The Combat and Military Systems of Africa and its Diaspora

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The Dervish state (Somali: Dawlada Daraawiish, Arabic: دولة الدراويش‎‎ Dawlāt ad-Darāwīsh) was an early 20th-century Somali Sunni Kingdom that was established by Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, a religious leader who gathered Somali soldiers from across the Horn of Africa and united them into a loyal army known as the Dervishes. This Dervish army enabled Hassan to carve out a powerful state through conquest of lands claimed by the Somali Sultans, the Ethiopians and the European powers. The Dervish State acquired renown in the Islamic and Western worlds due to its resistance against the European empires of Britain and Italy. The Dervish forces successfully repulsed the British Empire in four military expeditions, and forced it to retreat to the coastal region. As a result of its fame in the Middle East and Europe, the Dervish State was recognized as an ally by the Ottoman Empire and the German Empire. It also succeeded at outliving the Scramble for Africa, and remained throughout World War I the only independent Muslim power on the continent. After a quarter of a century of holding the British at bay, the Dervishes were finally defeated in 1920.

At the end of the 19th century, the Berlin conference gathered together Europe's most powerful countries during the Scramble for Africa. The British, Italians and Ethiopians partitioned Greater Somalia into spheres of influence, cutting into the previous nomadic grazing system and Somali civilizational network that connected port cities with those of the interior. The Ethiopian Emperor Menelik's Somali expedition, consisting of an army of 11,000 men, made a deep push into the vicinity of Luuq in Somalia. However, his troops were soundly defeated by the Gobroon army, with only 200 soldiers returning alive. The Ethiopians subsequently refrained from further expeditions into the interior of Somalia, but continued to oppress the people in the Ogaden by plundering the nomads of their livestock numbering in the hundreds of thousands. The British blockade in firearms to the Somalis rendered the nomads in the Ogaden helpless against the armies of Menelik. With the establishment of important Muslim orders headed by Somali scholars such as Shaykh Abd Al-Rahman bin Ahmad al-Zayla'i and Uways al-Barawi, a rebirth of Islam in East Africa was soon afoot. The resistance against the colonization of Muslim lands in Africa and Asia by the Afghans and Mahdists would inspire a large resistance movement in Somalia. Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, a former nomad boy that had travelled to many Muslim centers in the Islamic world, returned to Somalia as a grown man and began promoting the Salihiyah order in the urban cities and the interior where he found major success.

In 1897, Hassan left Berbera. On this journey, at a place called Daymoole, he met some Somali children who were being looked after by a Catholic Mission. When he asked them about their clan and parents, the Somali orphans replied that they belonged to the "clan of the (Catholic) Fathers." This reply shook his conscience, for he felt that the "Christian overlordship in his country was tantamount to the destruction of his people's faith." In 1899, some soldiers of the British armed forces met Hassan and sold him an official gun. When questioned about the loss of the gun, they told their superiors that Hassan had stolen the gun from them. On 29 March 1899, the British Vice Consul wrote a very stern and insulting letter to him asking him to return the gun immediately, which someone in Hassan's camp had reported stolen. This enraged Hassan and he sent a very brief and curt reply refuting the allegation. While Hassan had really been against the Ethiopian invaders of Somalia, this small incident caused a clash with the British.

The regular army (Maara-weyn) of the Dervish state was organised into seven regiments: Shiikh-yaale, Gola-weyne, Taar-gooye, Indha-badan, Miinanle, Dharbash and Rag-xun. Each regiment had its commander (muqaddim), and varied in size from between 1,000 and 4,000 men. A large para-military force was also drawn from the nomad population. The cavalry, for its part, numbered between 5,000 and 10,000 mounted horsemen, and the standing army was supplied with modern weapons such as rifles and maxim guns. Dervish soldiers used the dhaanto traditional dance-song to raise their esprit de corps and often sang it on horseback.

