Democrats Are Freaking Out About Pro-Trump Messaging To Occasional Black Voters, including ADOS

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Trump’s Strategy To Win Over Black Men Is Working. Here’s How Democrats Need To Fight Back. - Blavity



Opinion

Trump’s Strategy To Win Over Black Men Is Working. Here’s How Democrats Need To Fight Back.
Black men are the swing voters that could define this election.

by Terrance Woodbury

October 13, 2020 at 2:43 pm

pzv4p32iv18ts42dpmwo

Black man voting. / Photo Credit: Getty Images
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One of the most emotionally charged commercials of Super Bowl LIV featured the prison release of Alice Johnson, who was released in 2018 after serving 21 years in prison for a nonviolent drug offense. In the ad, Johnson stretches over her family to tell the cameras, “I want to thank President Donald John Trump. Hallelujah," screaming the last word at the top of her lungs. The ad closes with President Trump saying, "I approve this message."

To many onlookers, the 11 million ostentatious ad-buy didn’t fit into any coherent campaign strategy. They said it was Trump being Trump. But why would he choose one of the most-watched television programs of the year with over 100 million viewers to tout criminal justice, rather than his go-to “America First” message?

That’s when I realized he wasn’t speaking to his base. He was speaking to one of the top issue priorities of a specific demographic. This was a targeted and intentional move to reach out to Black voters, particularly Black men. This ad is evidence that Black men are not a marginal part of Trump’s electoral strategy, but his path to victory.

Since George Floyd's death, the Trump campaign has spent over 6 million dollars on Facebook advertising addressing criminal justice reform — over 800 times more than Biden has spent. This number is a powerful indicator of his overall strategy to peel off Black men from Democrats. For the Trump campaign, success is not winning 20, 30, 40 or 50 percent of Black men. In a close election, winning 10 percent of Black men could make him a two-term president.

Trump's spending spree has already yielded some results. Our research has found that in just September, 18% of Black men under 50 say they support Trump. Black men support for Trump has doubled from 2016 to now as a result of his aggressive marketing targeting Black voters. For a president who is regularly called a racist in liberal media, this is money well spent.

Winning more Black male voters is only one component of Trump’s campaign strategy. Trump’s strategy is not to win a majority of support from Black men, but rather convince a small but substantial percentage to not vote for Joe Biden.

images%2F1602614442556-1602614452527-lhcq6hkr3aket7gvpion.png


This is not a mobilization issue — it's a persuasion problem. Democrats must give Black men a better reason to vote.

Black turnout continues to drop since its peak in 2008 with Barack Obama. In 2016, turnout dropped by eight points while also skewing seven points more Republican. This decrease in Black Democratic support comes primarily from Black men, whose support has faltered by double-digit margins. While Democrats winning the Black vote in 2016 nationally by 81 points isn’t bad news, it wasn’t necessarily good. The Democratic path to victory relies heavily on running up the margins in American urban centers with Black voters. And the difference between good and great Black turnout is Black men.
Trump has continued to exploit Black men's skepticism of the Democratic party. In August, when Joe Biden called Trump America's first racist President, Trump's digital spending went on the offense, not the defense. Trump issued an ad calling Joe Biden racist with an ad that read: "The man who told millions of Americans, 'you ain't Black,' and used the term ‘Blafrican American,’ said that our President is racist. Joe Biden has absolutely lost his mind…”

For most Black people, this message fell on deaf ears. But when you listen to focus groups of Black men who lean toward Trump, their response echoes this sentiment. They say all presidents are racist, at least with Donald Trump, he says it upfront.

To combat Trump's strategy, Democrats need a plan that involves leaning-in directly into racism, their top issue. When you include racism as an issue in polls, it becomes the number one issue for Black voters. And our research found only 21% of Black men are very confident Joe Biden will improve race relations as President.

Democrats need a message that answers the question of dismantling racism. Better healthcare and more jobs won't do the trick. Democrats must adopt a message that shows Black people they are intentional about addressing racism. Black voters know the next president won't solve the problem of racism, and campaigns should avoid overpromising that they can.

