Haiti: Nearly a Million People Took to the Streets.They Want the Western-imposed government out of

[loyola llothta]

Murdering drug lord Michel "Sweet Mickey" Francois was arrested in #Honduras but later granted asylum by corrupt Supreme Court upon request by the CIA.

https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1997-03-08-mn-36040-story,amp.html …

#Haiti & #Honduras: "Francois denied it all and stayed in a Honduran prison until July, when the Honduran Supreme Court opposed its veto to U.S. extradition efforts for lack of evidence and released him."

 

[loyola llothta]

JOSEPH MICHEL FRANÇOIS AKA The Original Sweet Mickey

25.04.2016 ( Last modified: 03.06.2016 )

Trial Watch would like to remind its users that any person charged by national or international authorities is presumed innocent until proven guilty.

FACTS
Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Michel François was born on 8 May 1957. In 1991, he helped topple Haiti’s elected president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. From October 1991 to October 1994, an unconstitutional and brutal military regime led by Raoul Cédras (see “related cases”) governed Haiti. As chief of the police and secret police under Cédras, François was one of the primary leaders terrorizing Haiti.

From the beginning of the military dictatorship, the Haitian Armed Forces used civilian attachés or paramilitaries to support their campaign of intimidation and repression against the people of Haiti. The three-year military dictatorship was characterized by widespread state-sponsored human rights violations committed by the Haitian Armed Forces and the paramilitary organization FRAPH (Front Révolutionnaire Armé pour le Progrès d’Haiti), in Haiti. The practices of the military and FRAPH included extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, arbitrary arrest and detention, and rape and other torture and violence against women. Several thousand people were killed during the period of military rule. These abuses also caused thousands of Haitians to flee the country, often in crowded, unseaworthy boats.

FRAPH members received arms and training from the Haitian Armed Forces who were running the government, and FRAPH was used by the military to maintain control over the population. With the financial and logistical support of the Haitian Armed Forces and certain Haitian civilians, FRAPH killed, arbitrarily detained, raped and otherwise tortured or mistreated civilians in the poorest neighbourhoods and regions of Haiti. They also looted and burned or destroyed homes in an effort to break the resistance of the population to military rule. Rape of women was utilized in Haiti as a technique to terrorize the civilian population after the coup d’état in 1991.

Joseph Michel François was accused of having been involved in the Raboteau massacre. This atrocious event, which took place 18 to 22 April 1994, in Raboteau, Haiti, consisted of an attack by military and paramilitary units on pro-democracy activists under Haiti’s 1991-1994 dictatorship (see “spotlight” for more information about the “Raboteau Massacre trial”). As Lieutenant Colonel, François was one of the persons in charge of the massacre.

In September 1994, the United States military arrived in Haiti to secure the return of the democratically-elected government headed by President Aristide. The high command of the military regime, among others Joseph Michel François, fled Haiti, escaping to nearby countries. François fled to the Dominican Republic. When the Dominican Republic deported him in 1996 for plotting another coup in Haiti, François landed in San Pedro Sula, Honduras, where he was running a modest furniture store. It was here that he was arrested by U.S. prosecutors in March 1997 and charged with smuggling 33 tons of cocaine and heroin into the U.S. from his private airstrip in Haiti, while taking millions in bribes from Colombian drug lords. Francois denied it all and stayed in a Honduran prison until July, when the Honduran Supreme Court opposed its veto to U.S. extradition efforts for lack of evidence and released him.



LEGAL PROCEDURE
During a brief episode of constitutional order created after Haiti’s first peaceful transfer of power in 1996, the judiciary of Haiti pursued an investigation of human rights violations committed under the military regime. François was charged under the Haitian Criminal Code of criminal conspiracy and improbity. As the mastermind behind and/or accomplice of the Raboteau massacre, he was also charged with homicide and attempted homicide, assault and battery as well as illegal arrest and detention, followed by torture, pillaging, theft, damage or destruction of property, abuse of authority, property offence, crimes and misdemeanours against the constitution.