In August 1898, the Dervish army occupied Burao, an important centre of British Somaliland, giving Muhammad Abdullah Hassan control over the city's watering places. Hassan also succeeded in making peace between the local clans and initiated a large assembly, where the population was urged to join the war against the British.


The historic Daarta Sayyidka Dervish fort in Eyl.

In 1900, an Ethiopian expedition which had been sent to arrest or kill Hassan looted a large number of camels. Hassan in return attacked the Ethiopian garrison at Jijiga on 4 March of that year and successfully recovered all the looted animals. He gained great prestige in recovering the looted stock from the Ethiopians and he used it along with his charisma and powers of oratory to improve his undisputed authority on the Ogaden. To harness Ogaden enthusiasm into final commitment, Hassan married the daughter of a prominent leader and in return gave his own sister, Toohyar Sheikh Adbile, to Abdi Mohammed Waale, a notable elder.

Towards the end of 1900, the Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II proposed a joint action with the British against the Dervish. Accordingly, British Lt. Col. E.J. Swayne assembled a force of 1,500 Somali soldiers led by 21 European officers and started from Burco on 22 May 1901, while an Ethiopian army of 15,000 soldiers started from Harar to join the British forces intent on crushing the 20,000 Dervish fighters (of whom 40 percent were cavalry).

In the 1920 campaign by the British, 12 aircraft were used to support the local British forces. Within a month, the British had occupied the capital of the Dervish State and Hassan had retreated to the west.


Somali Dervish soldiers engage their British counterparts at sea.
 

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Tuareg Warriors I
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The Dervish state (Somali: Dawlada Daraawiish, Arabic: دولة الدراويش‎‎ Dawlāt ad-Darāwīsh) was an early 20th-century Somali Sunni Kingdom that was established by Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, a religious leader who gathered Somali soldiers from across the Horn of Africa and united them into a loyal army known as the Dervishes. This Dervish army enabled Hassan to carve out a powerful state through conquest of lands claimed by the Somali Sultans, the Ethiopians and the European powers. The Dervish State acquired renown in the Islamic and Western worlds due to its resistance against the European empires of Britain and Italy. The Dervish forces successfully repulsed the British Empire in four military expeditions, and forced it to retreat to the coastal region. As a result of its fame in the Middle East and Europe, the Dervish State was recognized as an ally by the Ottoman Empire and the German Empire. It also succeeded at outliving the Scramble for Africa, and remained throughout World War I the only independent Muslim power on the continent. After a quarter of a century of holding the British at bay, the Dervishes were finally defeated in 1920.

At the end of the 19th century, the Berlin conference gathered together Europe's most powerful countries during the Scramble for Africa. The British, Italians and Ethiopians partitioned Greater Somalia into spheres of influence, cutting into the previous nomadic grazing system and Somali civilizational network that connected port cities with those of the interior. The Ethiopian Emperor Menelik's Somali expedition, consisting of an army of 11,000 men, made a deep push into the vicinity of Luuq in Somalia. However, his troops were soundly defeated by the Gobroon army, with only 200 soldiers returning alive. The Ethiopians subsequently refrained from further expeditions into the interior of Somalia, but continued to oppress the people in the Ogaden by plundering the nomads of their livestock numbering in the hundreds of thousands. The British blockade in firearms to the Somalis rendered the nomads in the Ogaden helpless against the armies of Menelik. With the establishment of important Muslim orders headed by Somali scholars such as Shaykh Abd Al-Rahman bin Ahmad al-Zayla'i and Uways al-Barawi, a rebirth of Islam in East Africa was soon afoot. The resistance against the colonization of Muslim lands in Africa and Asia by the Afghans and Mahdists would inspire a large resistance movement in Somalia. Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, a former nomad boy that had travelled to many Muslim centers in the Islamic world, returned to Somalia as a grown man and began promoting the Salihiyah order in the urban cities and the interior where he found major success.