Even in the era of Black Lives Matter, Democrats remain timid on the topic of racism. It isn’t enough to simply disqualify Trump on racism, though more work is needed on front. Democrats have to offer an alternative, talk more about racism and explain how specific policy ideas can help dismantle systemic racism. To win this election, Joe Biden and Democrats need to combat Trump’s strategy to peel off Black male voters. Talking about racism is the answer.




:francis:
 

☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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The Deep State
Trump’s Strategy To Win Over Black Men Is Working. Here’s How Democrats Need To Fight Back. - Blavity



Opinion

Trump’s Strategy To Win Over Black Men Is Working. Here’s How Democrats Need To Fight Back.
Black men are the swing voters that could define this election.

by Terrance Woodbury

October 13, 2020 at 2:43 pm

pzv4p32iv18ts42dpmwo

Black man voting. / Photo Credit: Getty Images
If you’re interested in sharing your opinion on any cultural, political or personal topic, create an account here and check out our how-to post to learn more.

____

One of the most emotionally charged commercials of Super Bowl LIV featured the prison release of Alice Johnson, who was released in 2018 after serving 21 years in prison for a nonviolent drug offense. In the ad, Johnson stretches over her family to tell the cameras, “I want to thank President Donald John Trump. Hallelujah," screaming the last word at the top of her lungs. The ad closes with President Trump saying, "I approve this message."

To many onlookers, the 11 million ostentatious ad-buy didn’t fit into any coherent campaign strategy. They said it was Trump being Trump. But why would he choose one of the most-watched television programs of the year with over 100 million viewers to tout criminal justice, rather than his go-to “America First” message?

That’s when I realized he wasn’t speaking to his base. He was speaking to one of the top issue priorities of a specific demographic. This was a targeted and intentional move to reach out to Black voters, particularly Black men. This ad is evidence that Black men are not a marginal part of Trump’s electoral strategy, but his path to victory.

Since George Floyd's death, the Trump campaign has spent over 6 million dollars on Facebook advertising addressing criminal justice reform — over 800 times more than Biden has spent. This number is a powerful indicator of his overall strategy to peel off Black men from Democrats. For the Trump campaign, success is not winning 20, 30, 40 or 50 percent of Black men. In a close election, winning 10 percent of Black men could make him a two-term president.

Trump's spending spree has already yielded some results. Our research has found that in just September, 18% of Black men under 50 say they support Trump. Black men support for Trump has doubled from 2016 to now as a result of his aggressive marketing targeting Black voters. For a president who is regularly called a racist in liberal media, this is money well spent.

Winning more Black male voters is only one component of Trump’s campaign strategy. Trump’s strategy is not to win a majority of support from Black men, but rather convince a small but substantial percentage to not vote for Joe Biden.

images%2F1602614442556-1602614452527-lhcq6hkr3aket7gvpion.png


This is not a mobilization issue — it's a persuasion problem. Democrats must give Black men a better reason to vote.

Black turnout continues to drop since its peak in 2008 with Barack Obama. In 2016, turnout dropped by eight points while also skewing seven points more Republican. This decrease in Black Democratic support comes primarily from Black men, whose support has faltered by double-digit margins. While Democrats winning the Black vote in 2016 nationally by 81 points isn’t bad news, it wasn’t necessarily good. The Democratic path to victory relies heavily on running up the margins in American urban centers with Black voters. And the difference between good and great Black turnout is Black men.
Trump has continued to exploit Black men's skepticism of the Democratic party. In August, when Joe Biden called Trump America's first racist President, Trump's digital spending went on the offense, not the defense. Trump issued an ad calling Joe Biden racist with an ad that read: "The man who told millions of Americans, 'you ain't Black,' and used the term ‘Blafrican American,’ said that our President is racist. Joe Biden has absolutely lost his mind…”

For most Black people, this message fell on deaf ears. But when you listen to focus groups of Black men who lean toward Trump, their response echoes this sentiment. They say all presidents are racist, at least with Donald Trump, he says it upfront.

To combat Trump's strategy, Democrats need a plan that involves leaning-in directly into racism, their top issue. When you include racism as an issue in polls, it becomes the number one issue for Black voters. And our research found only 21% of Black men are very confident Joe Biden will improve race relations as President.