On 16 November 2000, a Haitian trial court convicted François of murder, in absentia, for his role in the Raboteau Massacre, a military/paramilitary attack on civilians. The case was based on his command responsibility and role as accomplice. The repression was considered to have been organized systematically and on a national scale. It was noted that Gonaïves, and particularly Raboteau, had been targeted throughout the coup years, and that the leadership was well aware of this repression. The attack was considered to have been planned and covered up by national military and civilian leaders.

Joseph Michel François received the mandatory sentence of forced labour for life. Under the Haitian Code of Criminal Procedure, if those convicted in absentia surrender or are arrested, they have the right to a new trial. The Court also issued a civil damages judgment against the defendants and in favour of the victims, for 1 billion gourdes (about $43 million US).

SPOTLIGHT
Haiti’s Raboteau Massacre trial was a major development in international law in 2000. The case was a milestone in the international fight against impunity for large-scale human rights violations. The core of the prosecution’s case was eyewitness testimony.

The trial concluded on 9 November 2000 when, after six weeks of trial and five years of pre-trial proceedings, a jury in the Haitian city of Gonaïves convicted sixteen former soldiers and paramilitaries for participating in the April 1994 Raboteau Massacre. Twelve of these were convicted for premeditated murder and received the mandatory sentence of forced labour for life. The other four received sentences from four to nine years. A week later, the judge convicted thirty-seven more defendants in absentia, including the entire military high command and the heads of the paramilitary FRAPH (Front Révolutionnaire pour l’Avancement et le Progrès d’Haïti). The in absentia defendants all received the mandatory life imprisonment, but they are entitled to a new trial if they return to Haiti. The case was based on command responsibility and accomplice theories.

The Raboteau case marked a sharp break with a long tradition of impunity in Haiti. The case was the most complex in the country’s history, and was the first broad prosecution of commanders for human rights violations.

On 3 May 2005, the convictions of at least 15 of the Raboteau defendants that took place on 9 November 2000 were overturned in one fell swoop by Haiti’s Supreme Court in a murky ruling. But the annulment of the convictions appeared to apply only to those convicted at the jury trial, and not to the other self-exiled defendants convicted in absentia, such as paramilitary leader Emmanuel Constant, and the three top leaders of the military dictatorship, Raoul Cédras, Philippe Biamby and Michel François (see “ramifications”).

Name: Joseph Michel François
Nationality: Haiti
Context: Haiti
Charges: Torture, Crimes against humanity
Status: Sentenced
Judgement Place: Haiti
Particulars: In 2000, convicted in absentia for his role in the Raboteau Massacre

Joseph Michel François - TRIAL International

 

[loyola llothta]

Press did job of coverup & dropped story after #Honduras released him despite slaughter in #Haiti. "Honduras offered him asylum, but the Honduran authorities helped take part in his arrest and his planned deportation to the United States, officials said."

A Leader of Former Haitian Junta Is Charged With Smuggling Tons of Drugs to U.S.

 

[loyola llothta]

A Leader of Former Haitian Junta Is Charged With Smuggling Tons of Drugs to U.S.


By TIM WEINER MARCH 8, 1997

One of the three men who ruled Haiti from 1991 to 1994 was indicted in Miami today on charges that he helped smuggle 66,000 pounds of Colombian cocaine and heroin into the United States.

As a member of the corrupt and violent Haitian military junta, the official, Joseph Michel Francois, ''placed the political and military structure of Haiti under his control'' to ship the drugs from Colombia through Haiti to the United States, the Federal indictment said.

Mr. Francois was arrested in Honduras and is to be flown to Miami on Saturday, a Justice Department official said. An architect of the 1991 coup that overthrew President Jean Bertrand Aristide, Mr. Francois fled Haiti for the Dominican Republic when the junta began falling in October 1994.

A former lieutenant colonel trained by the United States Army, Mr. Francois was the chief of police in Port-au-Prince, Haiti's capital. He controlled death squads, vigilante gangs and vicious plainclothes police called attaches during the junta's three-year rule.