In 1897, Hassan left Berbera. On this journey, at a place called Daymoole, he met some Somali children who were being looked after by a Catholic Mission. When he asked them about their clan and parents, the Somali orphans replied that they belonged to the "clan of the (Catholic) Fathers." This reply shook his conscience, for he felt that the "Christian overlordship in his country was tantamount to the destruction of his people's faith." In 1899, some soldiers of the British armed forces met Hassan and sold him an official gun. When questioned about the loss of the gun, they told their superiors that Hassan had stolen the gun from them. On 29 March 1899, the British Vice Consul wrote a very stern and insulting letter to him asking him to return the gun immediately, which someone in Hassan's camp had reported stolen. This enraged Hassan and he sent a very brief and curt reply refuting the allegation. While Hassan had really been against the Ethiopian invaders of Somalia, this small incident caused a clash with the British.

The regular army (Maara-weyn) of the Dervish state was organised into seven regiments: Shiikh-yaale, Gola-weyne, Taar-gooye, Indha-badan, Miinanle, Dharbash and Rag-xun. Each regiment had its commander (muqaddim), and varied in size from between 1,000 and 4,000 men. A large para-military force was also drawn from the nomad population. The cavalry, for its part, numbered between 5,000 and 10,000 mounted horsemen, and the standing army was supplied with modern weapons such as rifles and maxim guns. Dervish soldiers used the dhaanto traditional dance-song to raise their esprit de corps and often sang it on horseback.

In August 1898, the Dervish army occupied Burao, an important centre of British Somaliland, giving Muhammad Abdullah Hassan control over the city's watering places. Hassan also succeeded in making peace between the local clans and initiated a large assembly, where the population was urged to join the war against the British.


The historic Daarta Sayyidka Dervish fort in Eyl.

In 1900, an Ethiopian expedition which had been sent to arrest or kill Hassan looted a large number of camels. Hassan in return attacked the Ethiopian garrison at Jijiga on 4 March of that year and successfully recovered all the looted animals. He gained great prestige in recovering the looted stock from the Ethiopians and he used it along with his charisma and powers of oratory to improve his undisputed authority on the Ogaden. To harness Ogaden enthusiasm into final commitment, Hassan married the daughter of a prominent leader and in return gave his own sister, Toohyar Sheikh Adbile, to Abdi Mohammed Waale, a notable elder.

Towards the end of 1900, the Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II proposed a joint action with the British against the Dervish. Accordingly, British Lt. Col. E.J. Swayne assembled a force of 1,500 Somali soldiers led by 21 European officers and started from Burco on 22 May 1901, while an Ethiopian army of 15,000 soldiers started from Harar to join the British forces intent on crushing the 20,000 Dervish fighters (of whom 40 percent were cavalry).

In the 1920 campaign by the British, 12 aircraft were used to support the local British forces. Within a month, the British had occupied the capital of the Dervish State and Hassan had retreated to the west.


Somali Dervish soldiers engage their British counterparts at sea.

Somali warriors (unsure if they're attached the Dervish state)
1316262_l.jpeg
 

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Militants have killed 11 Malian soldiers near the Burkina Faso border
Militants attacked a Malian army post near the border of Burkina Faso on Sunday, killing 11 soldiers, a Mali defence ministry spokesman told Reuters.

It was not immediately clear who was responsible for the attack, but Islamist groups including al-Qaeda affiliates have been resurgent in recent months in Mali, attacking army positions beyond their usual strongholds in the north.

"The post was attacked between 4 a.m. and 5 a.m. in Boulkessi, and there were 11 killed and five wounded," said defence spokesman Colonel Abdoulaye Sidibé.

He said a deployment of troops had been sent to the town as reinforcements, but did not say if the attackers had been caught by Sunday night.

Islamist groups such as Ansar Dine have stepped up their insurgency in Mali over the past year. In 2016, they carried out dozens of attacks on United Nations and other targetsand spread south into areas previously deemed safe.

