Russia's Invasion of Ukraine (Official Thread)

Orbital-Fetus

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Putin is gonna be moving around ghost armies a month from now like Hitler was at the end of the war.

Putin: *pointing at a division on map*

Generals: :francis:

Putin: :hhh: *points to another division on map*

Generals:
full


Putin: Call up the reserves, I want the Elite Siberian Cub Battalion brought in from the East!

Generals: Those are all 12 year old girls who learn to camp in extreme weather
full

Putin: Perfect support units.

Generals:
full



2 weeks later during the coup:

full
 
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Cuban Pete

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If Russia admits to 10k could the number actually be a lot higher and closer to what the Ukrainian are estimating? I’d actually have to believe so.

I thought that was cap and inflated numbers for morale I cant even lie but if its at least 10 then ukraine is whupping their ass on a level thats comparable to 300 spartans :wow:
 

Orbital-Fetus

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this shyt is so incestuous and retarded.

if the US, Canada and whatever other "allies" we could get onboard to deliver oil, gas, coal, etc. in a manner similar to the East Berlin Air drop but via the sea, that could shut Russia down right quick. i would not be surprised if there aren't talks on already but who knows.
 

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Ukraine 'Doing a Fantastic Job' of Blocking Russian Reconnaissance, Top Marine Says
860x394.jpg

Ukrainian servicemen stand guard at a military check point in Kyiv on March 16, 2022. AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES / FADEL SENNA



THREATS
Ukraine 'Doing a Fantastic Job' of Blocking Russian Reconnaissance, Top Marine Says
“I'm not sure [the Russians] have a good picture of what's in front of them.”



BY CAITLIN M. KENNEY

STAFF REPORTER
MARCH 16, 2022

The Russians are struggling with recon. That’s just one of the latest Ukraine battlefield assessments Marine Corps Commandant Gen. David Berger gave on Wednesday.

It appears that Ukrainians are disrupting the Russians’ movements, Berger said, in part by preventing Russians from having a clear understanding of “what’s in front of them,” and confusing the invading forces.

In addition, Ukrainians are winning the “information space,” Berger said, and using the “inherent strength” of being in a defensive position against an invading force, which can be difficult to overcome, Berger said.

“I think they're proving to be very disciplined, very well trained, very well led, and very inspired,” Berger said during a Washington Post Live virtual interview with columnist and author David Ignatius.

Russian forces in Ukraine, however, have been surprisingly bad at “combined arms,” he said, referring to the military discipline of using infantry, armored units, or artillery together against an enemy. While it’s not completely clear why the Russians are struggling, Berger believes one possibility is that the “picture that Ukrainian forces are painting” for the Russians could be causing confusion.

“In other words, their effectiveness at stripping away the reconnaissance for the Russian forces–which is what Marines are very, very good at–could be part of the equation. Said another way, if you're a Russian tactical commander right now on the ground, I'm not sure they have a good picture of what's in front of them. And I think Ukraine’s doing a fantastic job of denying that,” Berger said.

Reconnaissance is a particularly elite function in the Marines Corps, and recon Marines have a somewhat legendary status, dating back to World War II. Berger said the Ukrainians are performing scouting and counter-scouting roles of recon very effectively.

Reconnaissance can be gathered about the enemy and environment through a combination of means, like scouts and surveillance drones. Each side is trying to find out how many enemy troops are in an area, where they are located, and if they are close together or spread out. The troops would use that information to make decisions.

“I think what he's saying is that the Ukrainians are doing a good job of disguising where they are so the Russian commanders can't really figure out, ‘Do I have a whole battalion of Ukrainians up ahead of me or is it just a smaller number?’” a former senior military official told Defense One.

“And so that can tend to slow down an advance by a military force, because they're not really sure of what's ahead of them…They don't want to drive into a kill zone.”

The Ukrainians also have an advantage over Russian forces because they are protecting and defending their homeland, whereas the Russians are on the attack which requires more people, the former senior military official said.