Those forces killed hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people in an effort to keep the junta in power by repressing Mr. Aristide's supporters. Mr. Francois was convicted in absentia by a Haitian court for his part in the 1993 assassination of a key aide to Mr. Aristide, Antoine Izmery.

Continue reading the main story

As police chief paid a monthly salary of $500, Mr. Francois managed to build a sumptuous villa in the capital's wealthiest neighborhood. United States officials said he took payoffs for everything of value that entered Haiti's ports, from cement to cocaine.

The indictment charged that Mr. Francois' wealth came in part from his role in plotting to ship 33 tons of cocaine and heroin into the United States, and it made the scheme seem simple.

It said that Mr. Francois' career in drugs began in 1987 when, as ''a representative of the Haitian military,'' he received a payoff of between $1 million and $4 million to protect Colombian cocaine shipments. Then, it said, Mr. Francois and his Colombian connection, Fernando Burgos-Martinez, built an airstrip on the property of a Haitian colonel, Jean Claude Paul. Planes loaded with cocaine flew there from Colombia, the indictment said.

After the 1991 coup put Mr. Francois in power, cocaine seizures in Haiti plummeted to near zero, Drug Enforcement Administration documents show.


Mr. Francois installed his friend Marc Valme as chief of security at Port-au-Prince International Airport. Nine smugglers got a wink and a nod from Mr. Valme and his officers as they boarded commercial flights for Miami, the indictment said, and they received a similar welcome from Evans Gourge, a security officer at Miami International Airport, who made sure they bypassed Customs officials.

Some of the drugs were distributed in Florida, the indictment said, and more went to New York and Chicago.

Mr. Borgos-Martinez, Mr. Valme, Mr. Gourge and the nine people accused of smuggling were indicted today along with Mr. Francois.

Mr. Francois was arrested in April by the Dominican Republic authorities and accused of plotting another coup in Haiti. Honduras offered him asylum, but the Honduran authorities helped take part in his arrest and his planned deportation to the United States, officials said.

A 1994 Justice Department memorandum named Mr. Francois as a target in the cocaine-smuggling case, along with senior members of the Service Intelligence National, a Haitian intelligence organization. The group, founded with the help of the Central Intelligence Agency in 1986, was supposedly dedicated to anti-drug efforts. None of the C.I.A.-connected officers was indicted today. Nor was Gen. Raoul Cedras, the leader of the junta.

Two jailed members of a Colombian cartel have told Justice Department investigators that Colonel Francois and General Cedras came to a 1987 celebration at a ranch in Colombia thrown to celebrate the Haitian connection, according to Federal investigators and lawyers familiar with the investigation.

The jailed cartel members, Enrique Arroyave and Carlos Marcantoni, who have been Federal witnesses in several cocaine cases, told the investigators that the celebration marked the shipment of 66,000 pounds of cocaine into Haiti -- the same amount as in today's indictment. They said General Cedras and Colonel Francois, among other senior Haitian military officials at the party, were paid $10 million for their help with the shipments.

A convicted member of the Medellin cocaine cartel, Gabriel Taboada, told a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee in April 1994 that the shipments were ''protected by the Haitian military'' and that ''Michel Francois protected the drugs in Haiti and then allowed the drugs to continue to the United States.''

A Leader of Former Haitian Junta Is Charged With Smuggling Tons of Drugs to U.S.

 

[loyola llothta]

 

[loyola llothta]

wtf. these serpents have no shame




Réginald Boulos asks Jovenel Moïse to resign
June 4, 2019

"Ti Mari pap monte, ti Mari pap desan'n" this quote taken up by a "scholar", does it still hold?

