STOP THE LIES! BLACK PEOPLE NEVER SUPPORTED THE 94 CRIME BILL

[dblive]

For anyone who hasnt read it.

Seems quite specific to drug crime which is not a bad thing. In the black community we defend our drug dealers more than condemn them it seems. The bill also has money going to high crime areas too, so it’s not just about sentencing people as well as an increase in community policing.

There are some questionable stuff (the 13 year old kids). But you have to be hard on violent crime repeatedly committed by adults.

When people say the Crime Bill was just to lock up people, I don’t think any of them have actually read it . Locking up fragrant drug dealers is good and not bad.





It’s a lot of what people have said. But people use it as a silver bullet.

Thanks for providing a summery of the law. Agree with everything you stated. In hindsight, the disparity in crack cocaine vs powder cocaine sentencing let a lot of white people off the hook. But in my neighborhood, powder cocaine wasn’t the concern so a lot of people overlooked that aspect of the law. The problem was the violence, constant destruction of property, loss of home value in black neighborhoods, etc. I remember you couldn’t keep an antenna on your car, because crack users would steal them to smoke rocks. Now you can’t listen to the radio in your car. There were “knock out” contest where crack dealers (usually middle-high school age) would line up a dope fiend who didn’t have all the money and try to knock them out in 1 punch. Imagine the lack of respect they have for adults if they are participating in these types of activities. Little things like this. As far as the age you could be tried as an adult; like I said, if you were in the game, you got in early. I remember living in New Orleans in 1996, every street dealer was around 10-14 selling heroin and crack. And they were violent, so you couldn’t approach on some “peace my brother” unless you wanted your wig pushed back. The tv show the corner was a perfect microcosm of the times.

 

[dblive]

THERE ARE ONLY 12 OF US LEFT FROM MY 8TH GRADE CLASS. MY CLASS WAS 35 KIDS.

Like we aren’t allowed to have compassion for our peers and want better for our community. Most people just wanted the violence to stop. Speaking personally, I went to school in fear from 7-8th grade.

 

[TRY GOD]

Baltimore Sun - We are currently unavailable in your region

Spoiler

Baltimore Sun - We are currently unavailable in your region


Black Caucus yields on crime bill
Karen HoslerTHE BALTIMORE SUN
1994

WASHINGTON -- With the switch of at least three votes, the Congressional Black Caucus made clear yesterday that it would come to President Clinton's rescue on the crime bill.

After a meeting at the White House with Mr. Clinton, three Black Caucus members who had voted against bringing the $33 billion measure up for final House vote last week announced that they had succumbed to his appeals to save not only the crime bill but perhaps his presidency.

"He was selling his presidency, the party and the fact that we will not get a better bill than this," said Rep. Charles B. Rangel, a New York Democrat who found Mr. Clinton persuasive. "Every step forward in a positive way renews the confidence the people have in the president."

The black lawmakers got almost nothing in return and will probably have to give up a lot along the way to pick up the moderate Republicans whose help is also needed to make up the eight votes by which the bill fell short last week.


Leon E. Panetta said yesterday that the president would agree to cut $420 million.

The extraordinary amount of presidential pleading required to secure the help of black lawmakers in a critical moment seemed to demonstrate not only Mr. Clinton's weakness but also how much his closest political allies resent his presumption that they will always be there.

"I hope this drives home the fact that none of us should ever be taken for granted," said Rep. John Lewis, a Georgia Democrat who agreed yesterday to help Mr. Clinton, after having resisted the president's entreaties before last week's vote.


Democrats in the House voted against him when the crime bill, in an embarrassing setback for the administration, failed on a procedural motion. They were protesting the application of the death penalty to 60 more crimes.

The White House was counting on the crime bill to help Democrats in congressional elections this fall and provide momentum to pass Mr. Clinton's top priority -- health care reform legislation -- this year.

For weeks, the entire caucus had stalled final negotiations on the crime bill because Mr. Clinton could not win Senate agreement on a provision aimed at preventing racial bias in the use of the death penalty. This was the latest show of muscle by black lawmakers, who are asserting themselves increasingly on issues such as Haiti, health care reform and the federal budget.