Al-Qaeda's North African ally al-Mourabitoun in January claimed responsibility for a suicide bomb attack on a military camp in northern Mali that killed up to 60 people and wounded more than 100 others, an attack it said was revenge against groups cooperating with French forces in the region.

France intervened in Mali in 2013 to drive back Islamist groups that seized the desert north a year earlier and maintains a regional operation aimed at stamping out insurgents.
 

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Congo Militia Decapitates More Than 40 Police Officers in Ambush
A Congolese militia decapitated 42 policemen in an ambush near the central Democratic Republic of Congo city of Kananga, a local official said Saturday.

Francois Kalamba, speaker of the Kasai provincial assembly, said the Kamuina Nsapu militant group ambushed a group of police officers traveling between Kananga and Tshikapa a day earlier.


The militants captured the police officers and decapitated 42 of them, Kalamba said, noting that the militants freed six of the officers because they could speak the local Tshiluba language.

The attack marks the deadliest encounter between security forces and the militant group since last summer when security forces killed the group’s leader, sparking an insurrection that has spread to five provinces throughout the country.

According to United Nations figures, more than 400 people have been killed due to the violence in central Congo. Many of the dead have been dumped into mass graves, the UN said last week after discovering 10 alleged grave sites
 

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When will Afro-Colombians try to form militias for self-defence?
Colombia: Civilians Killed in Riverside Community

Five community members were shot and killed in unclear circumstances in the western Colombian province of Chocó on the night of March 25, 2017, Human Rights Watch said today. The Colombian government should take immediate measures to investigate the deaths and aid families who have been displaced.

The killings took place in the Afro-Colombian community of Carrá in the municipality of Litoral de San Juan. Initial reports from community members said that victims were caught in the crossfire between the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrillas and the Gaitanist Self-Defenses of Colombia (AGC). A human rights official later told Human Rights Watch that, according to local residents, there was no such clash and men with the ELN emblem had appeared in town and begun firing indiscriminately into the community. Similarly, the mayor told the media that there was no clash and an armed group had shot “indiscriminately” at civilians. The Attorney General’s Office reported that seven ELN members apparently killed the civilians under unspecified circumstances and left an ELN flag in the community. The ELN later denied the claims by the Attorney General’s Office and suggested that the AGC was responsible for the killings.

“Colombian authorities should carry out a prompt and exhaustive investigation and ensure that those responsible for the killings in Carrá are prosecuted and held accountable,” said Jose Miguel Vivanco, Americas director at Human Rights Watch. “The government should also take immediate steps to assess the needs of displaced families and provide them with necessary assistance.”

The ELN guerrillas, a leftist armed group, started peace talks with the Colombian government in February after two years of exploratory talks. The AGC, which is not part of the peace talks, emerged after a flawed paramilitary demobilization over a decade ago. The groups are fighting at least in part for control over the San Juan river.

Unless authorities show up to protect victims, the promise of peace in Colombia will continue to be an empty promise for the riverside communities of Chocó.
José Miguel Vivanco
Americas director

The five civilians who died were: Yiminson Granados, Dider Arboleda, Julio Posso, Wilinton Posso, and Elcias Arboleda, a justice official told Human Rights Watch. The navy reported that some of them were authorities of the community council, a local body that governs in many of the country’s Afro-Colombian communities. A 14-year-old boy had a bullet wound in his arm, and 52 people fled to Docordó, the municipality’s capital, the night of the killings, a local human rights official told Human Rights Watch. Local authorities and aid organizations in the area told Human Rights Watch that the displaced families were housed in two residences in Docordó.

Human Rights Watch visited communities by the San Juan river, including Carrá, in early March as part of broader research on abuses committed by the ELN and the AGC in the area.