“It’s easier, again, to defend because you're just sitting there waiting for attackers to come and you can do all these things to put the attackers at a disadvantage. The attackers then have to then move into a situation, and I think that's where [Gen. Berger]'s talking about. If the Russians are unsure of what situation they're moving into, that causes them to be much more cautiou
 

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‘Russian World’ Is the Civil Religion Behind Putin’s War
The Kremlin and the Russian Orthodox Church see Ukraine as part of a cultural dominion to be protected from the values of an encroaching West
Francis X. RoccaMarch 17, 2022 1:59 pm ET
im-506722

Patriarch Kirill of Moscow performs a divine liturgy at the Cathedral of Christ the Saviour to mark the feast day of Our Lady of Kazan, Moscow, Russia, Nov. 4, 2021
Photo: Mikhail Tereshchenko/Zuma Press

Patriarch Kirill of Moscow, leader of the Russian Orthodox Church, recently described the war in Ukraine as nothing less than an apocalyptic struggle between good and evil.
Its outcome, he said, will determine “where humanity will end up, on which side of God the Savior.”

Some Ukrainians—those whom President Vladimir Putin claims Russia is liberating with its invasion—have rejected “the so-called values that are offered today by those who claim world power,” the patriarch explained. Those values are exemplified by gay pride parades, he said, which serve as admissions tests “to enter the club of those countries,” by implication the European Union and more broadly the West.

The Russian Orthodox Church has taken an active role in forging the ideology that undergirds Mr. Putin’s geopolitical ambitions. It is a worldview that holds the Kremlin to be the defender of Russia’s Christian civilization, and therefore justified in seeking to dominate the countries of the former Soviet Union and Russian empire. According to the Rev. Cyril Hovorun, a Ukrainian-born theologian and former adviser to Patriarch Kirill, these ideas emerged in the aftermath of communism’s collapse, when the Russian state sought to fill an ideological void at the same time that the long-persecuted Russian Orthodox Church asserted itself in a newly open public square.

Mr. Putin invoked ‘Russkiy mir’ in 2014 to justify the annexation of Crimea, which he said reflected the ‘aspiration of the Russian world, of historical Russia, to re-establish unity.’

That confluence of interests inspired what Sergei Chapnin, a former official of the Moscow Patriarchate, calls the “post-Soviet civil religion”: the concept of Russkiy mir (“Russian world”). The term dates back to the 11th century, referring to the East Slavic lands that included much of today’s Russia, Belarus and Ukraine. According to a 2015 article by Marlene Laruelle, a political scientist at George Washington University, the modern usage of Russkiy mir was introduced in 1999 by writers at a Kremlin-associated think tank to mean the whole Russian-speaking world, including Russians living abroad. Mr. Putin, who became president the next year, invoked the term in 2014 to justify the annexation of Crimea, which he said reflected the “aspiration of the Russian world, of historical Russia, to re-establish unity.”

For Mr. Putin, Russkiy mir refers to Moscow’s rightful sphere of influence, which includes the territories of the former Soviet Union and the Russian empire before it. “Ukraine is not just a neighboring country for us. It is an inalienable part of our own history, culture, and spiritual space,” Mr. Putin said on Feb. 21, three days before Russia invaded Ukraine. The Russian Orthodox Church embraced the term and lent it a religious character, within which Ukraine also played a special role. The Russian Orthodox Church traces its origins to the 10th-century mass conversion in Kyiv known as the Baptism of Rus’.

In Ukraine, however, the religious conception of Russkiy mir, like the political one, has encountered resistance. Many of the country’s Orthodox believers belong to a Russian-led Orthodox Church, but the country is also home to a sizable Catholic community as well as a Ukrainian Orthodox Church that has sought autonomy from Moscow. In 2019, the global Eastern Orthodox Church’s spiritual leader, Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew I of Constantinople, granted that autonomy.


Ukraine Theater-Turned-Shelter Bombed, Biden Thinks Putin Is a War Criminal

im-506632

Ukraine Theater-Turned-Shelter Bombed, Biden Thinks Putin Is a War Criminal

Ukrainian officials said a Russian bomb destroyed a theater in Mariupol where hundreds of residents took refuge; President Biden said he thinks Vladimir Putin is a war criminal; Ukraine forces continued their counteroffensive in key cities as the war entered its fourth week. Photo: Donetsk Regional Administration/Reuters
The decision led to a serious schism within the Eastern Orthodox world. Different national churches have taken sides with Moscow or Constantinople. Patriarch Kirill has suspended communion with Patriarch Bartholomew and lamented that the latter is now helping to “mentally remake Ukrainians and Russians living in Ukraine into enemies of Russia.” Mr. Putin accused Patriarch Bartholomew of doing the bidding of Washington.