"We don't like our position on issues to be automatically assumed before we even vote on it among ourselves," said Rep. Kweisi Mfume, the Baltimore Democrat who chairs the Black Caucus.

Cleo Fields, a Louisiana Democrat, announced yesterday that they would change their votes to allow the crime bill to come up for a debate but would oppose the measure itself in a separate vote later. Their opposition to the bill probably wouldn't be a problem for the White House, because the bill is expected to pass if a vote to consider it is permitted. Most lawmakers don't want to be seen as voting against a crime bill, even though they might be comfortable blocking it on a procedural motion.

Mr. Mfume said support for the crime bill by the Black Caucus isn't just a favor for Mr. Clinton. "We have put our stamp on this bill," he said, referring to crime-prevention programs, the assault weapons ban and limits on use of "three-time loser" life sentences for repeat offenders.

Mr. Wynn noted that no crime bill has ever drawn so much support from black lawmakers. But by denying Mr. Clinton victory last week, blacks who opposed the measure gave Republicans and conservative Democrats the leverage to make the measure less attractive to blacks.

Those arguments mean little to black lawmakers like Rep. Bobby Scott, a Virginia Democrat who said he remained deeply opposed in principle to the death penalty provisions.

"My position isn't a political position," he said. "I feel if you have a chance to stand up against racial injustice and don't do it, who will?"

The question is how much Mr. Clinton and his allies must yield to pick up the remaining votes they need from conservative Democrats and Republicans. Mr. Mfume guessed that one more black might change his vote to back the president; Mr. Lewis said he thought a few whites also would come along.

But even the 11 moderate Republicans who voted with Mr. Clinton last week told him that their support isn't assured. Rep. Constance A. Morella of Montgomery County, who was among those 11 Republicans, estimated that $1 billion to $2 billion might have to be cut from preventive programs in the bill to capture most of the Republican moderates who support the assault weapons ban, and that toughening of the criminal provisions was needed.

Mayor Kurt L. Schmoke of Baltimore spoke somberly yesterday of the need for the $33 billion crime bill as he left his office to join a delegation of mayors and police chiefs lobbying on Capitol Hill.

Mr. Schmoke, a Democrat, said he has worked for more than three years on the crime bill with other big-city mayors. "We're trying very hard to explain to Congress that this is a matter that needs bipartisan support," he said. "It's essential."

For Baltimore, the bill would provide funding to hire more police, expand drug treatment programs and resurrect police youth clubs.

Copyright © 2020, The Baltimore Sun, a Baltimore Sun Media Group publication

 

[TRY GOD]

Hiding this post in here so when they try to scrub the internet.

Spoiler

Baltimore Sun - We are currently unavailable in your region


Black Caucus yields on crime bill
Karen HoslerTHE BALTIMORE SUN
1994

WASHINGTON -- With the switch of at least three votes, the Congressional Black Caucus made clear yesterday that it would come to President Clinton's rescue on the crime bill.

After a meeting at the White House with Mr. Clinton, three Black Caucus members who had voted against bringing the $33 billion measure up for final House vote last week announced that they had succumbed to his appeals to save not only the crime bill but perhaps his presidency.

"He was selling his presidency, the party and the fact that we will not get a better bill than this," said Rep. Charles B. Rangel, a New York Democrat who found Mr. Clinton persuasive. "Every step forward in a positive way renews the confidence the people have in the president."

The black lawmakers got almost nothing in return and will probably have to give up a lot along the way to pick up the moderate Republicans whose help is also needed to make up the eight votes by which the bill fell short last week.


Leon E. Panetta said yesterday that the president would agree to cut $420 million.

The extraordinary amount of presidential pleading required to secure the help of black lawmakers in a critical moment seemed to demonstrate not only Mr. Clinton's weakness but also how much his closest political allies resent his presumption that they will always be there.

"I hope this drives home the fact that none of us should ever be taken for granted," said Rep. John Lewis, a Georgia Democrat who agreed yesterday to help Mr. Clinton, after having resisted the president's entreaties before last week's vote.


Democrats in the House voted against him when the crime bill, in an embarrassing setback for the administration, failed on a procedural motion. They were protesting the application of the death penalty to 60 more crimes.