During the Human Rights Watch visit, Carrá residents said that on February 19, the Colombian navy had engaged in a shootout with the AGC for 45 minutes behind the school that serves Carrá. No one from the community was harmed during that confrontation, but residents told Human Rights Watch that they feared new fighting or abuses. “No one is going to stay here, we are all going to leave due to fear,” a resident said. After the confrontations, two members of the AGC were captured, the Attorney General’s Office reported.

Colombia’s ombudsman’s office reported that in July 2015, ELN guerrillas came to Carrá, demanding to see members of the community whom they said had cooperated with the AGC. Later that day, the ELN and the navy engaged in fighting close to the community. Community members told Human Rights Watch that 18 families then fled to Docordó for three days.

“Unless authorities show up to protect victims, the promise of peace in Colombia will continue to be an empty promise for the riverside communities of Chocó,” Vivanco said.
 

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International media is beginning to support Haftar. Haftar is also Russia's man in this fight.

The ongoing fight for Libya's strategic 'oil crescent'

Forces loyal to Libya’s Tobruk-based parliament, led by military leader Khalifa Haftar, hope to capture a strategic airbase as a necessary step to retaking Libya’s coveted “oil crescent” region, according to sources close to the conflict.

Ali Said, an officer in the pro-Haftar camp, spoke to Anadolu Agency about Haftar’s ongoing campaign and recent military deployments to the strategic region.

Our recent deployments are aimed not only at recapturing strategic oil ports, but also at seizing the Jufra Airbase, from which the Benghazi Defense Brigades are able to strike our forces in the region,” he said.

The Benghazi Defense Brigades (BDB) came into being last summer with the aim of supporting the Benghazi Shura Council against pro-Haftar forces.

The Benghazi Shura Council is comprised largely of armed revolutionaries who fought the Gaddafi regime during Libya’s bloody 2011 uprising.

Last September, Haftar’s forces briefly managed to establish control over most of the oil crescent. Earlier this month, however, they lost two of the region’s most lucrative oil ports -- Al-Sidra and Ras Lanuf -- to BDB militiamen.

The Al-Sidra and Ras Lanuf energy terminals are two of the country’s largest, with a combined production capacity of some 600,000 barrels of oil per day.

"Army [i.e., pro-Haftar] forces are now engaged in an air, ground and sea offensive aimed at retaking Ras Lanuf," read a statement issued on March 14 by Haftar’s self-styled Libyan National Army.

Libya’s oil crescent region stretches from Ras Lanuf in the country’s east to the north-central city of Sirte and down to the southern Jufra district, in which the airbase is located.

The region accounts for an estimated 80 percent of Libya’s total oil production and has remained a point of contention among rival factions battling for control of the country.

For the most part, the region contains only small towns and industrial cities for oil workers and their families. It is thought to be inhabited by less than 1 percent of Libya’s total population.

Taking Jufra

According to sources close to Haftar, the capture of the strategically located Jufra Airbase will be essential to maintaining control over the entire region.

Haftar hopes to eventually establish control over all of southern Libya, these sources say -- but to do so, he first must decisively capture Jufra.

“Haftar’s forces have already captured the oil-rich town of Zella and the Brak al-Shatti Airbase,” said one pro-Haftar source, speaking anonymously due to restrictions on talking to media.

“But this control won’t be complete without seizing Jufra, which commands the road linking the coastal city of Misurata to Libya’s southern hinterland -- a main supply route for anti-Haftar forces in the area,” he asserted.

He added: “If Haftar were to take the Jufra district and its airbase, his warplanes would then be able to strike targets to the east, west and south of the country without the need to refuel in the air.”

When late Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi originally built the Jufra Airbase, he intended it for use as a main military hub, the same source explained.

The airbase is said to contain solid infrastructure despite having been the target of both French and NATO bombing campaigns during and after the 2011 uprising against Gaddafi.

“But Haftar knows he can’t capture or hold Jufra -- or decisively defeat the BDB there -- with the use of air power alone,” the source said. “He also needs ground forces to secure the region’s strategic oil terminals.”

