loyola llothta
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Another tenet of Reaganomics and U.S. foreign policy was that governments had to divest themselves of state-run companies and allow their elites along with foreign business partners to buy them up. We've all heard the famous allegations that Aristide was involved in corruption. Following the allegation, we have to ask why? I lived in Haiti during that period and was perhaps the only foreign journalist to focus on this question from the people's perspective.
Aristide refused to privatize Haiti's two largest industries owned by the state, the electric company EDH and the telephone company, Telecommunications d'Haiti or TELECO. Instead, Aristide took profits from both companies and invested them in a universal literacy program and feeding program for the poor. Any adult between the age of 30 and 60 could go to a free literacy class, modeled after the Cuban literacy system successfully used in Nicaragua.
In addition, there were what was called the "literacy restaurants." At the height of the program, more than 2 million people per month received a hot meal, with more than 300,000 of them being children who were given vitamin supplements free of charge.
It was exactly this program that served as a safety net for the poor which was dismantled after Aristide's ouster, and which could have served as a buffer to events in April 2008.
The international community and the UN have proved they have different priorities and a different model for development in Haiti. This is why their forces, despite the propaganda, are largely reviled among the poor in Haiti today.
Haiti's poor majority has seen more than $2 billion pumped into the country over the past three years, and yet there has been no discernable alleviation of the poverty and misery they are forced to endure. It has been insult added to injury after having the right to choose a government not to the liking of the international community taken away from them in February 2004.
YOU HAVE written extensively on the brutal repression and destructive violence inflicted on poor neighborhoods by the occupying forces. The Brazilian military has played a leading role in this respect. What are some of the military tactics the Brazilians use to enforce the occupation?
THE BRAZILIAN military is by its own nature and history a repressive force. One need not look further then its own history to confirm this. The Brazilians serve much the same role they play in their own country to repress the favelas. The only difference is that they use Haiti to whitewash their own brutal historical image internationally.
In Haiti, the Brazilians always shoot first, and detain without cause or warrant. Yet they wash their hands of responsibility for arresting thousands of Haitians, most of them incarcerated for political reasons without ever seeing a judge.
The conditions in Haiti's main penitentiary demand we work to free them by any means necessary. I'm serious--even if it means confronting the UN directly on the ground in Haiti. Prisoners in Haiti cannot be allowed to suffer under these conditions without a directed and durable response.
Most of the prisoners are there without seeing a judge for more than a year and remain imprisoned for their political beliefs. Otherwise, the burden of proof lies with Haiti's occupation force--namely the United States and their surrogates such as Brazil.
RECENTLY, THE Economist and the head of the UN hailed the occupation of Haiti as a success story. But just like the U.S. occupation in Iraq, the opposite is the case. What do the world ruling elites mean when they say that the occupation has been a success?
I HAVE to use a benchmark to qualify your question. For me, the benchmark was the recent protests on February 29, 2008 that marked the fourth anniversary of Aristide's ouster. More than 10,000 people took to the streets throughout Haiti to demand his return from exile.
Given your earlier questions, you might now begin to understand why. Haiti's occupation after his ouster has been a complete failure. There has been no discernable improvement in the lot of the average Haitian--quite the contrary, their lot has descended into more poverty and misery.
Again, this is because the priority has shifted away from programs for the poor and a safety net for the most vulnerable to creating more business opportunities for the wealthy elite and their foreign partners.
WHAT CAN people in the U.S. and elsewhere do to support the resistance movement against the occupation?
I KNOW of projects on the ground that folks can support. The best alternative at this moment is the Haiti Emergency Relief Fund or HERF.
The most important act of solidarity is choosing whom you work with. They most closely reflect my own experiences and values for working in solidarity with grassroots organizations that are working to rebuild their lives following the ouster of Aristide and the brutal years of repression that followed. It is about creating an alternative to the NGO model of social engineering that allows for Haitians to lead in their own communities for sovereignty and economic and social justice.
Link:
Neoliberal roots of Haiti’s food crisis