The Odum of Ala Igbo
Hail Biafra!
Wayo-wayo politicians. I don tire ooo
WHEN João Lourenço said on the eve of Angola’s election in August that, as president, he would have “all the power”, few took him seriously. The former defence minister had been hand-picked by José Eduardo dos Santos, Angola’s president for 38 years, seemingly as part of a deal to protect his interests. The opposition dubbed him “the chauffeur”, since Mr dos Santos would tell him where to go.
Two months into his presidency, though, the chauffeur seems not to be taking directions. On November 15th he suddenly sacked Mr dos Santos’s flamboyant and ultra-wealthy elder daughter, Isabel dos Santos, from her job at the head of Sonangol, the national oil company. That was followed by the cancellation of a lucrative contract between the state television company and a media company owned by two of Mr dos Santos’s younger children.
Then, on November 20th, in defiance of a law introduced by his predecessor, Mr Lourenço fired the police chief and the head of the intelligence agency. In Luanda, the fabulously expensive coastal capital, rumours fly that another of the ex-president’s children, José Filomeno dos Santos, the head of the $5bn sovereign-wealth fund, will be next for the chop. One of Ms dos Santos’s other interests, Unitel, a mobile-phone company with a near-monopoly, could face more competition.
Some even wonder if José Eduardo himself, who is still chairman of the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola (known as the MPLA from its Portuguese initials), the country’s ruling party, might be under threat. The new president has not been discreet about his ambitions, says Paula Roque, a researcher at Oxford University. By sacking Ms dos Santos and taking over the security apparatus, Mr Lourenço has seized control of two of the three main sources of power in Angola.
The third is the MPLA. And behind the scenes, party veterans are trying to persuade the former president, who has not been seen in public since the end of October, to step down as party leader early next year. “It’s become clear just how sick and tired the country was with how things were,” says Paulo Faria, a professor of politics at Agostinho Neto University in Luanda. “Successful resistance from within the party seems unlikely.”
Mr Lourenço’s assault on the former president’s gilded empire is winning over at least some Angolans. On social media many have shared an image from “The Terminator”, a film, with Mr Lourenço’s face replacing that of the he-man star, Arnold Schwarzenegger. Two guns held aloft, the caption reads: “The Relentless Remover”. The presidential motorcade is said to stop now at red lights. Mr Lourenço was seen queuing for a meal at KFC, a fast-food chain. In a country where the rich and powerful have been above the law for years, such small gestures have carried weight. Even the previous government’s loudest critics have come out in support. Luaty Beirao, an Angolan rapper and activist who was jailed by the old administration, said he was stunned by Mr Lourenço’s actions, calling it a “revolution”.
Will Mr Lourenço’s revolution really transform Angola? The country is in a terrible state. After the end of the civil war in 2002, oil wealth started to flow, bringing new roads and fancy skyscrapers to Luanda. Thanks to epic corruption, little has filtered down. Most Angolans live in penury. Life expectancy is barely 60 years. So dire are health facilities that last year Angola suffered the world’s worst outbreak of yellow fever in decades.
These days there is less money to go around. Economic growth has slowed since 2014, when the price of oil, which makes up over 90% of exports (the rest is almost all diamonds), collapsed. Despite tight monetary policy the currency, the kwanza, trades on the black market at just 40% of the official rate. Reliable data are almost non-existent, so it is unclear exactly how much the government owes international creditors. But the amount has certainly soared. Much of it is owed to China, on terms that are far from generous.
Rafael Marques de Morais, a journalist and anti-corruption activist, fears that not much will change. He thinks Mr Lourenço had little choice but to go after the president’s children. “Isabel was strangling Sonangol with her incompetence,” he says. But, he adds, more junior members of the dos Santos family are still “everywhere in government, in economic and social affairs”. And there is little hint that Mr Lourenço’s government intends to go after corruption or try to build solid institutions to replace the dos Santos’s system of patronage. “He’s not even trying to find figures who have a better reputation,” says Mr Marques de Morais of the new president’s appointees.
That said, by weakening the dos Santos clan, and so quickly after taking office, Mr Lourenço has made a strong start. For as long as Mr dos Santos held the reins, “you could not conceive of genuine reform,” says Ricardo Soares de Oliveira, also of Oxford University. The elderly ex-president warped his country’s post-independence history. With him removed from the picture, perhaps things can start to change for the better.
He's back at it again...
https://www.economist.com/news/midd...-control-everything-now-they-dont-angolas-new
@Claudex @Frangala
I gotta say that following African politics is more fun than Western.
The President of Ghana with the President of France. Fascinating speech:
what he say?
The President of Ghana with the President of France. Fascinating speech:
West Africa's biggest solar farm launched in Burkina Faso
Abdur Rahman Alfa Shaban with AFP | 30/11 - 09:07
Burkina Faso is now home to West Africa’s biggest solar farm, a 33-megawatt plant located in the town of Zatubi, outside the capital Ouagadougou.
Built at a cost of $56.7 million, the 55-hectare (approximately 135-acre) farm is expected to power tens of thousands of households in the country.
It was funded through donations from the European Union and a loan from AFD – France’s development agency. French President Emmanuel Macron who is on a regional visit joined Burkinabe president Roch Marc Kabore to launch the farm.
Records indicate that only about 20% of Burkina Faso’s 17 million population have access to the national power system. The majority depend on other unsustainable power generation options.
The country is aiming to meet 30% of its power needs through solar energy by the year 2030. Most African countries that have longed depended on hydroelectric and thermal energy are now shifting to solar energy with abundance of the sun in the region.
South Africa has continent’s biggest solar farm
South Africa hosts the biggest solar farm on the continent with a 175MW facility (Solar Capital De Aar) in De Aar, located in the country’s Northern Cape region. The facility spans across 473 hectares and was officially opened in 2016.
“The inauguration of the Solar Capital De Aar 3 marks the commercial operation of the 17th Solar Photovoltaic plant in the Northern Cape Province, which has become the country’s mecca for the development of renewable energy sources,” the sector minister Joemat-Pettersson said at the launch.
“The 4.8 billion rand ($315 million) development by the department in partnership with Solar Capital will be exported into the national electricity grid and be able to power approximately 75 000 houses in South Africa,” CNBC Africa reported at the time.
The facility is also reputed to be the biggest in the Southern Hemisphere and the Middle-East region. It took a little over two years to build and at the time was said to have employed over 369 people during its construction.
West Africa's biggest solar farm launched in Burkina Faso
The luxurious ghost airport in one of the world's poorest countries
In Mozambique, a $200m airport was meant to be the second busiest in the country.
But three years after it opened it is operating at only 4% of its capacity.
Nacalas International Airport has also been caught up in a corruption scandal involving Brazilian contractor Odebrecht.
The company was responsible for the airport's construction, and admitted to having paid bribes to high level officials.