The White House was counting on the crime bill to help Democrats in congressional elections this fall and provide momentum to pass Mr. Clinton's top priority -- health care reform legislation -- this year.

For weeks, the entire caucus had stalled final negotiations on the crime bill because Mr. Clinton could not win Senate agreement on a provision aimed at preventing racial bias in the use of the death penalty. This was the latest show of muscle by black lawmakers, who are asserting themselves increasingly on issues such as Haiti, health care reform and the federal budget.

"We don't like our position on issues to be automatically assumed before we even vote on it among ourselves," said Rep. Kweisi Mfume, the Baltimore Democrat who chairs the Black Caucus.

Cleo Fields, a Louisiana Democrat, announced yesterday that they would change their votes to allow the crime bill to come up for a debate but would oppose the measure itself in a separate vote later. Their opposition to the bill probably wouldn't be a problem for the White House, because the bill is expected to pass if a vote to consider it is permitted. Most lawmakers don't want to be seen as voting against a crime bill, even though they might be comfortable blocking it on a procedural motion.

Mr. Mfume said support for the crime bill by the Black Caucus isn't just a favor for Mr. Clinton. "We have put our stamp on this bill," he said, referring to crime-prevention programs, the assault weapons ban and limits on use of "three-time loser" life sentences for repeat offenders.

Mr. Wynn noted that no crime bill has ever drawn so much support from black lawmakers. But by denying Mr. Clinton victory last week, blacks who opposed the measure gave Republicans and conservative Democrats the leverage to make the measure less attractive to blacks.

Those arguments mean little to black lawmakers like Rep. Bobby Scott, a Virginia Democrat who said he remained deeply opposed in principle to the death penalty provisions.

"My position isn't a political position," he said. "I feel if you have a chance to stand up against racial injustice and don't do it, who will?"

The question is how much Mr. Clinton and his allies must yield to pick up the remaining votes they need from conservative Democrats and Republicans. Mr. Mfume guessed that one more black might change his vote to back the president; Mr. Lewis said he thought a few whites also would come along.

But even the 11 moderate Republicans who voted with Mr. Clinton last week told him that their support isn't assured. Rep. Constance A. Morella of Montgomery County, who was among those 11 Republicans, estimated that $1 billion to $2 billion might have to be cut from preventive programs in the bill to capture most of the Republican moderates who support the assault weapons ban, and that toughening of the criminal provisions was needed.

Mayor Kurt L. Schmoke of Baltimore spoke somberly yesterday of the need for the $33 billion crime bill as he left his office to join a delegation of mayors and police chiefs lobbying on Capitol Hill.

Mr. Schmoke, a Democrat, said he has worked for more than three years on the crime bill with other big-city mayors. "We're trying very hard to explain to Congress that this is a matter that needs bipartisan support," he said. "It's essential."

For Baltimore, the bill would provide funding to hire more police, expand drug treatment programs and resurrect police youth clubs.

Copyright © 2020, The Baltimore Sun, a Baltimore Sun Media Group publication

 

[Sonic Boom of the South]

Hiding this post in here so when they try to scrub the internet.

Spoiler

Baltimore Sun - We are currently unavailable in your region


Black Caucus yields on crime bill
Karen HoslerTHE BALTIMORE SUN
1994

WASHINGTON -- With the switch of at least three votes, the Congressional Black Caucus made clear yesterday that it would come to President Clinton's rescue on the crime bill.

After a meeting at the White House with Mr. Clinton, three Black Caucus members who had voted against bringing the $33 billion measure up for final House vote last week announced that they had succumbed to his appeals to save not only the crime bill but perhaps his presidency.

"He was selling his presidency, the party and the fact that we will not get a better bill than this," said Rep. Charles B. Rangel, a New York Democrat who found Mr. Clinton persuasive. "Every step forward in a positive way renews the confidence the people have in the president."

The black lawmakers got almost nothing in return and will probably have to give up a lot along the way to pick up the moderate Republicans whose help is also needed to make up the eight votes by which the bill fell short last week.


Leon E. Panetta said yesterday that the president would agree to cut $420 million.