Democrats need a message that answers the question of dismantling racism. Better healthcare and more jobs won't do the trick. Democrats must adopt a message that shows Black people they are intentional about addressing racism. Black voters know the next president won't solve the problem of racism, and campaigns should avoid overpromising that they can.

Even in the era of Black Lives Matter, Democrats remain timid on the topic of racism. It isn’t enough to simply disqualify Trump on racism, though more work is needed on front. Democrats have to offer an alternative, talk more about racism and explain how specific policy ideas can help dismantle systemic racism. To win this election, Joe Biden and Democrats need to combat Trump’s strategy to peel off Black male voters. Talking about racism is the answer.




:francis:

heres your evidence:

https://hitstrat.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/HIT-BFL-Deck.d2.pdf

https://hitstrat.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/07/BlackTrack-1-Website-Toplines-1.pdf
 

☑︎#VoteDemocrat

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The Major Difference Between Black Male and Female Voters
The Major Difference Between Black Male and Female Voters

Black male turnout for Trump wasn’t indicative of the president’s successful outreach efforts, but rather the long-standing relationship between this voting bloc and the GOP.
LEAH WRIGHT RIGUEUR7:00 AM ET
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Many Black men who voted for Trump did so in spite of Trump. (MARK MAKELA / REUTERS)
Since the years following the New Deal, when the majority of Black voters left the Republican Party, Black men and women have turned out in spectacular numbers for Democrats in presidential elections. No other racial group has been as consistent for the Dems. This year’s contest was no different; roughly 90 percent of this bloc cast ballots for President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President–elect Kamala Harris. In the words of the activist and Black Lives Matter co-founder Patrisse Cullors, “Black people won this election.”

But in the past four years, numerous Black Republican figures, as well as a handful of Black celebrities, have endorsed President Donald Trump or expressed a willingness to work with his administration. Almost all of these endorsements have come from men, reflecting an on-the-ground truth: 12 percent of Black men voted for Trump in the 2020 presidential election, while just 6 percent of Black women did the same, according to the AP VoteCast survey. Considering that the Democrats’ dependence on Black voters is only growing with each election, the party can’t afford to ignore the diversity of opinion that exists within this bloc, particularly between women and men.

The two concepts—that Black men are among the most loyal backers of the Democratic Party and that they are more likely than Black women to vote for Republican candidates—are not mutually exclusive. And they reveal significant insights into differences between Black voters, differences that aren’t built on the Trump campaign’s superficial outreach efforts. Many Black men who voted for Trump did so in spite of Trump. For this small but intriguing group of voters, this election was a homecoming of sorts: a return to their long-standing, pre-Obama relationship with the Republican Party.


The number of Black men supporting the GOP in 2020 may be disorienting for some, especially because Trump has been outspoken in his disdain for a number of issues of concern to this bloc—particularly the Movement for Black Lives. But men have been the drivers of Black support for the GOP for nearly a century, as my research on Black Republicans has shown. And although some Black women have embraced Republican politics, they are still the demographic group least likely to support Republican candidates.


[Read: Searching for the Black Trump supporter]

The election and reelection of President Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012are the only points in recent history where we’ve seen Black men’s support for the GOP bottom out. In 2008, for instance, 95 percent of Black male voters cast ballots for the nation’s first Black president, according to exit polls. But as the glow of the initial Obama years faded, some Black men drifted back into the Republican Party, while others joined anew.

Based on my findings, this attraction to the GOP can be partially explained by the fact that Black men tend to prioritize presidential candidates’ individual attributes, including race, personality, and experience. That’s why a small subset of these voters saw something attractive in Trump, regardless of his racism: His hypermasculine, anti-establishment, pro-capitalist rhetoric compelled them to support him. Given that most Black men believe that both the Democratic and Republican Parties are racist, it makes sense that some of them respond enthusiastically to broader GOP cues that stress the failure of American institutions. Republicans are adept at cynically exploiting a fractured political system that many Black men, irrespective of their politics, believe doesn’t have their best interests in mind.