Inside Russia, Russkiy mir has found deep religious resonance, especially in the military. According to Dmitry Adamsky, an expert on the Russian military and professor at Reichman University in Israel, Orthodox clergy build troop morale and encourage patriotism. Each of the three parts of Russia’s nuclear force structure—land, sea and air—has received a patron saint. The church has also enthusiastically promoted Russia’s role in Syria’s civil war as a crusade to protect Christian minorities, Mr. Adamsky said.

The Main Cathedral of the Russian Armed forces near Moscow, consecrated in 2020, furnishes a spectacular display of the fusion of the military and the religious. The cathedral commemorates Russian military action, above all in World War II—its floors are paved with metal from melted-down German weapons and tanks—but also in more recent conflicts in Georgia, Crimea and Syria.

Russia’s official National Security Strategy, approved by Mr. Putin last year, devotes several pages to “the defense of traditional Russian spiritual-moral values, culture and historical memory.” According to a study for NATO Defense College by Julian Cooper, a British scholar, the values in question are a mostly generic list including life, dignity, patriotism and strong families, but they are framed in contrast to those of the West, which encroach on Russia’s “cultural sovereignty.”

In a speech last fall, Mr. Putin deplored what he identified as prevalent cultural trends in Western Europe and the U.S., including transgenderism and “cancel culture.” “We have a different viewpoint,” Mr. Putin said. “We believe that we must rely on our own spiritual values, our historical tradition and the culture of our multiethnic nation.”

The Kremlin and the patriarchate have framed Ukraine’s western ties and aspirations for membership in the EU and NATO not only as a geopolitical concern but as a threat to the spiritual integrity of Russkiy mir, according to Regina Elsner, a theologian and researcher at Berlin’s Center for East European and International Studies. A video posted last month on the website of the World Russian People’s Council, a Moscow think tank headed by Patriarch Kirill, makes the connection explicit: “If the actions of our president to recognize [separatist regions in the Donbas] relate to the political, military sovereignty of Russia—that is, we are trying to stop the advancement of NATO, missiles on our borders—then the moral problems associated with the protection of traditional values are aligned, and they are no less important than political and military aspects.”

SHARE YOUR THOUGHTS
What role does the Russian Orthodox Church play in Putin’s invasion of Ukraine? Join the conversation below.

Vladimir Legoyda, a spokesman for Patriarch Kirill, responded to a request for comment by affirming the religious unity of the “Russian, Belorussian and Ukrainian nations” and stating that “the Russian Orthodox Church prays every day for the restoration of peace.”

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine could be undermining the very ideology that inspired it, however, by dividing the people it purports to unite. Since the invasion, some of the Orthodox clergy in Ukraine affiliated with the Moscow Patriarchate have ceased to pray for Patriarch Kirill during their liturgies to protest his support for the war, and some clergy have spoken of withdrawing their allegiance to Moscow.

According to Kristina Stoeckl, a professor of sociology at the University of Innsbruck, the war undermines Mr. Putin’s campaign for traditional values, which had drawn the support and admiration of some conservative Christians in the West.

Or as Olivier Roy, a French political scientist, put it in a recent interview: “Putin sacrificed all the soft power he had acquired over the last 20 years, which allowed him to be a global player, for a purely territorial vision of Russian power.”

Write to Francis X. Rocca at francis.rocca@wsj.com
 
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☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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Yup, that's why they're burning churches and using Chechens and Syrians etc.

Holy War

:wow:

Funny you wanna troll about this...

Look. Putin has a culturally religious hardline cross platform motivation for this. Conquering Ukraine.




Putin and the Muslim world | The Spectator


Putin and the Muslim world
Julius Strauss

(Getty)

Several thousand Muslim Chechen fighters are reportedly massing on the edge of Kiev. Syrian volunteers, filmed this week holding assault rifles and chanting pro-Moscow slogans, are en route to the Ukrainian frontlines. Is Vladimir Putin running out of Christians for his war machine?

The number of Russian battlefield casualties has certainly been high. Up to 7,000 Russian infantry have been killed since the invasion began, according to US estimates. That would put Russian casualties at more than the entire American losses in 20 years of fighting in Afghanistan and Iraq. As many as 14,000 Russians may have been injured. Military experts say that once a battle group has exceeded about a 10 per cent casualty rate – dead, wounded or captured – it is no longer fully combat effective. Russia must surely be surpassing that level of losses in some theatres.

