Democrats Are Freaking Out About Pro-Trump Messaging To Occasional Black Voters, including ADOS

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Biden Wants Black Voter Turnout Similar to Obama’s. He’ll Need Black Men.

Biden Wants Black Voter Turnout Similar to Obama’s. He’ll Need Black Men.
For Democrats, who rely on Black voters to power their electoral advantages in America’s urban centers, the difference between good and great Black voter turnout is often a question of Black men.
By Astead W. Herndon

Updated Aug. 31, 2020
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Gaulien Smith, who owns a barbershop in Milwaukee, said he thought sexism had played a role in some Black male apathy for Hillary Clinton, the 2016 Democratic nominee.Gabriela Bhaskar for The New York Times
MILWAUKEE — Long before the coronavirus pandemic, the economic downturn and the recent protests over racial inequality, the Black men of Milwaukee’s North Side had experience with crises converging all at once.

In one ZIP code of mostly Black residents — 53206 — more than half of the children live in poverty. The neighborhood records terrible health outcomes, according to experts. And among Black men, one study estimated that from 2000 to 2017, about 42 percent of those ages 25 to 34 were incarcerated or on probation.

The men in the area who are eligible to vote can expect long lines and strict voter identification laws at the ballot box. Still, many vote consistently, calling it an electoral act of defiance in an imperfect democracy.

“I’ve voted in every election,” said Charles Huley, 75, a church elder who lives on the North Side. “What changes is who I can convince to come with me.”

For Democrats, who rely on Black voters to power their electoral advantages in America’s urban centers, the difference between good and great Black voter turnout is often dependent on how many Black men go to the polls.

Black women are the party’s most loyal demographic base — often referred to as its backbone — but motivated Black male voters were a crucial distinction between former President Barack Obama’s record-setting Black turnout in 2008 and 2012 and the diminished performance of Hillary Clinton in 2016.

In states like Wisconsin, which was decided in 2016 by less than 23,000 votes, that dip was one of the causes of a Democratic night to forget, proof that the nominee had problems motivating the base, not just among swing voters.

In deep-blue Milwaukee County, where statewide Democrats run up the score to offset more conservative rural areas, Mrs. Clinton had one of the largest drop-offs in raw votes of any county in the country, earning more than 40,000 fewer votes than Mr. Obama did four years earlier. Pew Research estimated that in 2016, 64 percent of eligible Black women said they had voted compared with 54 percent of eligible Black men, a much larger gender gap than for white or Hispanic voters.

Four years later, as Joseph R. Biden Jr. seeks to build the coalition Mrs. Clinton could not, he operates with several personal and structural advantages.

In interviews with a dozen Black men in Milwaukee during the recent Democratic National Convention, and with several of the state’s most visible Black male elected officials, they predicted that Black turnout in November would look more like it did for Mr. Obama’s victories than for Mrs. Clinton’s loss, fueled by a leap in enthusiasm from Black men.

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Charles Huley, 75, said he had voted in every election.Gabriela Bhaskar for The New York Times
Little of this is because of Mr. Biden’s personal appeal, they said, though he benefits from his close relationship with Mr. Obama and an absence of the sexism that many women running for office face.

The interviewees isolated other, more important factors: the constant chaos of President Trump’s administration, a backlash to the president’s demonization of minorities to win over white suburbanites and even Mr. Biden’s selection of Senator Kamala Harris of California as his running mate.

“Four years ago, I don’t think a lot of Black men felt directly connected to that campaign,” said Mandela Barnes, who became Wisconsin’s first Black lieutenant governor in 2019. But in 2020, he said, “people are more desperate — people need solutions and need answers.”

Cavalier Johnson, the president of Milwaukee’s Common Council, the city’s version of a City Council, said another advantage for Mr. Biden was that his campaign — and voters — were less likely to take victory for granted.

“There was this strong assumption based on the past presidential elections about this blue wall that was impenetrable,” said Mr. Johnson, who is known as Chevy, referring to the commonly repeated fact that Mrs. Clinton did not hold an in-person event in Wisconsin during the run-up to the general election.

He said that courting turnout from Black men was the same as for any other group: “You have to come out and you have to ask. And then you have to address the issues that are of concern to them.”

The die is not cast, however, and Mrs. Clinton’s fate still holds warning signs for Mr. Biden and his campaign. They are both Washington insiders who struggled with younger Black voters in the primary — a key demographic in Mr. Obama’s general-election coalition — but won older Black voters handily en route to the nomination.

Throughout her race, Mrs. Clinton faced skepticism for her association with the 1990s expansion of the federal prison system, an overhaul that Mr. Biden helped craft. He has recently embraced the language of acknowledging systemic racism, and released a sweeping policy meant to close the racial wealth gap and improve education in Black communities. Still, as with Mrs. Clinton, the matter of trust remains.