In the Richard Nixon era, for example, Black newspapers complained bitterly of “Black men singing” the gospels of the GOP. That any Black person would support a man who represented the “evils of white America—racism, capitalism, treachery, imperialism, arrogance, and deceit” was shocking, wrote the editors of the New York Amsterdam News in the early 1970s. And yet, approximately 23 percent of Black male voters did just that in the 1972 presidential election. Those Black men who cast ballots for Nixon did so primarily for financial reasons, pointing to the president’s economic agenda and his emphasis on entrepreneurship and “Black capitalism.” These voters also expressed a hard-line belief in the idea of two-party competition, arguing that an exit from the Democratic Party would force both parties to compete for Black votes.

Black men dropped significantly from the GOP with Ronald Reagan’s ascent to the presidency in the ’80s, but he still managed to grab about 13 percent of their votes. Similar to Nixon’s efforts, Reagan’s campaign focused heavily on financial matters, advocating for a “Black-owned, Black-operated philosophy,” and lobbying for states’ rights as a means for Black communities to “take back” their neighborhoods through cooperative economics. Reagan’s team focused on shifting the political dialogue away from conversations about race and racism, instead highlighting preexisting tensions between Black voters and Democratic politicians. The goal was to denounce them as ineffective and indifferent to Black voters, while simultaneously highlighting aspirational but vague ideas about tax cuts, unregulated capitalism, economic growth, and jobs in Black neighborhoods. Though these political overtures appeared to represent community interests, voter enthusiasm for them reflected a kind of individualism rooted in exploiting economic gains for one’s self. In actuality, the majority of Black voters saw their life outcomes worsen during the Reagan era. Still, the president managed to maintain a certain level of support from some Black men.

By comparison, Black women tend to reject Republican propositions. Historically, as the Brennan Center for Justice’s Theodore R. Johnson and Ihave argued, this group has been resistant to GOP appeals precisely because their political decision making is rooted in policies that benefit the public interest. For Black women, voting is an act of collectivism: They vote as an impenetrable bloc, with slight variations due to class, socioeconomic background, and geographic region. The AP VoteCast survey estimates that 93 percent of Black women supported the Biden-Harris ticket, a gendered distinction that far exceeds the parameters of any one presidential election cycle (they also voted in fewer numbers than Black men in the Nixon and Reagan contests: 14 percent, then 9 percent and 7 percent, respectively).

This doesn’t mean that Black women have embraced their chosen party without critique. Like Black men, they express feelings of being left behind by American political institutions. But these women largely focus their energies on transforming their relationship with the Democratic Party, pushing reformist agendas, or trying to make the institution more radical, as opposed to leaving the party altogether. This year, for example, despite little support from the Democratic National Committee, Black women helmed grassroots organizations such as Fair Fight Action, the New Georgia Project, and Black Voters Matter that were ultimately responsible for the Biden-Harris victories in swing states.

Furthermore, when Black women view a policy as harmful or racist to the community, they’ll reject that initiative, regardless of the personal advantages it could yield. A clear-eyed example of this is the way that a higher percentage of Black women—including those who are wealthy and upper-middle class—were unmoved by Trump’s economic initiatives aimed at Black communities, such as the Platinum Plan (which was touted by the rapper Ice Cube). Many Black women view these proposals as disingenuous, light on detail and implementation, and ultimately ineffective at combatting systemic racism for the collective community, even though on an individual level, something like rampant tax cuts might actually benefit them.

Despite this, the 2020 election has shown us that even in the midst of chaosand record levels of voter turnout, old trends have a way of reestablishing themselves. As Democrats look to the future, they’d be wise to reinvigorate their relationship with the backbone of their party. Highlighting the racism of certain Republican candidates has never been enough to guarantee Black votes, and it’s certainly not a viable long-term outreach strategy when Black audiences are growing more disillusioned with both parties.
 
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Tha_Mac

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If you black and sipped that Trump/MAGA/right wing koolaid you should be ashamed of yourself. Do you really think these white people would ever throw away their cred, bend over backwards and look for loopholes the way they're doing for Trump for your black ass?

:gucci:
 
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