So what can Putin hope to achieve by drafting in Muslim warriors? For one, there have been widespread reports of desertions by young Russians. Some captured prisoners report that they didn't even know they were going into Ukraine to fight and would have baulked at the idea of killing men Putin himself describes as ethnic and religious cousins. The Kremlin's Muslim allies will not, presumably, be weighed down by such sensitivities.









Then there is the question of battlefield experience. Moscow has said that up to 16,000 of Assad's Syrians are on the way, each with precious time spent fighting in cities. Reports suggest that Syrians who join the frontlines will each receive £2,280 a month from the Russian government, a princely sum. Some fighters claim to have been offered up to £5,300 a month.

But how will the Russian public respond to Putin's Muslim fighters killing Orthodox Christians in a war that has been sold as a crusade to reunite the Russian Holy lands?

Stalin, of course, never had such problems. During world war two he had many advantages in terms of selling the war at home. Firstly the very existence of Mother Russia was indisputably at stake. If Hitler had had his way he would have driven the Russian Slavs into the steppes beyond the Urals and repopulated their lands with German-speaking colonists and other Aryans. Putin may have been selling the war in Ukraine as existential – something that seems absurd to westerners – but judging by protests at home, not all Russians have accepted that pitch either.

Secondly, Stalin, despite the carving up of Poland and the war on Finland, could legitimately portray the war as a defensive action. Russians are convinced to this day, and with much justification, that their historic mission was to save the world from domination by Nazis, a feat for which they paid an enormous price. Moreover Stalin, despite being a seminary student as a young man, was unencumbered by having hitched his horse to the cart of Russian Orthodoxy. The two men who hung the Kremlin's flag over the German Reichstag in 1945 were both reported to be Muslims – one a Kazakh and the other a Dagestani – but it mattered little. Both were, more importantly, Soviets.

Putin, born and raised a communist, has moved in the opposite direction to Stalin. Religious scholars say that when the former KGB man came to power he was unburdened by belief. But since then he has apparently converted – and moved into an ever deeper embrace with the Russian Orthodox Church. Increasingly he has also surrounded himself with Russian nationalists and spiritual advisors who believe in the historic mission of reuniting Russia, Belarus and Ukraine and creating a single holy space.

Their influence came through loud and clear in an essay that Putin penned last year questioning Ukraine's right to exist. Metropolitan Tikhon, thought to be Putin's confessor, has often travelled with the Russian leader and is rumoured to have an outsized influence over him. Putin has frequently been photographed and filmed praying, crossing himself, and in the company of priests.


Putin and Tikhon at a monastery in Moscow in 2017 (Getty)
I worked as a newspaper correspondent in Moscow in the 2000s during the early years of Putin's rule. Returning 15 years later I could not help but notice the plethora of new churches that had sprung up. Among the congregations were the old and the poor, but also many young families as well as trendy urbanites in ripped jeans. At one, the church of St Matryona in Moscow, I watched on a Sunday morning as a long line of people queued in the hot sun. One by one they each placed money in a small golden collection box. Then they approached the icon of Matryona, a blind holy woman born in the early years of the 20th century, crossed themselves three times, placed their hands on the icon and kissed it. Every few minutes a lady came out with a cloth and wiped the icon clean.

The increasing religious symbolism is difficult to miss for those who have watched the Russian capital change over the last few decades. The studio of a television station called Tsargrad – owned by a former investment banker and Russian monarchist named Konstantin Malofeyev – the decor is a fusion of Byzantium and hipster-modern.

Malofeyev, who wears a bow tie, told me when we met: 'Putin is an openly Christian leader. There are 30,000 to 40,000 new priests in Russia. In the west, churches and becoming bars and discos.' But, if shiny new churches were going up in Moscow, so too were shiny new mosques.

Estimating the population of the Russian capital is notoriously difficult because so many residents are unregistered but it is believed to be home to up to four million Muslims. Most are from Central Asia and have travelled to Moscow for work. I met one, an Uzbek called Anvar, at a railway station in a shabby part of the city far from the centre. 'We came here to sell our labour,' he said. 'With the money we make we get married, build homes, have children. You know how things are: the gypsies beg, the Azeris trade and we Uzbeks work. It's in our traditions.' Anvar took me to a mosque, a few metro stops away. He wanted to pray.