In November, it could be Mr. Biden’s improvements with white voters throughout the state — not his prowess with motivating infrequent Black voters — that powers his electoral success.

“These people locked up a lot of my brothers, you know,” Adi Armour, 49, said, adding that he did not vote for Mrs. Clinton in 2016 but planned to vote for Mr. Biden in 2020. He called the decision “a tough one.”

“It’ll be more of a vote to get Trump out of there than a vote for Biden to get in,” he explained.

Mr. Trump and his Republican allies have zeroed in on the importance of Black male voters in swing states like Wisconsin, and have made some concerted efforts to pry them away from Democrats.

Their efforts are twofold: to argue that Black voters’ loyalty to Democrats has not been rewarded — effectively asking them, in Mr. Trump’s famous words last election cycle, “What do you have to lose?” And to focus less on persuading Black men to vote for Republicans and more on creating an environment for low turnout over all.

In a leaked audio recording recently published by Politico, Mr. Trump said days before his inauguration: “Many Blacks didn’t go out to vote for Hillary ’cause they liked me. That was almost as good as getting the vote, you know, and it was great.”

He has said similar things publicly, and allies have argued that the administration’s restrictive immigration policies could appeal to some Black voters who share a nativist instinct that outsiders are to blame for their community’s woes.

State Representative David Bowen, a Democrat from Milwaukee, said he was confident that Mr. Trump’s campaign efforts would not take root, considering how much the president had done to inflame racial tension. Mr. Bowen said he worried more about the pandemic’s effects on reaching infrequent Black voters, as normal canvassing tools like door knocking and registration drives become more difficult.

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State Representative David Bowen of Milwaukee said that although Joseph R. Biden Jr. could win without robust young voter turnout, the Democratic Party would need to be responsive to the current flood of activism.Gabriela Bhaskar for The New York Times
“The in-person organizing that would be there, and that the Black community is used to, isn’t at the same level,” Mr. Bowen said. “Being on the safe side is important. But how do we balance that with the need of meeting people where they are? Because that’s important, too.”

Mr. Bowen is part of a cohort of Black leaders and activists who have protested racial inequality for more than 85 days straight, an effort that began after George Floyd was killed by the Minneapolis police in late May. Mr. Bowen said the group had shown no signs of slowing, and wanted to sustain its momentum and force Democrats including Mr. Biden to be more responsive to its concerns.

He said that although Mr. Biden could win without robust young voter turnout, a Democratic Party that was not responsive to the current flood of activism risked creating a disaffected generation for years to come — one that includes Black men.

“Younger voters supported that Bernie Sanders agenda because they wanted big change,” Mr. Bowen said. “Older Democrats are more moderate, and some of them feel like incremental change is enough right now. But the people who are closest to the pain are the younger ones, and they’re calling for substantial change in agenda. They have real demands.”

According to the Pew data from 2016, Black men vote at comparable rates to other minority groups. Even for Mrs. Clinton in 2016, Black turnout returned to its levels during the pre-Obama Democratic Party, not a drop-off that was historically unprecedented.

In recent weeks, several political organizations have announced initiatives targeted at improving the political process in Black communities, and at motivating less frequent Black voters to come to the polls. More Than a Vote, a collective of athletes headlined by the basketball star LeBron James, said it would invest millions to try to recruit poll workers in Black communities. The N.A.A.C.P. announced a campaign called “Black Voices Change Lives,” which will seek to expand peer-to-peer organizing in Black communities. Its stated target is a 5 percent increase in Black voter turnout in the general election from 2016.

Gaulien Smith, who owns Gee’s Clippers, a barbershop in Milwaukee, said he thought sexism had played a role in some Black male apathy for Mrs. Clinton. He posited that there had been a different reaction to Ms. Harris on the ticket, because she is seen more as someone who understands the Black experience and can be a champion for Black men.

“In her, we see history,” Mr. Smith said.

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Kenny Paskel, 24, cannot vote because of a felony conviction.Gabriela Bhaskar for The New York Times
At Gee’s Clippers, on the city’s Near North Side, the health crisis might have changed the social nature of the barbershop, but it could not destroy it. With people wearing masks and chairs spaced apart, a gaggle of Black men watched an afternoon game of the N.B.A. playoffs, hours before Mr. Biden was to accept the Democratic nomination.

The flow of customers and barbers stretched the gamut of the city’s Black male electorate: businessmen, church elders, teenagers and activists. And while there was universal distaste of Mr. Trump, even from some who said they had expressed interest in his candidacy four years ago, there was a sense that 2020 was not 2016 — a mantra that has been reflected in polling, fund-raising and other measures of a country’s political health.

