He's on the Supreme Court as a black man despite a sexual harassment allegations.I-is this considered wrong to The Coli?
His life doesn't lineup with his rhetoric.
He's on the Supreme Court as a black man despite a sexual harassment allegations.I-is this considered wrong to The Coli?
. “There is nothing you can do to get past black skin,” he said. “I don’t care how educated you are, how good you are at what you do—you’ll never have the same contacts or opportunities, you’ll never be seen as equal to whites.”
Thomas continues to believe—and to argue, in opinion after opinion—that race matters; that racism is a constant, ineradicable feature of American life; and that the only hope for black people lies within themselves, not as individuals but as a separate community with separate institutions, apart from white people.
At Yale, Thomas developed an understanding of racism that he would never shake. Whites—Southern and Northern, liberal and conservative, rural and urban—are racists.
, “I am the only one at this table who attended a segregated school. And the problem with segregation was not that we didn’t have white people in our class. The problem was that we didn’t have equal facilities. We didn’t have heating, we didn’t have books, and we had rickety chairs. . . . All my classmates and I wanted was the choice to attend a mostly black or a mostly white school, and to have the same resources in whatever school we chose.”
Thomas has admitted to wanting to “turn back the clock” to a time “when we had our own schools.”
Put simply, Thomas believes that affirmative action is a white program for white people.
In 1992, in one of his first opinions on the Court, Thomas wrote, “Conscious and unconscious prejudice persists in our society. Common experience and common sense confirm this understanding.”
Bell saw Brown differently, believing that instead of merely requiring that Black children be given integrated schools the Court should have required that they be given good schools. Bell argued that Brown had created the illusion of equality and progress while doing little to meaningfully change the reality of the racially unequal provision of education. (The novelist and folklorist Zora Neale Hurston was similarly critical of Brown at the time of the decision, saying she regarded it as “insulting rather than honoring my race” because it was based on the “belief that there is no great[er] delight to Negroes than physical association with whites.”) This is not an argument against integration—the argument that “separate can never be equal” can be made consistently with it—but an argument that authentic equality requires far more than the elimination of formal separation barriers. (Bell did argue that if the court had upheld Plessy v. Ferguson’s segregation mandate but ordered actual equal provision of resources, the result would have been preferable in practice to Brown‘s approach of integration without equality, which is not a defense of the repulsive Plessy decision but an attempt to expose just how deficient Brown was.)
Bell went so far as to suggest that civil rights lawyers had actually betrayed their clients’ interests by pushing for mere integration when many of those clients cared far more about school quality. On this matter, he was blunt:
Civil rights lawyers were misguided in requiring racial balance of each school’s student population as the measure of compliance and the guarantee of effective schooling. In short, while the rhetoric of integration promised much, court orders to ensure that black youngsters received the education they needed to progress would have achieved much more....
Because racism is in the interests of white people, “large segments of society have little incentive to eradicate it,” which means that when seeming racial progress does occur, it is often because of “interest convergence.” Thus Black people will only get what white people see as being in their own interest to offer. (Bell’s analysis of Brown suggests that this is why actual school equality was not on the table and the focus on integration over actual equal status “may have resulted more from the self-interest of elite whites than from a desire to help blacks.”)
It would be the greatest heel-turn in history if he was only OD conservative for the cac support but later goes full-on militant coli smart/dumb
two years late
I'm sure he's got some weird religious conservatism, but his thing is basically: This country won't give you shyt, so you might as well get it.he had militant leanings until he went to work at Monsanto, I believe it was. once he got a taste of the money that was it. I read his book years ago.
his story isn't special. alotta Black people think a certain way before getting a taste of the cash.
Bruh...he's an accelerationist
I mean he's indistinguishable from Umar
He gives SO LITTLE of a fukk...that he just wants to burn it all down
Clarence Thomas was a Coli militant who was checking bedwenches and had Malcolm X racial separation speeches on tape, then got turned out by white p*ssy.Damn
RIGHTClarence Thomas was a Coli militant who was checking bedwenches and had Malcolm X racial separation speeches on tape, then got turned out by white p*ssy.