Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

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Dominican Republic: protests continue after suspended election

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Dominicans protest, for the ninth day in a row, calling for the suspension of municipal elections. | Photo: Diario Libre

February 25, 2020


With posters, bugles and the nation's flag, protesters called for the resignation of the Dominican Government.

Thousands of people gathered on Monday in front of the Central Electoral Board of the Dominican Republic in Santo Domingo (capital), to demand the resignation of the body's leaders on the ninth day of protests, after the municipal elections were suspended last Sunday, February 16.

With posters, bugles and the nation's flag, protesters also called for the resignation of Dominican President Danilo Medina.

During the protest, delegates from several political parties met with the electoral board to begin the validation of the ballots of the 18 municipalities that will vote in the rescheduled elections for next March 15.



On the other hand, last Sunday, representatives of 13 opposition parties marched through the main streets of the Dominican capital to demand transparency in the elections.

“We unite under the same purpose, that Dominican democracy does not perish in the hands of those who have abused our institutions”, said the Modern Revolutionary Party (PRM) in its Twitter account.

The Central Electoral Board decided to suspend the February 16 municipal elections after a failure in the automated voting system, which has generated more than a week of uninterrupted protests throughout the country.

Dominican Republic: protests continue after suspended election
 

Yehuda

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Miriam Miranda: “Honduras became a political laboratory after the 2009 coup”

Miriam Miranda, a Garifuna human rights defender from Honduras, is one of the voices who warned that the development promised by companies that exploit natural resources does not mean progress for communities. Now that the climate crisis is here, it is essential to bring those voices to the forefront again.

SUSANA ALBARRÁN @SUSIQIUMAD
December 12, 2019 06:00

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Miriam Miranda, Honduran human rights activist. Photo: Álvaro Minguito

Voices from the global south have been warning for decades of not only the consequences of climate change but its causes: the uncontrolled extraction of natural resources by companies through practices that cause exploitation and division among its inhabitants, land dispossession and often displacement of entire communities. Now that the climate crisis is here, it is essential to bring back to the forefront those voices that live it in their own flesh — and in their territories — what foreign companies, many of them European, have caused through the continuous extraction of natural resources.

Among those voices that warned that development was not progress for their own communities is Miriam Miranda, leader, protector of the environment and defender of Garifuna human rights in Honduras. Miranda, who was recognized a few weeks ago in Berlin with the 2019 Friedrich Ebert Foundation Human Rights Award as one of the most respected, committed and courageous environmental activists in Honduras, visited Madrid to participate in the second European Meeting of Solidarity with Honduras.

Miriam Miranda is the general coordinator of the Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH), an organization founded 30 years ago for the protection of the economic, social and cultural rights of 46 Garifuna communities located along the Atlantic coast of this Central American country. In recent years they have reinforced their work in fighting the consequences of climate change in Honduras, precisely for which several of their activists, such as Mirna Teresa Suazo or María Digna Montero, have been assassinated in recent months. These murders and the threats with which other OFRANEH activists live, among them Miranda, account for the grave danger that their lives run in defending the ancestral natural heritage of the Garifuna people.

In this interview with El Salto, Miriam talks about the OFRANEH's struggles and small great victories, her long friendship with Berta Cáceres and the current situation in her country under the government of Juan Orlando Hernández.

What is Honduras experiencing now so we can continue to pay attention?

One of the things that I have stated in recent years is that Honduras became a political laboratory after the 2009 coup. A political laboratory to be implemented in the other countries of Latin America and the world. There was a before and after the 2009 coup d'état, which made Honduras what it is today: a narco-state, a failed state, a completely destroyed institution.

Just as I was flying here, the trial against the brother of the Honduran president, Juan Orlando Hernández, began in the United States, and the statements made by Toni Hernández are catastrophic because he is directly implicating his brother, who received money from El Chapo Guzmán. Today this is a scandal in Honduras, but at the same time I think it is the consolidation of that plan that there was to destroy and create what Honduras is today, a State at the service of the American empire, but above all of Trump's policy. That fact alone would have deserved the attention of political decision makers at the international level. There is no way you can accept a president saying “oh, I didn't know what my brother was doing”. That's a lie. Family members know where we are going. And especially because the investigation found that the army and the police were available to him to clear his way.

I think that it is important that there is an international view of what happened in Honduras, not only because it is a small country, but because at this moment it plays a geostrategic role not only for the policies of the United States but for what it may mean for the democracy at the international level. There wasn't just one coup d'état — the one in 2009 —, there was another constitutional coup also from one power to another power — from the legislative to the supreme court of justice — in 2012, and what happened in 2017 with the elections, which was an electoral coup too. There we see a deterioration of that democratic model that was institutionalized that, even with all its shortcomings, is a model of coexistence, a pact. I am terrified by how little attention there has been to these elements, and how little attention it has meant that transnational capital can have direct access to make investments without any restrictions, supervision, or conditions.

In Honduras, a law was approved and implemented to create special development zones, model cities, in which it is intended to create a State within another State. That is why I am here, because it is important that these bets are being understood in Europe and how the institutions of the Government of the United States and Europe turn a blind eye. We have European ambassadors in Honduras and they know what is going on.

Recently there were events where ambassadors from different EU countries came to validate this government and this fraudulent president. He got to mount a second term in the presidency illegitimately repressing the people. Never before has there been so much repression in Honduras as in recent years through an illegitimate, dictatorial government. That is what is happening today.

And beware of this, there is always a greater commitment to what is happening in other countries such as Venezuela or Nicaragua, which call themselves socialists but have the same recipe for exploiting natural resources. In Honduras, as everything is done under the institutional framework, it is a blow from one power to another power, so it remains a “light” coup, a soft blow, there were not as many deaths as in the 70s... and that is what it has come to. That is very dangerous. The EU and the countries of Europe must pay attention to these things. One thing that seems urgent to understand is that many of the European companies that are playing the “green” role here [in Spain], respectful of ecology, the environment and human rights, are exploiting and destroying resources in our countries, even causing the displacement of entire communities, of indigenous peoples who are in resistance for the defense of natural resources and the defense of the environment.

How is OFRANEH now? What are the main lines of action?

