I'm more than happy to let
@IllmaticDelta continue to school you, but this is just patently false on so many levels. The slave trade to French Louisiana was for the most part not modeled after and connected at all to the slave trade to french caribbean islands like St.
Domingue. In fact trade in general between Louisiana and the Caribbean was highly restricted as to not allow the poor louisiana colony to be economically muscled out by the wealthy caribbean colonies, and slaves from the french caribbean were EXPLICITLY BANNED from entering louisiana due to their "bad nature"(something you can, as a caribbean, take pride in instead of trying to leech off my people's cultural achievements), and louisiana slave traders were ordered to obtain slaves directly from Africa.
Most slaves in French Louisiana, two thirds, came form Senegambia due to the slave trade being managed by the Senegal concessions, while most slaves in St. Domingue came from Kongo/Angola and Dahomey. The system of slavery in French louisiana was actually modeled off of the success of the British colonies and Carolinas and Geogia with it's rich cultivation, which also had a disproportionate representation of Senegambian slaves. And lets not even talk about the spanish period when they actually were actually inviting settlers and their slaves from the newly formed independent US to live in Louisiana and help develop the land particularly in Pointee Coupe. Much more slaves would've came from what was then the US than from fukking Cuba. And your entire argument can be put to bed by the fact that the domestic slave trade within the US(which by this time included Louisiana) was many times larger than the atlantic slave trade from outside the US(by and large directly from Africa, not the Caribbean), and Louisiana, and then later Texas was the center point for arrival of these slaves from VA, Carolinas, GA, Tenn. etc etc
So. at you thinking AAs in Louisiana would have more "cultural exchange" with some damn Cuba or Haiti than with AAs from other states in the US, including mississippi from which New Orleans is right across the Mississippi river from(you could literally walk across the bridge between the two), which also contains the habenera/Hambone/Bo diddley rhythm and polyrhythmic cross rhythms in it's hill country fife and drum music, which you keep trying to assert comes from cuba. So, even if it didn't come to New Orleans directly from Africa, then wouldn't the next most obvious explanation be that it came from other fellow AAs from the Carolinas, Georgia or Mississippi(Ya know the next state over) etc etc? Yet here you are trying to draw some way out there connection with Cuba for some reason(I think we all know why).
FYI.....You do know Texas/Tejas was a Spanish colony(later part of Hispanic Mexico) for far longer than Lousiana was right. How come you aren't saying that Scott Joplin's(who's from Texas) "Spanish Tinge" is from Mexico instead of Cuba, especially when he himself drew the association with Mexico? You just can't accept the fact AA musical and other cultural heritage has nada to due with the Caribbean and that the flow of influence is by and large from us to you.
The Saint-Domingue Revolution | 64 Parishes
The Saint Domingue Revolution
Effects on Louisiana
The Saint-Domingue revolution had a great impact on Louisiana from the 1790s through the 1810s; first and foremost was France’s loss in its attempted re-conquest of the island during 1802 and 1803. Napoleon had hoped to retake Saint-Dominque in order to revive the sugar trade and reestablish the island as a source of wealth for France. In 1800 he negotiated with Spain in the Treaty of San Iledefonso for the French possession of Louisiana, which would serve as a breadbasket for Saint-Dominque. When French forces were defeated by Haitian rebels, Napoleon no longer needed the colony of Louisiana and decided to sell the entire colony to the United States in April 1803. Thomas Jefferson had sent emissaries Robert Livingston and James Monroe to negotiate with France for the sale of the Isle of Orleans (the City of New Orleans). Napoleon, who realized he could use the sale to finance his planned campaign against Great Britain, then offered to sell the entire colony for $15 million. Livingston and Monroe agreed to the sale, and on December 20, 1803, Louisiana was officially transferred from French to US control.
The revolution also had a great impact on Louisiana’s slave and immigration policies. In the 1790s Louisiana’s Spanish colonial Governor
Francisco Luis Hector de Carondolet feared that immigrants from Saint-Domingue would import dangerous, revolutionary ideas, so he attempted to keep slaves and free people of color from the island from entering Louisiana. The discovery of a planned slave rebellion on Julien Poydras’s plantation in Point Coupee in 1795 seemed to confirm this suspicion. Aware of the revolution in Saint-Domingue, Poydras’s slaves plotted to burn several buildings and then use the ensuing confusion as a way to seize weapons and kill their masters. Though the rebellion was aborted, white anxieties about slave insurrections remained.
Unwelcome in Louisiana initially, most of the whites, slaves, and free people of color who fled Saint-Domingue during the uprising went to other places in the Caribbean, particularly the eastern Cuban port of Santiago de Cuba. As tensions between Spain and France over the Napoleonic wars escalated, these refugees found themselves unwelcome in Cuba by 1809.