The extraordinary amount of presidential pleading required to secure the help of black lawmakers in a critical moment seemed to demonstrate not only Mr. Clinton's weakness but also how much his closest political allies resent his presumption that they will always be there.

"I hope this drives home the fact that none of us should ever be taken for granted," said Rep. John Lewis, a Georgia Democrat who agreed yesterday to help Mr. Clinton, after having resisted the president's entreaties before last week's vote.


Democrats in the House voted against him when the crime bill, in an embarrassing setback for the administration, failed on a procedural motion. They were protesting the application of the death penalty to 60 more crimes.

The White House was counting on the crime bill to help Democrats in congressional elections this fall and provide momentum to pass Mr. Clinton's top priority -- health care reform legislation -- this year.

For weeks, the entire caucus had stalled final negotiations on the crime bill because Mr. Clinton could not win Senate agreement on a provision aimed at preventing racial bias in the use of the death penalty. This was the latest show of muscle by black lawmakers, who are asserting themselves increasingly on issues such as Haiti, health care reform and the federal budget.

"We don't like our position on issues to be automatically assumed before we even vote on it among ourselves," said Rep. Kweisi Mfume, the Baltimore Democrat who chairs the Black Caucus.

Cleo Fields, a Louisiana Democrat, announced yesterday that they would change their votes to allow the crime bill to come up for a debate but would oppose the measure itself in a separate vote later. Their opposition to the bill probably wouldn't be a problem for the White House, because the bill is expected to pass if a vote to consider it is permitted. Most lawmakers don't want to be seen as voting against a crime bill, even though they might be comfortable blocking it on a procedural motion.

Mr. Mfume said support for the crime bill by the Black Caucus isn't just a favor for Mr. Clinton. "We have put our stamp on this bill," he said, referring to crime-prevention programs, the assault weapons ban and limits on use of "three-time loser" life sentences for repeat offenders.

Mr. Wynn noted that no crime bill has ever drawn so much support from black lawmakers. But by denying Mr. Clinton victory last week, blacks who opposed the measure gave Republicans and conservative Democrats the leverage to make the measure less attractive to blacks.

Those arguments mean little to black lawmakers like Rep. Bobby Scott, a Virginia Democrat who said he remained deeply opposed in principle to the death penalty provisions.

"My position isn't a political position," he said. "I feel if you have a chance to stand up against racial injustice and don't do it, who will?"

The question is how much Mr. Clinton and his allies must yield to pick up the remaining votes they need from conservative Democrats and Republicans. Mr. Mfume guessed that one more black might change his vote to back the president; Mr. Lewis said he thought a few whites also would come along.

But even the 11 moderate Republicans who voted with Mr. Clinton last week told him that their support isn't assured. Rep. Constance A. Morella of Montgomery County, who was among those 11 Republicans, estimated that $1 billion to $2 billion might have to be cut from preventive programs in the bill to capture most of the Republican moderates who support the assault weapons ban, and that toughening of the criminal provisions was needed.

Mayor Kurt L. Schmoke of Baltimore spoke somberly yesterday of the need for the $33 billion crime bill as he left his office to join a delegation of mayors and police chiefs lobbying on Capitol Hill.

Mr. Schmoke, a Democrat, said he has worked for more than three years on the crime bill with other big-city mayors. "We're trying very hard to explain to Congress that this is a matter that needs bipartisan support," he said. "It's essential."

For Baltimore, the bill would provide funding to hire more police, expand drug treatment programs and resurrect police youth clubs.

Copyright © 2020, The Baltimore Sun, a Baltimore Sun Media Group publication

how it always was

 

[Barnett114]

Hiding this post in here so when they try to scrub the internet.

Spoiler

Baltimore Sun - We are currently unavailable in your region


Black Caucus yields on crime bill
Karen HoslerTHE BALTIMORE SUN
1994

WASHINGTON -- With the switch of at least three votes, the Congressional Black Caucus made clear yesterday that it would come to President Clinton's rescue on the crime bill.

After a meeting at the White House with Mr. Clinton, three Black Caucus members who had voted against bringing the $33 billion measure up for final House vote last week announced that they had succumbed to his appeals to save not only the crime bill but perhaps his presidency.