OFRANEH was born as an organization to fight racism and discrimination in the 70s when banana plantations were implemented in Honduras, but over time it changed, mutating. In recent years, we are an organization that fundamentally fights for the vindication of the human rights of the Garifuna people, to guarantee the good living of communities, the defense of their culture, identity, territories and make sure that we are not displaced. OFRANEH also fights for the rights of the country. We have promoted and are promoting articulation processes with other social movements, with indigenous and non-indigenous women's organizations.

We have participated in national demands of what is required as a country. It is an organization that is not only subject to working for its community but also for its country with an integral perspective. As a Garifuna people and organization we are committed to articulating ourselves with other spaces. It is not easy because we know that there is institutionalized racism in Honduras and that many times that has been internalized by organizations and social movements. But in recent years, after the coup d'etat, OFRANEH together with the Council of Popular and Indigenous Organizations of Honduras (COPINH) moved to Tegucigalpa to fight for the reestablishment of the country's institutionality, because we believe that without institutionality, without governance, it is impossible for us to coexist in a community like we are living today, where we cannot even turn to anyone.

We are in a situation where your rights are violated and you have nowhere to go to demand justice. As a result of the struggle we are facing, we have been developing our work in Honduras. We have an organization with a totally persecuted, criminalized, judicialized, assassinated leadership. We recently had the murder of five Garifuna, including leaders such as comrade Mirna Suazo, president of the board of trustees of a community in Masca. And not only that, but she was the sister of a member of the OFRANEH board of directors; that gives us a double blow and it is clear that there is a plan to selectively assassinate our leadership, particularly me, for all that I have worked on and all the years in defense of land and natural resources.

I would not want to go without saying that we as an organization feel — and particularly I who shared 24 years of my life with Berta Cáceres — that the issue of free and informed prior consultation is one of the crucial issues for indigenous peoples and the Garifuna community. Unfortunately, it has been so tampered with and has become a Machiavellian form of the State to seize that concept by removing the most important element which is consent. The fact that people are not only asked if they want to or not, but that what people decide is accepted. Right now we are also facing and fighting against a proposal that the State is promoting to approve a consultation law that practically becomes a make-up to validate what the State wants. Furthermore, he says that the people, the community, have no right to veto. And we wonder, what good is it if people can't say no or yes. In other words, it has no reason to exist.

That is what we are doing now, but in OFRANEH there are other fundamental areas of work. The issue of women, for example. The Garifuna people are matrilineal, a people in which women play a very important role within the communities. Youth is a topic that concerns us a lot because of the cultural identity of young people and with everything they are exposed to today. And especially in the migratory wave that has been in recent years. The Garifuna people have been hit hard because it is a small number people in proportion to all the Honduran people and the young people are leaving.

But we are also very interested and we have worked a lot on the defense of the territories in addition to the implementation of a job to generate food sovereignty. In this we are working in a territory that we recovered from the hands of drug trafficking. And of course, we have been fighting, not for fashion but because it was a necessity, against the effects of climate change, because we have communities displaced environmentally by the issue of how the sedimentation of the sea was entering the territories of the Garifuna peoples, because we live on the coast. Many communities have lost the natural steps and many houses have disappeared. People were wondering why is this happening? And we have had to investigate and analyze. This involves generating a strong fight for the State to assume its responsibility to stop or change its policy.

We work on all of this without leaving aside the question of culture and identity. From OFRANEH we have brought to the fore a topic that has hardly been worked on, the question of how organizations and social movements have to understand that without cultural identity and without the strengthening of culture there can be no revolution and this also has to do with the bodies of women, the participation of young people, of childhood, because there has to be an identity of who we are, of what we have been, and how to face a system like this, this voracious capitalist system that every day destroys the possibility of being different, that wants us to become uniform and become something that has no meaning, something amorphous, in which we are all equal, without taking into account that we are peoples with different cultures, identities, worldviews and ways of seeing life.
 

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Do you also use the judicial route as a tool to fight?

Yes, we have won two cases... seeing that there was no type of justice application in Honduras, we had to go to the inter-American system. In 2015, there were two convictions against the State by the communities of Punta Piedra and Triunfo de la Cruz. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR) determined that the State of Honduras had violated the right to free informed consultation and the right of possession of the ancestral territories of the Garifuna community. And we are at this moment with what I mentioned before, if there is no institutionality, in a State like Honduras, despite the fact that there are sentences, there is no political will, nor conditions for it to comply with those sentences. In May of this year, the IACHR made a report to monitor compliance with the sentence, precisely where it ordered the State to resume and comply with the sentence because the time it gave it had already run out — two and a half years.

We are still insisting and fighting for the State to comply with the sentence because they are mandatory! In other words, if the country is a signatory to the IACHR, it must comply with that sentence. But of course, a country like Honduras which has been kicked around today... whose president and government have dedicated themselves more to legitimizing themselves internationally than to serving the sentences that have to do with this case. We are the only Afro-indigenous organization that has brought cases to the IACHR and that we have won. We have also dabbled in bringing lawsuits before the World Bank's inspection panel and at the time they also proved us right. We have also submitted alternative reports to international mechanisms in Europe such as the Committee for the Eradication of Racism.

So, as an organization we do local work at the same time that we turn to international mechanisms that have to do with the validity, recognition and respect of the human rights of indigenous peoples and the population in general. We are also making our gained experience available to other indigenous peoples, whose organizations are requesting us. We are very proud that we take the cases directly as an organization without any umbrella; we have been gaining experience and that has given us strength and also the power to know all the international instruments. I think it is important for organizations to empower ourselves with these mechanisms, understanding that they are not the last hope of resolving a conflict. The inter-American system is a system set up by the governments themselves, but it has enabled us to make the problems and situation of the Garifuna people visible internationally.

Can you tell us what is Vallecito?

Vallecito was a territory taken by drug traffickers where they installed a clandestine runway on which drug planes landed. In 2011 the runway was dynamited. 90% of that territory was in the hands of a single trafficker who has already died, 1,200 hectares of land titled in favor of the Garifuna people. It is a beautiful valley, one of the most beautiful things that can be... in 2012 we decided to recover it. OFRANEH decided to recover it as a right that assists us as a Garifuna community. It is an incredible thing because we went with our drums, with our culture, identity and over there on the other side we listened to the shootings, the shots from the drug traffickers. We were resisting and persisting. In 2014, I and several companions were kidnapped by assassins who attempted to murder us. It is a very attractive area because it is strategic for organized crime, it has a beach, it has a lagoon and it is a very mountainous area. When we were kidnapped on July 14, 2014, I don't forget the date, there was a lot of national and international solidarity, and the presence — I remember well — of Berta Cáceres, who arrived quickly. We said we are not going to leave, and today it is a territory in which we are exercising food sovereignty. At the Central American level it will be the territory with the highest production of oil palm, with more than 150 palms planted for next year. And also, there we are going to create the next Indigenous University at the disposal of the Garifuna people and all indigenous peoples. We are permanently resisting there.