Port-au-Prince, June 4, 2019 ((rezonodwes.com)) -

His Excellency Monsieur Jovenel Moïse

President of the Republic

Mister President,

Following the anger and frustration expressed by the Haitian people on July 6, 7, 17 and November 18, 2018, I had confidentially sent you, on November 19, 2018, a proposal to end the crisis. I want to remind you, however, that not only have you completely ignored it, but it has been strangely circulated, in part, to the acrimonious and irrational critics of zealous advocates of power. One of your advisers insisted on saying: "Ti Mari p ap monte, Ti Mari p ap desann, Ti Mari la pou senkan. "

Today, we are desperate to see that, for the Haitian population, "Ti Mari goes up, Ti Mari desann". The severity of the crisis makes you dizzy. We are all embarked, despite ourselves, in a high-risk roller coaster. The economic and political situation of the Haitian people is becoming more and more alarming in the face of increasing insecurity and galloping inflation (17.7%, a record).

My proposal of November 2018 included, among other things, serious negotiations with all political, economic and social actors to find a solution to the serious crisis that was already shaking the country. This solution included the following elements in a transition period, led by you, the President of the Republic:

Reduction granted by the Head of State of the duration of his mandate;

The organization of true "States General of the Nation";

The negotiated dismissal of Parliament;

The organization of a Constituent Assembly to provide the country with a new Constitution;

Concrete actions to impartially launch the PetroCaribe trial;

The formation of a new "Government of Public Safety" with exceptional powers;

Major actions on the fight against corruption and smuggling.

Mister President,

If, in November 2018, you thought, perhaps, to have other ways to get the country out of the quagmire, it is now time for us to notice that things have changed drastically and that your room for maneuver is excessively limited. . You have erred in your ceremonial and strictly procedural interpretation of your presidential term. Your indifference to the miseries of the Haitian people is surprising. The country painfully bears the cost of your inability to seize the crisis in its dramatic dimension, and also of your stubbornness to shut you up in the blindness and myopism of those horsemen of the apocalypse who accompany you.

Mister President,

You live in the illusion of a power that no longer exists. If, in 2015 and 2016, I have supported you, in good faith, in your march to the presidency, I must now confess my bitterness and disappointment. The time has come for me to acknowledge that I was wrong to believe so much in your potential and your good will.

You are also quoted in the CSC / CA's latest report on the use of PetroCaribe funds as personally and deeply involved in financial crimes to steal money from the Haitian people. It's scandalous ! The thefts and other crimes associated with these funds, especially during the reign of the Martelly / Lamothe tandem, constitute the greatest injustice done to our people by its political and economic elites. These revelations should bring you, judging by your own statements, to make you available for the justice of our country, even though our justice is itself degraded, subject to the dictates of the executive power and arbitrarily divestment of its independence .

In these decisive and threatening moments of the life of the Haitian nation, I doubt that my proposal of November 19, 2018 can still help us avoid this chaos that seems more and more imminent. I urge you to initiate a process that should lead quickly to a political transition that would open with your resignation as President of the Republic . A transition during which the national dialogue can be initiated, a new Constitution adopted, important reforms initiated and the PetroCaribe trial finally started without the obstacles that you have erected during your two years of power.

Pending your formal resignation in a period not exceeding 90 days, it is urgent, in the immediate future, to:

To report the decree naming the illegal and illegitimate government of Jean Michel Lapin;

Refer the current illegal Provisional Electoral Council (CEP);

Facilitate the start of an independent dialogue between the country's political, social and economic sectors with a view to adopting a pact of governability and defining the road map of the transitional power;

Appoint a new Prime Minister on the recommendations of the parties involved in the dialogue proposed in point 3.

Mister President,

The measures proposed here can not suffer from delaying tactics or the strategies of evasion and diversion that have marked your mandate. You have to decide today and now. Otherwise, history will remember that you did not have the depth of mind or the vision of the long time that defines the great statesmen; that you had not been able to rise to the level of the hopes and aspirations of the Haitian people; and that you were pathetically short of greatness in these difficult and painful times for our country.

Receive, Mr. President, my patriotic greetings.

