Wrong.
Malcolm never changed his tune about White liberals
He changed his mind about White leftists, big difference.
Malcolm was friends with Che Guevara & Fidel Castro and all those leftists, who helped him understand the evils of capitalism, which is why he said, "You can't have racism without capitalism"
Liberals are the same as they've ever been, pretending to be radical & revolutionary, while supporting the same fascist police state the Republicans do.
The march was "watered down", how?
The march was what it needed to because I don't know if you've noticed this or not, Black people were not negotiating from a place of strength.
We don't have money, population, or weapons to "kill whitey" like a lot of the militants wanted to.
They were going to get all of us killed or dying on reservations like the Indians are.
Out of that "parade" we got Civil Rights, Voting Rights, Fair Housing, and programs that cut Black poverty in HALF in less than a decade.
below are pages 320-324 from Malcolm's book which specifically details how the shyt was watered down.
Not long ago, the black man in America was fed a dose of another form of the weakening, lulling and deluding effects of so-called " integration." It was that "Farce on Washington," I call it. The idea of a mass of blacks marching on Washington was originally the brainchild of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters' A. Philip Randolph. For twenty or more years the March on Washington idea had floated around among Negroes. And, spontaneously, suddenly now, that idea caught on. Overall rural Southern Negroes, small town Negroes, Northern ghetto Negroes, even thousands of previously Uncle Tom Negroes began talking "March!" Nothing since Joe Louis had so coalesced the masses of Negroes.
Groups of Negroes were talking of getting to Washington any way they could-in rickety old cars, on buses, hitch-hiking, walking, even, if they had to. They envisioned thousands of black brothers converging together upon Washington-to lie down in the streets, on airport runways, on government lawns- ICARUS 321 demanding of the Congress and the White House some concrete civil rights action. This was a national bitterness; militant, unorganized, and leaderless. Predominantly, it was young Negroes, defiant of whatever might be the consequences, sick and tired of the black man's neck under the white man's heel . The white man had plenty of good reasons for nervous worry.
The right spark-some unpredictable emotional chemistry could set off a black uprising. The government knew that thousands of milling, angry blacks not only could completely disrupt Washington-but they could erupt in Washington. The White House speedily invited in the major civil rights Negro " leaders." They were asked to stop the planned March. They truthfully said they hadn't begun it, they had no control over it-the idea was national, spontaneous, unorganized, and leaderless. In other words, it was a black powder keg. Any student of how "integration" can weaken the black man's movement was about to observe a master lesson. The White House, with a fanfare of international publicity, "approved," "endorsed," and "welcomed" a March on Wash[1]ington. The big civil rights organizations right at this time had been publicly squabbling about donations.
The New York Times had broken the story. The N.A.A.C.P. had charged that other agencies' demonstrations, highly publicized, had attracted a major part of the civil rights donations-while the N.A.A.C.P. got left holding the bag, supplying costly bail and legal talent for the other organizations' jailed demonstrators. It was l ike a movie. The next scene was the "big six" civil rights Negro "leaders" meeting in New York City with the white head of a big philanthropic agency. They were told that their money-wrangling in public was damaging their image. And a reported $800,000 was donated to a United Civil Rights Leadership council that was quickly organized by the "big six." Now, what had instantly achieved black unity? The white man's money. What string was attached to the money? Advice. Not only was there this donation, but another comparable sum 322 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF MALCOLM X was promised, for sometime later on, after the March ... ob[1]viously if all went well. The original "angry" March on Washington was now about to be entirely changed. Massive international publicity projected the "big six" as March on Washington leaders. It was news to those angry grass-roots Negroes steadily adding steam to their March plans.
They probably assumed that now those famous "leaders" were endorsing and joining them. Invited next to join the March were four famous white public figures: one Catholic, one Jew, one Protestant, and one labor boss. The massive publicity now gently hinted that the "big ten" would "supervise" the March on Washington's "mood," and its "direction. " The four white figures began nodding. The word spread fast among so-called "liberal" Catholics, Jews, Protestants: it was "democratic" to join this black March. And suddenly, the previously March-nervous whites began announcing they were going. It was as if electrical current shot through the ranks of bourgeois Negroes-the very so-called "middle-class" and "upper-class'' who had earlier been deploring the March on Washington talk by grass-roots Negroes.
But white people, now, were going to march. Why, some downtrodden, jobless, hungry Negro might have gotten trampled. Those " integration"-mad Negroes practically ran over each other trying to find out where to sign up. The "angry blacks" March suddenly had been made chic. Suddenly it had a Kentucky Derby image. For the status-seeker, it was a status symbol . "Were you there? " You can hear that right to[1]day. It had become an outing, a picnic. The morning of the March, any rickety carloads of angry, dusty, sweating small-town Negroes would have gotten lost among the chartered jet planes, railroad cars, and air- ICARUS 323 conditioned buses. What originally was planned to be an angry riptide, one English newspaper aptly described now as "the gentle flood.'' Talk about "integrated"! It was like salt and pepper.
And, by now, there wasn't a single logistics aspect uncontrolled. The marchers had been instructed to bring no signs-signs were provided. They had been told to sing one song: "We Shall Overcome." They had been told how to arrive, when, where to arrive, where to assemble, when to start marching, the route to march. First-aid stations were strategically located-even where to faint! Yes, I was there. I observed that circus. Who ever heard of angry revolutionists all harmonizing "We Shall Overcome ... Suum Day . . . '' while tripping and swaying along arm-in-arm with the very people they were supposed to be angrily revolting against? Who ever heard of angry revolutionists swinging their bare feet together with their oppressor in lily-pad park pools, with gospels and guitars and "I Have a Dream" speeches? And the black masses in America were-and still are-having a nightmare.
These "angry revolutionists" even followed their final instructions: to leave early. With all of those thousands upon thousands of ' 'angry revolutionists,'' so few stayed over that the next morning the Washington hotel association reported a costly loss in empty rooms. Hollywood couldn't have topped it. In a subsequent press poll, not one Congressman or Senator with a previous record of opposition to civil rights said he had changed his views. What did anyone expect? How was a one-day "integrated" picnic going to counter-influence these representatives of prejudice rooted deep in the psyche of the American white man for four hundred years? The very fact that millions, black and white,
believed in this monumental farce is another example of how much this country goes in for the surface glossing over, the escape ruse, surfaces, instead of truly dealing with its deep-rooted problems. What that March on Washington did do was lull Negroes for a while. But inevitably, the black masses started realizing they had been smoothly hoaxed again by the white man. And, inevitably, the black man's anger rekindled, deeper than ever, and there began bursting out in different cities, in the " long, hot summer" of 1964, unprecedented racial crises. About a month before the "Farce on Washington," the New York Times reported me, according to its poll conducted on college and university campuses, as "the second most sought after' ' speaker at colleges and universities. The only speaker ahead of me was Senator Barry