OFRANEH is also a container of many diversities. It's like a continent in itself, right?

The peoples are wise, we have is wisdom. In the assembly, and by decision of the Garifuna people themselves, they said we must work all the internal diversity of the Garifuna people and we cannot leave anyone behind. In other words, if we talk about women, youth, boys and girls, we also have to talk about gender diversity. We have been doing a very nice job, and I love it because I have had to be with the boys and the girls, and we have talked with much respect.

We started with workshops not only of self-recognition, although there are also many elements that have been introduced into the minds of the Garifuna that did not exist before. I say this very properly because in the Garifuna world people who are sexually diverse have always been respected, but intolerance is something that has been brought by the church, religions, education, and the media. Before that, people lived with someone who was gay, lesbian, and it was not a scandalous thing, but when religion comes in, judgement begins, then the mentality changes and intolerance comes. This is important to understand because the peoples have lived very harmoniously and very tolerant of diversity in our communities.

It was not only the issue of self-recognition but, like them, we were talking about the relationship between family and the LGTBI community. We worked there; it is not easy because they are young people, many of them have had to migrate to the cities, they do not live in their communities. That changes everything a lot, but today we have a wonderful group of young people who are betting on it. They give me strength because they call me to say “we have to get together”, and they say that this is a central issue as well as the land issue and the issue of food production. The nice thing is that they, too, have gone to Vallecito, we have made workshops with them there and they have joined the food sovereignty work, they have participated in the mobilizations... because we are an organization of movements, of action, accompaniment and permanent solidarity. The LGTBI movement is involved in all the activities of the OFRANEH not only in the area that corresponds to them, I believe that it is part of the growth, to not only focus on the discrimination they may feel for their reality.

Based on everything you said, does OFRANEH put ecofeminism into practice?

We have to make the fight comprehensive, that is, we cannot go alone with the issue of the right of women to decide on our bodies and detach ourselves from that other reality that many women live in, which is that they do not have time to think about their bodies, but instead are holding economies, are holding wisdom and knowledge. You just have to see that women are the guardians of the seeds. There is a need for feminism — for me, feminism is not only different women's movements — to work the law on our bodies, but also the law on the territories, resources and common goods of nature because we are not separate from that. Women not only give life but we have given much knowledge and wisdom throughout world history.

Today we have this privilege in Honduras which is the process we have started of working with women. OFRANEH was the promoter of a meeting of women in Vallecito, thinking that in this scenario we women had to give the word and act. On the date of the commemoration of the ten years of the coup, we held a meeting in which more than 1,500 women from 16 departments of the country arrived, with more than 400 boys and girls, and in a very difficult space because it is mountainous, but we created the conditions to do that event. Some time before we had been asking for water for the coconuts praying to our ancestors, the land, the sea, the air... and it rained on us that day! But it was beautiful.

There were female workers, peasants, feminists, women from the capital, from all sides... to reach that space, go to the sea for a while, connect with nature. There is no electric power, so people immediately connected with nature, listening to birds, trees and breathing fresh air. It is from there that the Assembly of Women Fighters of Honduras arised, which is a space for articulation that we have today, in which we are gathering as women. It is not a pyramid or structural organization, we want a women's space so that we all have a voice and listen to each other.

If we realize that a comrade is in danger, or we have to go visit other comrades — because we also accompany other movements — such as the case in Guapinol recently, women who have suffered a lot because they took their companions prisoner; many times there is talk of political prisoners, but no one talks about their wives and companions who have been bearing all that burden, and we are there. I have a lot of faith in that space. There we have feminist, lesbian, transgender colleagues of all diversities, but I think that one of the most important issues tolerance, respect, that we have to work so hard in all the spaces we are in. It does not matter that the comrade is a peasant, but her voice being heard is very important because they have a lot of accumulated knowledge, as well as that of feminist and professional women who have a long way to go. In this space, everyone respects this peasant comrade who is a woman who is also betting on the rights of her community. We are building a very beautiful thing.

And what can you tell us about the Community Radio Network?

We were the first in Honduras to create community radios and one of them, the one in Triunfo de la Cruz, was promoted by the same community. Later we were accompanying them precisely because of the pressure of the State on them. For example, the Coco Dulce community radio, Faluma Bimetu in Garifuna, was burned and destroyed just after the coup d'état in December 2009, but with much solidarity and support it was restored in 2010.

Our network comprises seven radios that are always besieged by the State because they say that we do not have a license to use the radio spectrum, people already know the story of how they face communities and organizations for installing and having the right to our own media. I have several lawsuits from the State against me. Radio plays an important role not only to publicize the problems of the communities, but also helps the issue of identity and culture. The fact that a radio station speaks and broadcasts the news in Garifuna, or that a woman who has ancestral knowledge comes to speak about her experience when, above all, because we are a community with a lot of oral tradition... radio plays a fundamental role there. So it seems terrible to us that they are criminalized and prosecuted.

We are part of a network in which several radio stations converge at the Mesoamerican level — Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, El Salvador — because I believe that together we become stronger and above all because legislation is increasingly used to silence voices. In Honduras laws have been created to regulate as much as they can and destroy all initiatives. Some radios are completely managed by young people, we have also sought that some are managed and run by women, it is a little more difficult, often because of time: women have to have five times more time to attend to things, but it is a issue for which we want to continue betting and strengthening. I also want to say that we are also supporting the creation of radio stations in other indigenous communities that are not only Garifuna. We are supporting the Pech people, and wanting to accompany the Miskito people who have requested us from our experience because we can work with them.

Where should the legacy of Berta Cáceres take us?

Today Berta's word is being studied in many places not only in Honduras, but I always claim that Berta woman, that Berta of resignations, that Berta who also faced so much discrimination and racism, so many attacks, that internationalist woman in every sense of the word. A woman who understood that the issue of alliances and articulations was so fundamental, and the knowledge of what happens internationally, that's why she knew so many countries and many people miss her for that. When they say the words of Berta multiplied, that makes sense and content because in the place where you least imagine there you will find it painted, it is incredible. Then where they listen to the media or there on the deepest mountain, they know who Berta is.

