Great insight into how AOC's fundraising goes into her district organizing and cycles back.
Last week, Emma Vigeland, co-host of Majority FM,
shared the following:
“Under-the-radar story: Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, and Summer Lee were all state reps before getting elected to Congress. They had institutional support within their state parties to fend off AIPAC.
Jamaal Bowman and Cori Bush did not.”
Indeed, the correlation between institutional support and winning elections — much in line with the thesis of this piece — is undoubtedly important for the left to consider going forward. However, perhaps the most important case-study and lesson on this front rests with the high-profile “Squad” member not mentioned by Vigeland.
There was a time in the
not so distant past, where many powerful interests fancied making newly-elected Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez a one-term Congresswoman.
Less than eighteen months removed from defeating two-decade incumbent, Rep. Joe Crowley, critics posited that Ocasio-Cortez’s upset was a fluke, the result of lower voter turnout and Crowley’s apathy and disengagement. Opposition research books were pushed to the press — during her first term, the
New York Post mentioned the House freshman in over seven hundred and fifty articles (including an astonishing
twelve AOC-based stories in one day). While her district included the younger, and increasingly-left Western Queens enclaves of Astoria, Sunnyside and the Jackson Heights historic district — the remaining working class pockets, which Crowley failed to make inroads with and ultimately turn out to vote, held remarkably
little progressive infrastructure, particularly in the Bronx portion of the district.
New York’s State Party Chair, Jay Jacobs, openly criticized Ocasio-Cortez for hurting Democrats in swing districts — back then, there was no primetime DNC speech from the polarizing freshman for him to
fawn over. Opponent Michelle Caruso-Cabrera, a former Republican and CNBC's first Latina anchor, would ultimately spend close to three million dollars. Even a narrow victory would have precipitated
serious trouble — a scenario Ocasio-Cortez herself outlined in an Instagram Live days after the election — given the following cycle held the wild-card of redistricting, and with it, the potential for a tsunami of outside money.
So, what did Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez do?
Upon her election to Congress, freshman Rep. Ocasio-Cortez had — after accounting for rent, travel, and utilities – slightly more than
three-hundred thousand dollars in staffing
budget per quarter. While Members of Congress with high-ranking positions on powerful committees — namely those with the most seniority — are afforded
extra cash, Ocasio-Cortez lacked such luxuries. Much of this budget is traditionally concentrated on the Congressional Staff in Washington D.C. — in turn,
squeezing the member’s district office, which in this case, spanned two boroughs.
In the district office — particularly within one of New York City’s highest-need, lower-income districts — responding and addressing constituent casework, especially with respect to all things immigration (New York’s 14th Congressional District has one of the highest immigrant populations in the United States), consumes the majority of the staff time. Not to mention dealing with constant volume of
out-of-district phone calls ranging from confused (but otherwise harmless) cranks to hostile death threats — all owed to their member’s burgeoning national profile.
However, this dynamic, because of its
overwhelming nature and never-ending volume, was conducive to a
reactive approach to interacting with the district. After hammering Crowley for his absence, Ocasio-Cortez — now the most visible Member of Congress, herself marooned in the nation’s capital for much of the year — needed to be
proactive.
While Ocasio-Cortez could count on NYC-DSA, the Working Families Party, Make The Road Action and a host of other progressive-aligned organizations to
throw down — nowhere more so than across the emerging leftist stronghold of Western Queens — the political interests and institutions who long-controlled Bronx politics skeptically eyed the talented freshman. To counter these existing institutions, Ocasio-Cortez would have to create
her own institution.
Thus, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, flush with cash — she was, after all, the left’s most prodigious non-Bernie Sanders fundraiser — assembled a year-round campaign team that would be
rooted in many different neighborhoods throughout her Congressional district.
However, these organizers were not deployed to aimlessly knock doors. Instead, they were tasked with not only building, but strengthening key relationships — among faith leaders, small business owners, county committee members, and potential surrogates and volunteers — across the two-dozen neighborhoods that made up the Fourteenth District mosaic. As the COVID-19 pandemic devastated working class communities in the Bronx and Queens, while Caruso-Cabrera attacked Ocasio-Cortez on Fox News, Team AOC pivoted to food distribution and mutual aid. Through Team AOC, one of those organizers, Jonathan Soto, helped establish a program that brought
free one-on-one tutoring at the height of the pandemic to hundreds of families across the district.
This important base-building work, normally compressed into the final months of a campaign —
if even done at all — was finally given room to properly breathe. Not only were these efforts beneficial to the communities of New York’s 14th Congressional District, it was also
smart politics.
When the voters of New York’s 14th Congressional District cast their ballots — in the highest turnout primary this millennium — Ocasio-Cortez was re-elected by a margin of
fifty-six percent, winning seventy-four percent of the vote in total. Of the district’s four-hundred precincts, the individual blocks each home to thousands of New Yorkers and hundreds of voters —
she lost only four.
This strategy and it’s key ingredients —
year-round organizing to cement relationships, which when
combined with earned media can help inoculate against attacks, anchored by the financial resources to sustain such exhaustive work – not only helped Ocasio-Cortez thrash Caruso-Cabrera, but has dissuaded future challengers from even attempting to defeat her.
By no means is this a one-size (or one district) fits all approach. Undoubtedly, Ocasio-Cortez is blessed with significant financial advantages, chiefly, the ability to consistently and organically fundraise millions from grassroots donors sans call time, a derivative of her immense celebrity. Nonetheless, the foresight of both her and her campaign team — as well as the underlying fundamentals of their plan — remain sound. To this day, Ocasio-Cortez continues to do
year-round organizing work through her campaign across New York’s 14th Congressional District.
Overlooked in the fanfare that follows Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez wherever she goes, is the importance, effectiveness, and resonance–of this work.