget. These clowns are too used to being coddled.
Domingo Halliburton
Handmade in USA
jesus christ these guys have thinner skin than soldiers or teachers when there's criticism of their profession.