We have to go on fighting so that not only her image is known but also a Berta with content, what were her ideas, why she was fighting and what Berta meant to the Honduran people. I remember it fundamentally because we began the process of making indigenous peoples visible with her. That was wonderful because before then these peoples were stones, for the Honduran imaginary they were something that existed very far back. And when that work began through COPINH, several organizations and people joined us to accompany that process; we said no, indigenous peoples are not a thing of the past, they exist, and here they are. We have been fighting for 500 years for our existence, although very quietly, but we are there, with a different way of seeing life that deserves respect and recognition, and they should let us live as we want to live. That is, for me, one of Berta's greatest contributions, in Honduras, which is almost unknown, but which I always claim.

Miriam Miranda: “Honduras became a political laboratory after the 2009 coup”
 

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We Talk About One U.S.-Backed Coup. Hondurans Talk About Three.

Tracing U.S. complicity in the ongoing human rights crisis in Honduras.

Published on Monday, February 17, 2020 by In These Times
by Meghan Krausch

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Honduran migrants walk near Esquipulas, Chiquimula departament, Guatemala, on January 16, 2020, after crossing the border in Agua Caliente from Honduras on their way to the United States. (Photo by JOHAN ORDONEZ/AFP via Getty Images)

In the last three weeks, two groups totaling over 4,000 people attempted to flee Honduras. At the same time, Indigenous groups back in Honduras are engaged in fighting a new law they say will increase their displacement and the violence that is aimed against them. It is clear the crisis in Honduras that has pushed caravan after caravan to seek refuge in the United States is nowhere near an end.

These events are driven by the same thing: A 2009 coup in Honduras aided and abetted by the United States. A little over 10 years ago, the United States had the opportunity to stop much of the misery and human rights abuses occurring regularly today in Honduras by officially denouncing the forced removal of the president as a coup or by refusing to recognize the results of post-coup elections that many Hondurans and observers considered illegitimate. These actions would have ideally triggered automatic repercussions by cutting military aid from the United States and would have significantly weakened the right wing forces perpetuating the coup.

In June 2009, when President Manuel Zelaya proposed a popular assembly to change the constitution in response to demands by Indigenous, feminist and peasant movements, the ballot initiative was used as an excuse by the military and right wing forces to remove him from office. They claimed Zelaya would use the initiative, a tool that had been used previously by socialist regimes in Venezuela and Bolivia, to allow himself a second term, strictly forbidden by the Honduran constitution.

At this point, the White House and the State Department made the decision not to declare the forced removal of elected President Manuel Zelaya by the Honduran military (with some U.S. military support) a coup d’état—although the Obama administration came close to doing so. But pressure from allies of the involved Honduran generals who were trained at the U.S. School of the Americas (renamed Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation) combined with the potential political and economic benefits of a regime change to the United States to keep the administration on the fence about where to side. The 2009 coup stopped the “pink tide” of socialist governments spreading across Latin America from sweeping Honduras: Zelaya was toppled from power before he was able to implement the leftward turn he was headed in.

Despite ample evidence of extreme human rights abuses in the immediate aftermath of Zelaya’s removal, the United States decided to support elections widely considered questionable held in November 2009. In a familiar Cold War move, apparently any outcome but Zelaya was preferred in order to contain the pink tide.

Although it may seem like nothing can be done once a coup has already happened, recent Honduran history demonstrates just the opposite. Community activists like Miriam Miranda refer to not just one but three coups in Honduras between 2009 and 2019—meaning there were multiple watershed moments for the U.S. government to support better human rights outcomes.

Miranda represents the Afro-Indigenous Garífuna people in her capacity as the leader of the Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH), a federation of the Garífuna people dedicated to the defense of their territory and cultural rights as a minority population in Honduras. She knows firsthand how devastating the coups in Honduras have been: The Garífuna community has been one of the most targeted by the land grabs and violent displacement that have followed them. Miranda herself has been subject to constant death threats. Since 2010, Honduras has consistently been on the list of most dangerous countries in the world for land and human rights defenders.

The “second coup” came in 2012 when then-president of the Congress Juan Orlando Hernández removed four out of five Supreme Court justices on the constitutional panel who ruled “model cities” to be unconstitutional. The model cities are fully privatized municipalities, the brainchild of economist Paul Romer, scheduled to be imposed along the northern coast in the Garífuna’s ancestral territory and one of the drivers of their displacement.
 

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The “third coup” happened in November 2017. Juan Orlando Hernández was elected for the second time in what was widely considered to be a fraudulent result. (The Hernández-appointed Court ruled that Honduran presidents could run for a second term after all.) Two days later, with the election results still in dispute, the U.S. State Department certified the human rights record of Honduras, opening the way for continuing military aid. More than 30 people died in the post-electoral violence alone.

Each of these events has been followed by tacit or overt approval from the U.S. government, along with continued military aid. The total amount of aid is difficult to track because of the way it is appropriated across multiple agencies and given in kind as well as in dollars. The Washington Office on Latin America estimated that in 2017 $4.5 million alone was given directly for military equipment, while aid to Honduran security forces was sprinkled throughout most areas of the budget.

According to a trial in New York last fall, at least some of that military aid seems to be supporting drug trafficking. The president’s brother, Tony Hernández, was convicted of using the power of the Honduran military and state institutions to traffic 200,000 kilograms of cocaine into the United States. And the corruption goes right to the top: Mexican cartel leader Joaquín Guzman, better known as “El Chapo,” gave $1 million to Juan Orlando Hernández’s election campaign. Yet the United States has not distanced itself from the relationship, referring to Juan Orlando regularly as a “reliable partner,” and even certifying Honduras as a country designated to receive asylum seekers from Cuba and Nicaragua.

A call for solidarity

Shortly after the conviction of Tony Hernández, Miriam Miranda toured the United States and Europe seeking to build a movement for justice in the face of what her community sees as an extermination threat. Eight Garífuna community members were murdered in September and October 2019, many of them women political leaders. In a November 1, 2019 public conversation with Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.)—also regularly targeted for her political leadership)—Miranda described how the location of the Garífuna’s ancestral territory on coastal drug trafficking routes and their organized resistance makes them targets for violence.