“Even if Kamala wasn’t the vice-presidential candidate, I still feel that we will come out in droves because of what we’ve experienced these last four years,” Mr. Smith said.

Kenny Paskel, 24, sat silent in a corner. When prompted, he said that Mr. Biden would probably be his choice, but that a felony conviction on his record since the age of 17 prevented him from voting. He cannot vote in this election.

“I guess I don’t know what I’m missing,” he said.

Correction: Aug. 31, 2020
An earlier version of this article overstated what is known about Kenny Paskel’s voting eligibility. Wisconsin allows adults convicted of felonies to vote if they have finished their sentence, including parole.

Astead W. Herndon is a national political reporter based in New York. He was previously a Washington-based political reporter and a City Hall reporter for The Boston Globe. @AsteadWesley

A version of this article appears in print on
Aug. 26, 2020

Roland talks about this from 14:00 to 26:00

 

☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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OG Talk

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The fear isn’t that straight Black men will vote for Trump (that’s not gonna happen). The fear is that straight Black men won’t vote for any national candidate ( that’s definitely happening).

The whole

“Trump gotztaa go!!! Weez all gonna die!” fear campaign won’t work on Black men that pee standing up.

Good luck and God bless.
 

☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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The fear isn’t that straight Black men will vote for Trump (that’s not gonna happen). The fear is that straight Black men won’t vote for any national candidate ( that’s definitely happening).

The whole

“Trump gotztaa go!!! Weez all gonna die!” fear campaign won’t work on Black men that pee standing up.

Good luck and God bless.
I just want people to not act surprised.

I peeped this over a year ago and I fear even when I made the thread it was too late.
 

omnifax

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This is problem of the DNC's own making. The refusal to address the issues of the black electorate has caused apathy and bad feelings. ADOS has never pushed voting for Trump merely down ballot as way to send a message to the party about their benign neglect. We are still going to vote democrat just not for Biden.

I think with Trumps antics related to the post office, the supreme court nominees, and him pushing right wing lunatics to patrol the polling places means he's probably going to win unless you get some significant turnout from the left. Latinos are telling us all the time where they stand and it looks more and more like it might be with Trump in key states.
 

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☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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Roland is backing this shyt up with data too :whoo:




https://www.washingtonpost.com/life...1139fc-f8f1-11ea-a275-1a2c2d36e1f1_story.html
Trump and Biden are both courting the votes of Black men. Will it make a difference?

imrs.php

D.C. resident James L. Walker III, a lawyer, says he hopes to see presidential candidates address issues such as student loan debt and mass incarceration. (Marvin Joseph/The Washington Post)
The television ad “Shop Talk” shows a group of African American men — masked up, socially distanced — seated inside a Black-owned barbershop in Durham, North Carolina. “Good governance counts,” asserts one. “We need to have individuals in office like Joe Biden and Kamala Harris,” says another.

In a radio spot airing on Black radio stations across the country, listeners hear from former NFL star Herschel Walker. “I’ve known Donald Trump for 37 years,” he says. “He keeps right on fighting to improve the lives of Black Americans. He works night and day. He never stops. He leaves nothing on the field.”

Move over, soccer mom. America’s presidential campaigns have a new coveted voter: Black men. Both Republicans and Democrats are courting this demographic, for reasons that seem tied to recent voting patterns. According to Pew Research Center, 64 percent of eligible Black women and 54 percent of eligible Black men voted in 2016. Black women overwhelmingly (98 percent) favored Hillary Clinton, but among Black men, she won 81 percent. Trump got 14 percent — still a relatively small percentage, yet an improvement on the 11 percent that, according to NBC exit poll data, Mitt Romney won in 2012.

In addition, Pew found that Black men (77 percent) are less likely than Black women (87 percent) to identify as Democrats. And according to Gallup, Trump’s approval rating is 8 points higher (19 percent vs. 11 percent) among Black men than it is among Black women.

Terrance Woodbury, a partner at HIT Strategies, whose clients include Democrats, told me the firm’s focus groups and polling show Republican appeals to some Black men — especially younger ones — are effective. According to his data, Black men “are not confident that Democrats can and will improve race relations. They also believe Democrats take their votes for granted.”

Leo Terrell, 65, a civil rights lawyer in Los Angeles who’s appeared on Fox News, is a case in point. Democrats have “given in to the left wing, even violent extremists, and abandoned [their] civil rights and equality-for-all roots,” he says. “Joe Biden made the assumption that if you’re Black you have to vote Democrat. I find that insulting to every African American because we don’t vote as one group.”