Dr. Réginald Boulos

Réginald Boulos demande à Jovenel Moïse de démissionner

 

[loyola llothta]

This massive social housing and commercial project of 112 buildings and 2000 housing units was destroyed by the imperialists who refuse to allow #Haiti to develop. The project was to begin in 2015 and funded by the petrocaribe oil alliance with #Venezuela.

 

[Bawon Samedi]

 

[mson]

Haiti Braces for Anti-Corruption Protests Sunday

 

[Mirin4rmfar]

Jovenel la pi red nan bouda yo . You want power wait until elections or completely reset. Jovenel and those 4 senators n political leaders need to go completely but no not the case...soon as he goes, the idiots will split the country four ways and now more bullshyt. So the only way this will work is through proper elections
Imagine you being a senator and suddenly acting like your hands are clean from corruption.

 

[intruder]

It's time Jovenel falls on the sword. Port Au Prince has been gridlocked for what seems like 3 years not. Hell last time i was in Haiti was October 2017 and we had to avoid certain roads because of protests.

 

[Bawon Samedi]

 

[Mirin4rmfar]

Haiti needs the United Nations to stay

When the UN arrived in Haiti at the end of President Bertrand Aristide’s tumultuous reign in 2004, the murder rate in the capital of Port-au-Prince was an astounding 219 per 100,000. To put this in context, the murder rate in St. Louis – the city with our nation’s highest murder rate at present, is 66 per 100,000.

When the UN’s stabilization mission left Haiti in 2017, that rate had fallen to 35 per 100,000. However, since that time violence has been increasing, a particularly troubling sign since the last vestige of the UN mission is scheduled to depart mid-October.

It is never ideal for a UN presence to become prolonged to the point at which it feels as if it is permanent, and the ideal should be a departure of such forces as soon as a nation is stable. Unfortunately, based on our on-the-ground presence and current assessment, Haiti is not at this point. We need Congress and the administration to urge the United Nations to continue its presence in country


Another driver of the nation’s woes has been the destabilization of the Haitian gourde, the local currency. During much of the UN’s tenure in Haiti, the gourde remained reasonably stable against the U.S. dollar. While the gradual devaluation of the gourde certainly predated the exit of the UN, the currency has fallen precipitously since the UN drawdown began.

The extent of the diminished buying power of basic goods and services has driven the already marginalized poor to their breaking point, leading to an escalation of the violence described earlier. Without the calming effect of the UN’s presence, the situation will surely worsen.



Funny how the moment there aren't arm troops lawlessness starts again. At this point, I am for Haiti being occupied since it's obvious Haitians can't rule themselves at this point, the moment Jovenel leaves, the country will go further down the rabbit hole because every dumb fukker is going to want power and will stop at nothing to get it hence why they can't wait for proper elections and are always preaching violence.

Jovenel leaving isn't going to magically solve anything and having leaders who preach violent take over isn't going to make the country. Haiti is corrupt through it's core. It ain't just the president. From top to bottom everyone is getting a little money in their pocket to keep quiet.

Here is one of the senators crib

https://www.fastpeoplesearch.com/address/19191-skyridge-cir_boca-raton-fl-33498

half a million dollar house in Boca Raton How much money are these senators getting broke off that they are able to buy half of million dollars and have their kids go to UF, Notre Dame etc. How are all these people's family able to live in Canada, France or U.S while they maintain a residence in Haiti? No Thanks.

Go to any establishment in Haiti, put some money in your hand, with a handshake, they will skip you right through the front of the line. I know a lady that hasn't worked in Haiti for years, the hospital is cashing phantom worker checks.

 

[The Amerikkkan Idol]

When the UN arrived in Haiti at the end of President Bertrand Aristide’s tumultuous reign in 2004, the murder rate in the capital of Port-au-Prince was an astounding 219 per 100,000.

Los Cabos, Mexico is only 111 out of 100,000

 

[Fatboi1]

I'm going July 3rd, hopefully shyt is calmed down during that time. I know my fam going to be like "Sa'w pral fe!?" since I"m going by myself.