Now Miranda and OFRANEH are confronting the “Nájera Law,” nicknamed after the legislator who proposed it in Honduras, which they say will make it even easier for the Honduran government to expropriate their ancestral territory for mega-development projects. According to Óscar Nájera and its other supporters in the government, the law will encode the international standard of “free, prior and informed consent” in Honduran law. But in an interview with In These Times, Miranda says that it “does not benefit us as Indigenous people.” She says the law itself is “imposed by the state,” and along with other Indigenous groups, points to the fact that the law does not allow Indigenous people the right to veto a project as part of the “consultation” process. The Indigenous groups worry it is another way that the Honduran government is legitimating itself to the international community in a context of steadily worsening human rights abuses.

Crises in Honduras like the dispossession and violence faced by the Garífuna people are not natural disasters but the result of a series of political decisions, including foreign policy decisions made here in the United States. That means U.S.-based solidarity movements have an important role to play as well. More than 40 Honduran social movements, including OFRANEH, are calling for the passage of the Berta Cáceres Act, a congressional bill in the United States originally introduced in 2016 by Rep. Hank Johnson (D-Ga.) that calls on the United States to suspend all “security assistance to Honduran military and police until such time as human rights violations by Honduran state security forces cease and their perpetrators are brought to justice.”

Honduran journalist, feminist and organizer for environmental justice, Karla Lara, spoke with In These Times about what international solidarity should really mean: “The thing I want most in my life is that we can construct solidarity based on rights … from the basis of a person that also drinks water,” she said. “It’s not just about the north giving to the south.”

Both Lara and Miranda emphasize that global solidarity must be intersectional—meaning it accounts for differences within as well as between groups—and be premised on boosting the organizing and support of rank-and-file movement organizers in the global south. According to Lara, international solidarity must be grounded in a deep understanding not only of nation, but class, race, indigeneity and gender. Careful attention must be paid to voices on the ground in order to distinguish, for example, which laws are merely covers for more land grabs rather than actual systems of consultation.

Miranda says that “international support is vital to make sure that information doesn’t disappear and the pressure remains on the governments.” But she also emphasizes, “just as important as the people doing the urgent, necessary work of making our struggle visible … There are also really serious problems that we’re confronting here in the south that are deeply related to the same problems that you’re confronting there in the north.”

The end of January was the two-year anniversary of Juan Orlando Hernández’s second inauguration, and Hondurans once again took the risk of protesting. The call from Miranda, Lara and other activists in Honduras is for solidarity activists in the United States to move forward by constantly building confidence, trust and personal relationships—and to take responsibility for the results of the foreign policy decisions of the U.S. government. And, as Miranda says, activists are calling on people in the United States to answer for their own government’s role in driving the cycle of crisis, human rights abuse and migration in Honduras.

We Talk About One U.S.-Backed Coup. Hondurans Talk About Three.
 

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The story of the black prince welcomed by the Gaúcho elite who, a century ago, consolidated African religions in Rio Grande do Sul

Custódio Joaquim Almeida came from Benin, in Africa, and was responsible for assentamentos such as Bará do Mercado Público, in Porto Alegre's city center

March 20, 2020 — 15:15
Alexandre Lucchese


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The prince and the old Rua da República, recreated as it was at the time he lived in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul. Gilmar Fraga / Arte GZH

A black prince lived in Porto Alegre, in the early 20th century. Coming from Africa with a court of 48 people, he settled in Cidade Baixa and became a cultural and religious reference not only for the black community, but also for local political leaders. More than 120 years after the arrival of Custódio Joaquim Almeida in Rio Grande do Sul, the life of one of the most eccentric and influential characters of his time in the state is still little known beyond the African religions. Many gaps still need to be studied to understand the trajectory and legacy of this historical figure.

Prince Custódio, as he became known, arrived in southern Brazil in 1899. After passing through Rio Grande, Pelotas and Bagé, he settled in Porto Alegre in 1901, where he remained until his death, in May 1935, at the age of 104. In the capital, he lived a life surrounded by luxury — he lived in a spacious house, frequented by the elite of Rio Grande do Sul, dressed in a refined way, with gold watches and gemstones, and had horses in the prestigious Prado Independência, embryo of the current Jockey Club. Horses were animals of worship for Custodio, who had a stud farm in the back of the house and used to go out in a landau pulled by two steeds — white on sunny days; black when it was raining.

Custódio's unique habits and costumes give an idea of the size of his fortune. But the African man's greatest legacy to the city cannot be measured in material terms. The prince helped to consolidate the religions of African origin in the state, bringing cults and settling Orisha, but also introducing members of the local political and economic elite to the Batuque rites, thus making the authorities more sympathetic and tolerant to the religion, hitherto persecuted.

Custódio's life in Africa — as well as the circumstances that determined his coming to America — is still surrounded by mystery. At the time of his death, some newspapers published obituaries that linked him to the region of São João Batista de Ajudá, today known as Ouidah. And they indicated that he was the heir of a noble lineage: he had arrived in Brazil in 1862, traveling the north of the country for 40 years before settling in Rio Grande do Sul.

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Custódio Joaquim Almeida. Reproduction / Agencia RBS

Because of this, researchers of the religion of African origin in the South support the possibility that Custódio descended from the religious aristocracy of the ancient Kingdom of Dahomey and that he left Africa to take his cult to other countries, calling himself a prince.

But Maria Helena Nunes, an anthropologist who has researched Custódio's life for over 30 years, is convinced that he was a direct descendant of the throne of the Kingdom of Benin. Author of the master's thesis O Príncipe Custódio e a Religião Afro-Gaúcha, defended in 1999, Maria Helena carried out her work based on oral reports from descendants, crossing the testimonies with historical bibliographic research and documentation collected in Brazil and Nigeria.

According to her, Custódio was called Osuanlele Okizi Erupê in Africa and was the son of Ọba (king) Ovonramwen Nogbaisi. Osuanlele was one of the organizers of the native resistance against the British Empire's domination attempt. In 1897, foreigners carried out a massacre in the region, seized power and exiled him to Calabar.

According to reports and documents collected by Maria Helena, an agreement was signed to stop the violence: Osuanlele should leave the region, receiving a monthly pension from the British government to stay away. In fact, the Empire realized that it would not be able to maintain power without the support of the Ọba and his family, so much so that the local monarchy was reestablished years later, in 1914, with the support of colonialist forces, this time with Ọba Eweka II, brother of Osuanlele.