I expected something modest but it turned out to be an enormous building with a golden dome and turquoise roofs. Putin had opened the mosque in 2015, one of Europe's largest. It can accommodate 10,000 worshippers at one time and cost around £135 million to build. The mosque was a nod both to Russia's growing Muslim population, estimated at around 20 million, and to the Kremlin's ties to hard-line leaders in the Muslim world. Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Turkey's President, and Mahmoud Abbas, leader of the Palestinians, were in attendance at the opening. Much of the funding was reported to have come from Saudi Arabia.

Moscow Grand Mosque, opening by Putin and President Erdogan of Turkey in 2015 (Getty)
As we approached the mosque, Anvar seemed to grow in stature, shaking off the toil of the working week. He beamed with pride. 'Isn't it beautiful?' he said. I talked to a 29-year-old man from Kyrgyzstan called Nurbek. 'We like it in Moscow,' he said. 'We are respected as Muslims.'

On the other side of town, I visited the Park of Victory where there is a large museum and memorial to world war two. Inside new recruits were being inducted into an elite military regiment. Orthodox priests and Iranian government officials were among the crowds. On the edge of the park was another mosque, smaller than its cousin but still capable of holding 3,000 worshippers. I talked to a man there called Radik from Tatarstan, a Russian republic, who was selling copies of the Koran. He had trained for ten years in Saudi Arabia where he had learned about Islam and studied Arabic.

'I am comfortable being a Muslim in Russia,' he said. 'Russia is very different from the West. Islam arrived in the West only 60 or 70 years ago but Russia is a multi-confessional country.' I asked an imam at the mosque called Assad about the fact that an estimated 1,800 Russian citizens joined Isis. 'It is very difficult for me when Islam kills and terrorises,' he said.


At the Tsargrad television station, Malofeyev said there was no contradiction between promoting Islam and Orthodoxy. 'We have lived with Islam for 1,000 years,' he said. 'We know how to deal with them. Liberal anti-family values are a much bigger threat.' Like any successful long-serving leader, one of Putin's greatest skills has been to build a coalition of support among different classes of Russians.

In his displays of piety, he has wooed Russian Orthodoxy. By railing against the effete and godless values of the West, he has won over social conservatives – both at home and abroad. And by creating a semi-nationalised hydrocarbon economy that allowed for the generous disbursement of patronage, he has fed the greed of the kleptocratic former communists.

But now there are the first signs of cracks in his veneer of legitimacy. Support among key constituencies may be beginning to wear thin. Patriarch Kirill, head of the Russian Orthodox Church, is still onside and has publicly blessed the invasion of Ukraine, as he did Russian intervention in Syria. But Kirill is a malleable man who in his youth served general secretaries Brezhnev and Andropov and worked closely with the KGB.

The leader of the Moscow Patriarchate in Ukraine by contrast, Metropolitan Onufrii, who leads the single biggest grouping of Orthodox Christians in that country, has come out against the invasion. Holy Men abroad are even more scathing, both of Putin and Kirill.

Marcin Przeciszewski, director of Poland's Catholic Information Agency, toldthe National Catholic Reporter. 'The old discourse about Catholic and Orthodox leaders sharing in the defence of traditional Christian values all looks like nonsense now. The only values Kirill is defending are those of Russian imperialism.'

Some Orthodox religious scholars argue that Putin never was a real Christian, but merely draped himself in the flag of post-Soviet religiosity. They say that under pressure Putin is now reverting to KGB type. For all his flirtations with religion, they point out, he is primarily a man of violence who is onto his fifth war: Chechnya, Georgia, Syria, Ukraine 2014 and Ukraine 2022.

And in his hour of need, it seems, Putin has turned to men of extreme violence. The fact that they are Muslims seems to be secondary. 'He is desperate and is now calling in favours,' a western official who has long studied Russia explained.

And as for the Russian people, it seems likely that those who have swallowed the Kremlin's line in the war up to now will not baulk at his use of Muslim mercenaries. A friend who lives near Odessa told me: 'Those who watch Russian television and believe Putin will continue to believe. A few Muslims on the frontline won't change that.'
 
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NZA

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this shyt is so incestuous and retarded.

if the US, Canada and whatever other "allies" we could get onboard to deliver oil, gas, coal, etc. in a manner similar to the East Berlin Air drop but via the sea, that could shut Russia down right quick. i would not be surprised if there aren't talks on already but who knows.
american gas prices are high enough.
 
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