Post-uprising turmoil

Libya has been wracked by turmoil since 2011, when Gaddafi was ousted and killed in a bloody revolt after 42 years in power.

In the wake of the uprising, the country’s stark political divisions yielded two rival seats of government -- one in Tobruk and the other in Tripoli -- along with a host of competing militia groups.

In 2014, Haftar, a former general under Gaddafi, announced the dissolution of Libya’s Tripoli-based General National Congress (GNC), which had unilaterally extended in governing mandate.

The move led to open conflict between forces loyal to the GNC and a Tobruk-based parliament supported by Haftar’s forces, which now reportedly enjoy the support of both neighboring Egypt and the United Arab Emirates.

In an effort to resolve the country’s crippling political deadlock, Libya’s warring camps signed a UN-backed agreement in late 2015 establishing a government of national unity.

The UN-backed unity government, however, which Haftar continues to openly challenge, has yet to apply its governing writ across the battle-scarred North African country.
 

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New jihadist alliance claims border attack in Mali
A new jihadist alliance claimed responsibility Saturday for an attack that killed three members of Mali's security forces on March 29, according to a statement released by jihadist monitoring group SITE.
Three Malian jihadist groups with previous Al-Qaeda links recently joined forces to create the "Group to Support Islam and Muslims" (GSIM), led by Iyad Ag Ghaly of Islamist organisation Ansar Dine.

The group, also known as Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimeen in Arabic, mounted an attack that killed three gendarmes, they said, though Malian security sources told AFP the day of the attack that it was two soldiers and a civilian who were killed.

"This past Wednesday, a brigade of mujahideen was able to attack a Malian gendarmerie post in Boulikessi, which is part of the Douentza area, near the Burkinabe border," the statement released by SITE said.

"The attack resulted in killing three gendarmes and seizing some weapons and ammunition as spoils," it added.

It is believed to be the jihadist alliance's second operation after their merger, following the killing of 11 soldiers in the same area on March 5.

Ansar Dine was involved in an onslaught that saw northern Mali fall out of government control for nearly a year from spring 2012.

The extremists were later expelled from the region by a French-led international military intervention.

Nonetheless large swathes of northern Mali continue to come under attack from jihadist groups.

The area is also seen by governments battling the jihadist threat as a launchpad for attacks against other countries in the region.
 

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This comes after an alleged increase in illegal fishing in Somali waters
Somalia piracy: India ship hijacked in new attack - BBC News
Somali pirates have hijacked an Indian cargo vessel off the coast of the Puntland region, officials say.

It was believed to have been travelling between Dubai and Bosasso, in Puntland, when it was seized.

It is the second such attack recently. Last month, pirates seized a tanker bound for Mogadishu but released it apparently without conditions.

That incident was the first hijack of a large commercial ship off the Somali coast since 2012.

Maritime sources have identified the vessel as the Al Kausar with 11 crew on board.

The AFP news agency said it had contacted the vessel's owner and been told it was carrying goods such as wheat and sugar.

A crew member had apparently phoned the owner to tell him the vessel was hijacked at sea last Friday. Five gunmen were said to be on board, but no-one had been hurt.

Senior Indian shipping official Nalini Shankar said the vessel was "not a big ship, but a dhow", the Press Truss of India reported.

The Somali website Daynile said the attack happened some 50km (30 miles) south of the port town of Hobyo.

Billion dollar industry
Piracy off the Somali coast - usually for ransom - has dropped significantly in recent years, in part because of extensive international military patrols as well as support for local fishing communities.

At the height of the crisis in 2011, there were 237 attacks and the annual cost of piracy was estimated to be up to $8bn (£7bn).

The factors that drove many Somali coastal fishermen to become pirates nearly a decade ago are still there, says the BBC's security correspondent Frank Gardner.

Somalia is currently in the grip of a famine. Poverty is widespread with few employment options for young people.

There is also continued local resentment at the poaching of fish stocks off the coast by Asian trawlers.
 
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