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Serafina de Souza Almeida, Custódio's granddaughter. Tadeu Vilani / Agencia RBS

Maria Helena assures that "Osuanlele was brought up as a prince heir to a throne. He went to study in Europe, stayed a long time in London, but also spent time in France and Germany".

After the agreement with the British, Osuanlele would have gone into exile in the Port of Ajudá, now known as Ouidah. That is why he became known as the Prince of Ouidah. From there, he would have been supernaturally guided to Brazil: it was through cowrie-shell divination that he chose the safest destination to start his life again, at almost 70 years old.

There is a lack of documents that make clear the link between Osuanlele and Custódio, despite the reports of the descendants of the prince and others interviewed by Maria Helena being consistent with each other on the subject. In any case, periodicals also reinforce the idea that Custodio spoke English and French fluently, and one of the obituaries cites the fact that he sought a subsidy from the British government on a monthly basis.

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The (symbolic) location of Bará do Mercado Público of Porto Alegre, the Orisha settled in the historic building. Tadeu Vilani / Agencia RBS

Custódio's good financial condition and refined culture, coupled with his dark skin color and tall stature, made him an exotic figure in Porto Alegre. Evidence points that the African man was soon well accepted by the local high society. Authorities circulated around his house frequently — there are several reports collected by Maria Helena that cite Júlio de Castilhos (1860–1903), Borges de Medeiros (1863–1961) e José Gomes Pinheiro Machado (1851–1915) as recurring guests.

"The elites did not care about his color. Obviously there was prejudice at the time. But a black man with money was seen as a white man", says Maria Helena.

It was not just to listen to advice based on Custódio's rich cultural background and life experience that the elite of Porto Alegre sought him out. Custódio was also considered a spiritual authority, a guide with great powers to predict the future.

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Economist Marcus Vinícius, the prince's great-grandson. Tadeu Vilani / Agencia RBS

"My grandfather would sometimes say out of nowhere: “Open up the door cause so-and-so is coming and they're full of problems”. And would you believe, minutes later, so-and-so appeared, without having told anyone before? I grew up listening to these kind of stories", says Serafina de Souza Almeida, Custódio's granddaughter.

Religion moved the prince's steps. According to reports, it was through faith in the cowrie shells that the African arrived in southern Brazil — shells, in fact, made of gemstones.

The family, however, argues that the ancestor did not make money out of ritualistic practices, as many babalorixás do today. He just read cowrie shells for the people closest to him.

"His house was not open for anyone to consult. It was only the closest friends who visited him occasionally for advice. But, on commemorative dates, there were big parties open to the community", says Serafina.

Prince Custódio also left important milestones for the consolidation of religions of African in Porto Alegre. At different points in the Historic Center, he left Orisha assentamentos, or settlements, that is, points that would represent the connection of reality with supernatural forces. The most popular one is known as Bará do Mercado Público, which is currently represented by a sculpture on the central floor of the historic building, often attended by Babalorishas and Iyalorishas (male and female priests, respectively) — the location of the sculpture is symbolic, as the exact location of the settlement was kept secret by Custódio.

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The old scaffold square of Rua dos Andradas. Tadeu Vilani / Agencia RBS

In addition to the Public Market, settlements in the Piratini Palace, the Nossa Senhora das Dores Church and the old scaffold of Rua dos Andradas became known.

Maria Helena explains that "the Market symbolizes wealth, abundance. The Palace and the Church are representations of political and religious power. It was a way for Custódio to ensure stability for the Borges de Medeiros government".

The Scaffold, an area of Rua dos Andradas that was in the immediate vicinity between the Brigadeiro Sampaio Square and the 3rd Military Region Command, was the place where the first black man was hanged — years later, it was proved that the man was innocent.

The reports also point out that Custódio's legacy for the Afro-Gaúcho religion goes beyond Porto Alegre. The 48-person court that accompanied the prince was called the council of chiefs and ended up dissolving after the death of its leader. Many of these chiefs spread throughout the countryside, taking the culture of the Orisha to the cities of various regions of the state.

Custódio Joaquim Almeida died on May 28, 1935, at the age of 104. On the death certificate, uremia is identified as the cause of death. Shortly after the funeral, the family suffered another setback: a large amount of jewelry, which represented a good part of its assets, was stolen from the house where Custódio lived in his last days in Porto Alegre, at Rua Lopo Gonçalves.

Custódio left five children: Domingos, Araci, Dionísio, Pulqueria and Joaquina. They shared the rest of the assets left, and were able to build their lives based on an inheritance rare for black people of the time — excellent formal education and good relations in different classes of society. Daughter of Domingos, Serafina is a teacher, but says that her ancestry was questioned throughout her growth: "the day before I started attending school, my father hugged me and told me that I needed to behave in an exemplary way because I was a princess. When I met my first classmates, I said I had princess blood. They laughed a lot at me. What do you mean, how could I have blue blood? I was traumatized with that and never wanted to tell anyone again."

Serafina is the mother of Marcus Vínicus, César Augustus and Caio Juliano. When Marcus, the eldest, started attending school, in a private institution frequented by the local elite, she relived her own story: she was called by the school board to explain why her son told his classmates that he was a prince.

Today, Marcus is an economist. Custódio's great-grandchild points out that his ancestor also helped many black families to achieve more dignified living conditions in the early 20th century.

"Through his relationship with local elites, my great-grandfather was able to make room for blacks to enter the public sector. In current terms, it is like giving someone the chance to rise to a lower middle class. Today it may seem like little, but it is a chance to get out of extreme poverty, have a fixed salary and access a new world of information", says Marcus.

For the prince's great-grandson, in addition to bringing diversity to the civil service, his great-grandfather's life inspired many blacks to overcome inequalities: "they saw a black man talking with the white man as his equal, possibly sometimes even talking tough. This changes the relationship for those at the bottom, as the example comes from above. It was a reference lighthouse for many people. It showed in practice that equality was possible."

The story of the black prince welcomed by the Gaúcho elite who, a century ago, consolidated African religions in Rio Grande do Sul
 
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BAP: Maduro Indictment is a Prelude to Panamanian-Style Racist Aggression

MARCH 28, 2020

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We must remind our people that over 150 million Africans live throughout the so-called Americas. We especially must raise this reality at critical moments like this when the corporate media and establishment opinion is legitimizing U.S. gangsterism that could kill thousands of people in Venezuela.
(Black Working Class will Never Abandon Venezuela)


BAP’s support for the people of Venezuela and its project for establishing peace, human rights and development for its people will not be deterred by the latest attack on that nation with the flimsy and incredible indictment of Nicolas Maduro by the Trump Administration.