Louisiana Territorial Governor
William C. C. Claiborne was reluctant to allow Saint-Domingue refugees into Louisiana. In 1809 and 1810 Claiborne believed that their presence would be a hindrance to the growth of American democratic principles. At the same time, U.S. slave laws passed in 1807 prohibited the importation of slaves from outside the nation.
On the one hand, Claiborne allowed enslaved persons—referred to as “servants” on ship manifests—into the Louisiana Territory to appease planters’ need for labor. On the other hand, Claiborne prohibited the immigration of free men of color but allowed free women of color passage.
Between the beginning of May and the end of July 1809 thirty-four vessels brought nearly 5,800 Saint-Domingue émigrés to Louisiana from Cuba; immigrants from Guadalupe and other Caribbean islands soon followed. In all, some ten thousand Saint-Domingue refugees arrived in Louisiana between 1809 and 1810. About one-third of them were white elite, another third were free people of color, and the remaining third were slaves, who belonged to either the whites or the free blacks.
In 1812 the largest slave revolt in U.S. history, known as the Deslondes Revolt, occurred upriver from New Orleans. Once again, U.S. authorities and planters blamed the revolt on the political effect of the Haitian revolution. While the rebellion was ultimately put down, the political legacy of Haiti’s success was great and far-reaching.
The influx of Saint-Domingue refugees undeniably shaped Louisiana culture, particularly that of New Orleans. The number of free people of color in New Orleans doubled, as did the number of French speakers in the city. As a result, Louisiana Creoles generally encouraged such immigration, seeing the refugees as potential cultural allies in the struggle against Americanization. Some immigrants became citizens of great standing in the community. Gilbert Joseph Pilie, for example, was a prominent Creole architect, surveyor, and civil engineer who made a lasting impact on New Orleans and Louisiana. He served as city surveyor, beginning in 1818, and mapped out the plan for the Esplanade Prolongment (Esplanade Avenue), which serves as the lower border of the French Quarter and connects the Mississippi riverfront to City Park. As an architect, he designed the main house at Oak Alley Plantation, perhaps one of the most iconic plantation homes in the country, for his son-in-law Jacques Telesphore Roman. He is also credited with designing the main iron gate of the Cabildo entrance and the iron fence around Jackson Square.
The revolution also left a huge void in the global market for sugar—a void that Louisiana subsequently filled. The large influx of Saint-Domingue immigrants helped to further develop Louisiana’s nascent sugar industry. In the late 1790s sugar planters, such as Etienne Bore, used Haitian refining techniques to successfully granulate sugar. This development made the crop more profitable. Whereas tobacco and indigo were the principal plantation crops in the Spanish colonial period, by the American era sugar and cotton had emerged as the two most important export crops and fueled a great labor demand—and therefore a boom in the market for enslaved persons.
New Orleans’s signature dish, red beans and rice, is also credited to the Saint-Dominguans. Immigrants from the island brought to New Orleans a preference for mixing large red kidney beans with rice and pork flavoring; in the city, it became a dish associated with Mondays, which were traditional wash days when a pot of beans could be easily cooked without much supervision, leaving time for tending to the day’s wash. Today in Haiti riz national, the Creole dialect term for “national rice,” is the nation’s most popular rice-and-beans dish. And in the eastern province of Santiago de Cuba, where many Saint-Dominguan immigrants settled in the 1800s, red beans and rice is still the local dish, which differs from black beans and rice (moros y cristianos), the signature dish of western Cuba.
The Saint-Domingue refugees also left a considerable cultural mark on New Orleans. Voodoo is often associated with both Haiti and New Orleans. The religion is essentially a syncretic blend of West African spiritual beliefs and Catholicism. In Louisiana, the Code Noir required all enslaved Africans to be baptized in the Catholic Church, and those who became Christian often blended their traditional spiritual beliefs with Catholic rituals. The influx of voodoo practitioners from Saint-Domingue in the early 1800s added another layer of voodoo culture, which became more prominent in the mid-1800s under priestess Marie Laveau and her daughter.
Historian Emily Clark has argued that the New Orleans legends of the quadroon balls and plaçage were a consequence of the immigration as well. Quadroon balls, in which balls only admitted free women of color and free white men, were practiced in Saint-Domingue in the 1790s, and the practice was employed to a limited degree in New Orleans during the 1810s. Travelers’ accounts of the balls and the practice of placage helped to associate the practice with the city and become part of New Orleans’s exaggerated and inaccurate history promoted by tour guides in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
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By the way, here is one of the descendants of the Free people of color who fled St. Domingue and ended up in New Orleans