"He was selling his presidency, the party and the fact that we will not get a better bill than this," said Rep. Charles B. Rangel, a New York Democrat who found Mr. Clinton persuasive. "Every step forward in a positive way renews the confidence the people have in the president."

The black lawmakers got almost nothing in return and will probably have to give up a lot along the way to pick up the moderate Republicans whose help is also needed to make up the eight votes by which the bill fell short last week.


Leon E. Panetta said yesterday that the president would agree to cut $420 million.

The extraordinary amount of presidential pleading required to secure the help of black lawmakers in a critical moment seemed to demonstrate not only Mr. Clinton's weakness but also how much his closest political allies resent his presumption that they will always be there.

"I hope this drives home the fact that none of us should ever be taken for granted," said Rep. John Lewis, a Georgia Democrat who agreed yesterday to help Mr. Clinton, after having resisted the president's entreaties before last week's vote.


Democrats in the House voted against him when the crime bill, in an embarrassing setback for the administration, failed on a procedural motion. They were protesting the application of the death penalty to 60 more crimes.

The White House was counting on the crime bill to help Democrats in congressional elections this fall and provide momentum to pass Mr. Clinton's top priority -- health care reform legislation -- this year.

For weeks, the entire caucus had stalled final negotiations on the crime bill because Mr. Clinton could not win Senate agreement on a provision aimed at preventing racial bias in the use of the death penalty. This was the latest show of muscle by black lawmakers, who are asserting themselves increasingly on issues such as Haiti, health care reform and the federal budget.

"We don't like our position on issues to be automatically assumed before we even vote on it among ourselves," said Rep. Kweisi Mfume, the Baltimore Democrat who chairs the Black Caucus.

Cleo Fields, a Louisiana Democrat, announced yesterday that they would change their votes to allow the crime bill to come up for a debate but would oppose the measure itself in a separate vote later. Their opposition to the bill probably wouldn't be a problem for the White House, because the bill is expected to pass if a vote to consider it is permitted. Most lawmakers don't want to be seen as voting against a crime bill, even though they might be comfortable blocking it on a procedural motion.

Mr. Mfume said support for the crime bill by the Black Caucus isn't just a favor for Mr. Clinton. "We have put our stamp on this bill," he said, referring to crime-prevention programs, the assault weapons ban and limits on use of "three-time loser" life sentences for repeat offenders.

Mr. Wynn noted that no crime bill has ever drawn so much support from black lawmakers. But by denying Mr. Clinton victory last week, blacks who opposed the measure gave Republicans and conservative Democrats the leverage to make the measure less attractive to blacks.

Those arguments mean little to black lawmakers like Rep. Bobby Scott, a Virginia Democrat who said he remained deeply opposed in principle to the death penalty provisions.

"My position isn't a political position," he said. "I feel if you have a chance to stand up against racial injustice and don't do it, who will?"

The question is how much Mr. Clinton and his allies must yield to pick up the remaining votes they need from conservative Democrats and Republicans. Mr. Mfume guessed that one more black might change his vote to back the president; Mr. Lewis said he thought a few whites also would come along.

But even the 11 moderate Republicans who voted with Mr. Clinton last week told him that their support isn't assured. Rep. Constance A. Morella of Montgomery County, who was among those 11 Republicans, estimated that $1 billion to $2 billion might have to be cut from preventive programs in the bill to capture most of the Republican moderates who support the assault weapons ban, and that toughening of the criminal provisions was needed.

Mayor Kurt L. Schmoke of Baltimore spoke somberly yesterday of the need for the $33 billion crime bill as he left his office to join a delegation of mayors and police chiefs lobbying on Capitol Hill.

Mr. Schmoke, a Democrat, said he has worked for more than three years on the crime bill with other big-city mayors. "We're trying very hard to explain to Congress that this is a matter that needs bipartisan support," he said. "It's essential."

For Baltimore, the bill would provide funding to hire more police, expand drug treatment programs and resurrect police youth clubs.

Copyright © 2020, The Baltimore Sun, a Baltimore Sun Media Group publication

Bump

 

[TRY GOD]

Bump