The use of drug and biological warfare against insurgent colonized populations has been a consistent feature of the U.S./European colonial project since 1492. As an African people in the United States, we have a long and tortured history of being on the receiving end of the U.S. state’s narco-war against our people as a weapon of counterrevolutionary subversion.

The widespread expansion of heroin that occurred in Black communities during the period of the U.S. war against Vietnam was documented as having been facilitated by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and became a convenient weapon as part of the multipronged counter-insurgency strategy of the state against the Black Liberation Movement of the 1960s and 70s.

In the 80s, the introduction of crack cocaine into our communities was documented by courageous journalists like Gary Webb, who established that there was a relationship between the various intelligence agencies — once again primarily the CIA — and drug dealers using Nicaragua as a transit point for drugs into the U.S. The relationship was established in order to secure revenue for arms purchases to support counterrevolutionaries in Nicaragua, who were working with the U.S. to overthrow the Sandinista government that came to power in 1979. Planes would land in the U.S. full of cocaine and leave with arms for delivery back to Central America, destined for Nicaragua.

Therefore, narco-terrorism is nothing new for our communities. After introducing dangerous drugs into our communities, the state would then wage a so-called war on drugs. The war on drugs in the U.S., as the general “war on crime,” was always intended as a weapon to wage war against the most organized elements of the Black resistance movement, just as the indictment of President Maduro is being used to undermine the revolutionary process in Venezuela.

The charge leveled at the Venezuelan leader might have some semblance of credibility for some sectors of the U.S. population, and it will be used by the corporate press to further legitimize the illegal and murderous objectives of U.S. imperialism. However, for BAP we are quite clear about the real narco and state terrorists.

The bounty placed on Maduro reminds us of the expansion of the bounty placed on the head of our dear sister and freedom fighter Assata Shakur and her addition as the first woman ever to the U.S. “most wanted terrorists list” by the Obama Administration.

We were not deterred or confused by that move and we will not be confused by this one against the people of Venezuela.

Stand in solidarity with the struggling peoples and nations of the world for peace, with people(s)-centered human rights, and a new vision of humanity beyond capitalist exploitation and imperialist domination.


No Retreat, No Compromise
Coordinating Committee, Black Alliance for Peace



Photo: BAP Coordinating Committee members in Venezuela

BAP: Maduro Indictment is a Prelude to Panamanian-Style Racist Aggression
 

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We Call for the Immediate Release of the Political Prisoner and Afro-Bolivian Leader Irene Elena Flores Torrez

By: Social Organizations, Inviduals

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Elena Flores is the elected union president of Adepcoca (the Departmental Association of Coca Producers). | Photo: CDR

We call for all the de facto government's charges against Elena Flores to be dropped immediately and for Flores, Choque, Hermosa, and all political prisoners to be released.

Elena Flores, the elected union president of Adepcoca (the Departmental Association of Coca Producers) and the beloved eldest sibling in her family, has been harassed and jailed without cause by the racist, misogynist and anti-labor coup regime of Jeanine Añez.

RELATED: Plurinational State of Bolivia: Revolution and Indigenous Resistance

She has been imprisoned for more than a month under deplorable conditions. The regime has subjected her to a smear campaign with continued threats of violence.

The de facto government is responsible for stealing a presidential election and ordering 36 deaths and at least 890 illegal detentions. They have carried out forced disappearances, rape by military and police, and three massacres in Sacaba, Senkata, and Ovejuyo. The Añez government censures media, attacks, and tortures journalists, and celebrates the violence of white supremacists who are granted immunity from prosecution.

In the Yungas where the majority of Afro-Bolivians live, US interventionism disguised as anti-narcotics, together with illegal gold mining operations, has sown paramilitary violence.

Who is Elena Flores?

Elena Flores is a highly respected Afro-Bolivian and union leader. She began union work in her youth, carrying out many leadership roles in the Association of 35,000 coca leaf farmers of the Yungas, 5,000 feet below the city of La Paz. Flores says she always dreamed of leading the Association, which since 1983 had been led only by men. When she was elected in August last year, she won on a platform of ousting paramilitaries and uniting the three regions of the Inquisivi and the North and South Yungas. She is a strong labor leader and profoundly dedicated to the wellbeing of women.

Flores is the eldest of four siblings. They care for her elderly mother who is unwell and a brother has a severe disability. She would, of course, want to be protecting her family during the dangerous times of the coup regime and the coronavirus pandemic.

She denounced the criminality of the former union leadership, who are trained in paramilitary tactics and bankrolled by the Bolivian right and the U.S. The former union leaders refused to leave office or hold elections. They created cocaine networks, and ran vast corruption schemes using the considerable income of the union.

More recently, Flores’ enemies have served as paramilitaries under the direction of the army and police of the Añez regime. They enter the city of La Paz as one contingent of the right-wing "shock groups" and "pititas", made up of mobs of conservative neighbors. Añez calls them heroes and has taken smiling photos with them.

Since the coup, Flores has been at the forefront of denouncing the Añez regime's militarisation, harsh repression and disregard for democracy. She vows to protect and unify her unionised, campesino, Indigenous and Afro-Bolivian region.

The current situation of women political prisoners

Since March 4th Elena Flores has been imprisoned at the Centro de Orientación Femenino de Obrajes or Centre for Women's Guidance.

María Eugenia Choque Quispe is also detained there, the 60-year-old president of the Supreme Electoral Board who was falsely accused by the coup regime of committing fraud (she is also a social worker and professor of Indigenous women's histories).

Another Indigenous woman in that prison is Patricia Hermosa, a lawyer, and notary for Evo Morales. Hermosa has been imprisoned ever since she tried to file the formal papers for Evo's candidacy for the Senate. His candidacy is entirely legal but has been blocked by the de facto government.

Numerous other political prisoners have been jailed since the November 10th coup that brought to power Jeanine Añez.

The so-called crimes of Elena Flores

Flores led a takeover of a Health Centre, el Centro de Especialidades de Atención Integral, which rightfully belongs to the union of which Elena Flores is the elected president.