Paris Dennard, RNC senior communications adviser for Black media affairs, told me: “Trump Victory is appealing to all Black voters and we know that Black men will see all of the Black men at our events, on staff at the White House, the RNC, the Trump campaign, and on our Black Voices for Trump Advisory Board and feel included especially when they see, read and hear President Trump’s record and his new Platinum Plan” — a set of proposals meant to appeal to Black voters — “from all of our Black male surrogates all over the country.” (Neither the Trump nor Biden campaigns could say how much they’re spending on outreach to Black voters.) The Black Voices for Trump coalition kicked off in late 2019 at a rally in Atlanta where the president appeared. Dennard says more than 100 events have taken place at venues including churches and Black-owned businesses, as well as virtually. Black Voices also hosts “Real Talk Online!,” a YouTube show featuring such topics as entrepreneurship. Dennard cites criminal justice reform, funding for HBCUs and school choice as issues on which Trump policies have benefited the Black community.

Trump has, however, faced more allegations of racism than any recent president — a situation that could help Democrats to solidify the Black male vote. In August, the Biden campaign kicked off “Shop Talk,” a series of discussions for Black men that has welcomed community leaders and celebrities. The program is a cousin of sorts to “Chop It Up,” which the Democratic National Committee, together with the DNC Black Caucus, launched in May 2019. “Chop It Up” consists of a series of barbershop-style conversations that are designed to center Black men and their concerns, and to empower individuals to organize and build political networks.

“The guiding principles of our strategy to engage and mobilize Black men this election cycle [were] to start early and to meet them where they are,” says Brandon Gassaway, DNC national press secretary. “There is no one type of Black male experience, so it’s critical that we spend more time listening than anything else, so brothers from all walks of life feel our party is accountable to them.”

Quentin James, co-founder of the Collective PAC, which supports progressive Black candidates, thinks 12 to 17 percent of Black men “might” vote for Trump, but he hopes it will be fewer. Black men, he says, are seeing “police officers shoot us in the back, knee us, and kill our wives and girlfriends. I am concerned if he is reelected it will unleash an avalanche of white supremacists in our communities.”

In recent weeks, my interviews with Black male voters yielded a range of thinking about the campaign. James L. Walker III, 25, is a D.C. resident who worked his way through Howard University Law School as an airline baggage handler. He often gets election news via social media. “A lot of times, the [political] rhetoric infuriates me,” he says, “but I want the perspective of both sides.” He hopes to see issues such as student loan debt and mass incarceration addressed. “I don’t think people realize the true power a president has. These decisions will affect our kids’ kids. I definitely plan to vote.”

John Verdejo, 41, of Raleigh, N.C., calls himself a “super-voter” who casts ballots in every election. “Black men are a demographic that has often been ignored and, worse, made to look like a threat,” says Verdejo, a contract administrator. “Yet we are fathers, educators, scientists, business owners, religious leaders, [company] presidents and media moguls, cultural influencers and athletes at the top of our fields. We have plenty to say.” His say? Biden.

Marc T. Little, 55, is a lawyer and pastor. He is board chairman of the Center for Urban Renewal and Education, a conservative think tank in D.C. He’s backing Trump. An evangelical Christian, Little is antiabortion, favors limited government and wants conservative justices appointed to the Supreme Court. “My inclination is to first apply a biblical worldview to my vote,” he says. “I do not believe any Christian has the option to leave their values at home.”

Notwithstanding voters like Little, the reality is that Black men are overwhelmingly registered Democrats — and if decades of voting patterns hold true, the majority could vote by a wide margin for Biden. Still, how wide that margin proves to be and how many Black men turn out are among the factors that could affect the final result.

For now, it’s clear that Black men — who have often been overlooked by the political establishment — are having their say. “This is a very important election for Black men,” says Vernard L. Alsberry Jr., 65, mayor of Hazel Crest in the Chicago suburbs. The killing of George Floyd and the Black Lives Matter protests have weighed heavily on him, and he wants Trump out of the White House. “We must go to the polls,” he says, “and carry our sons too.”

Donna M. Owens is a writer in Baltimore.
 

OG Talk

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Props to Roland for being one of the few Black liberals that realize you can’t Sass & Shame your way to a Black voting coalition.

The problem is we are less than 30 days to the election. This is probably too little too late. He should have been sounding this alarm a year ago.

Now it’s crunch time and nikkas wanna panic.

:snoop:

Like I’ve been saying for the past two years “Good luck, God bless”.

:manny:
 

☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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Props to Roland for being one of the few Black liberals that realize you can’t Sass & Shame your way to a Black voting coalition.

The problem is we are less than 30 days to the election. This is probably too little too late. He should have been sounding this alarm a year ago.

Now it’s crunch time and nikkas wanna panic.

:snoop:

Like I’ve been saying for the past two years “Good luck, God bless”.

:manny:
Roland has been talking about this for at least 8 years and has the receipts to prove it.

he said 2012 should have been a red flag for democrats and they refused to listen
 
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