The clinic had fallen under right-wing paramilitary control thanks to the previous union leader, Franklin Gutierrez. He installed corrupt networks and refused to hold elections, in complete contempt of Adepcoca's governing statutes.

Elena Flores has been targeted by the regime because she is a leader of the Afro-descendant population, a key union organizer, and an elected leader in the coca-growing region. She appeared at the side of Evo Morales repeatedly during the months leading up to October elections. The Yungas has always been a strong base of the Movement toward Socialism (MAS).

The coup government’s false charges

The regime’s court imprisoned Elena Flores for aggravated robbery, harming public property, forced entry, and preventing the State from exercising its services.

They charge her for an offense they allege took place in July, 2019. More than six months later, the coup regime filed against her. Strangely, the legal team presented photographs taken in November as evidence, and the coup judge accepted them. Flores' lawyer argues that she was not given adequate notice of these charges and has been denied due process.

The coup regime

The coup regime was launched by the United States, working with racist oligarchs and Luis Almagro's Organization of American States (OAS). They aim to protect multinational business interests and return the country to neoliberalism, racism and general misery.

The civilian shock groups who built a climate of chaos for years before the coup, in 2019 attacked Indigenous women and cut off their braids, likewise tearing at Afro-Bolivian women's afros.

In the months following the coup, the de facto government has institutionalized their hatred of women by dismantling social programs that were destined for young mothers. They have destroyed public health care that in the last 14 years had tremendously decreased infant and maternal mortality.

Within days of the coup, Añez made evident her misogynist goals through systematic rape of women and girls by the security forces, including after they had murdered them.

The Añez regime must release Elena Flores. She must return to her family, community, region and union work. Her people have been robbed of her leadership.

We call for all the de facto government's charges against Elena Flores to be dropped immediately and for Flores, Choque, Hermosa, and all political prisoners to be released.

Organizations

HAITI and THE CARIBBEAN:
  • Haiti Action Committee
  • Jamaica Peace Council
  • Oilfields Workers' Trade Union, San Fernando, Trinidad & Tobago
  • Movement for Social Justice, San Fernando, Trinidad & Tobago
  • Assembly of Caribbean People, Trinidad and Tobago Chapter

BRAZIL
  • Rede de Mulheres Negras de Pernambuco, Recife, Pernambuco, Brazil
  • Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas, Via Campesina Brazil
  • Instituto da Mulher Negra do Piauí, Ayabás, Teresina, Piauí, Brazil

ARGENTINA
  • Feminismo Comunitario Antipatriarcal Bolivia
  • Colectividad Boliviana Autocomboda, Córdoba, Argentina
  • Feministas de Abya Yala
  • Grupo Matamba
  • Movimiento Afrocultural, Argentina
  • Ni Una Menos, Argentina
  • Asociación de Ex Detenidos Desaparecidos (AEDD), Argentina
  • Colectivo Editorial, Marcha Noticias, Argentina
  • Sindicato Unico de Trabajadores de la Educación de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (SUTEBA), Lomas, Argentina
  • Equipo de Educación Popular Pañuelos en Rebeldía, Argentina
  • Movimiento de los Pueblos- Por un Socialismo Feminista Desde Abajo
  • Frente Popular Darío Santillán- Corriente Nacional, Argentina
  • Movimiento por la Unidad Latinoamericana y el Cambio Social (MULCS), Argentina
  • Izquierda Latinoamericana Socialista (Movimiento 8 de abril), Argentina
  • Columna Antirracista, Argentina
  • Frente de Organizaciones en Lucha (FOL), Argentina
  • La Ciega, Colectivo de Abogadxs Populares, Argentina
  • Frente Popular Darío Santillán, Argentina
  • Espacio Feminista de Mujeres y Disidencias del FPDS, Argentina
  • Madres Víctimas de Trata y Blanca Rizzo
  • La Comisión de Vecinos por Campomar, Argentina
  • Venceremos - Partido de Trabajadorxs, Argentina
  • Todos de Argentina
  • Federación de Organizaciones de Base Autónoma, Argentina

USA
  • Chiapas Support Committee, based in Los Angeles, California, USA
  • Anticonquista, based in Los Angeles, California, USA
  • CODEPINK Women for Peace, USA



We Call for the Immediate Release of the Political Prisoner and Afro-Bolivian Leader Irene Elena Flores Torrez
 

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Venezuela’s Coronavirus Response Might Surprise You

Published on Wednesday, March 25, 2020
by Common Dreams


Why is Venezuela doing so much better than its neighbors in the region?

by Leonardo Flores

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Venezuelan doctors conducting a COVID-19 house visit. (Photo: Courtesy of @OrlenysOV)

Within a few hours of being launched, over 800 Venezuelans in the U.S. registered for an emergency flight from Miami to Caracas through a website run by the Venezuelan government. This flight, offered at no cost, was proposed by President Nicolás Maduro when he learned that 200 Venezuelans were stuck in the United States following his government’s decision to stop commercial flights as a preventative coronavirus measure. The promise of one flight expanded to two or more flights, as it became clear that many Venezuelans in the U.S. wanted to go back to Venezuela, yet the situation remains unresolved due to the U.S. ban on flights to and from the country.

Those who rely solely on the mainstream media might wonder who in their right mind would want to leave the United States for Venezuela. Numerous outlets—including TIME magazine, the Washington Post, The Hill, the Miami Herald, and others—published opinions in the past week describing Venezuela as a chaotic nightmare. These media outlets painted a picture of a coronavirus disaster, of government incompetence and of a nation teetering on the brink of collapse. The reality of Venezuela’s coronavirus response is not covered by the mainstream media at all.

Furthermore, what each of these articles shortchanges is the damage caused by the Trump administration’s sanctions, which devastated the economy and healthcare system long before the coronavirus pandemic. These sanctions have impoverished millions of Venezuelans and negatively impact vital infrastructure, such as electricity generation. Venezuela is impeded from importing spare parts for its power plants and the resulting blackouts interrupt water services that rely on electric pumps. These, along with dozens of other implications from the hybrid war on Venezuela, have caused a decline in health indicators across the board, leading to 100,000 deaths as a consequence of the sanctions.

Regarding coronavirus specifically, the sanctions raise the costs of testing kits and medical supplies, and ban Venezuela’s government from purchasing medical equipment from the U.S. (and from many European countries). These obstacles would seemingly place Venezuela on the path to a worst-case scenario, similar to Iran (also battered by sanctions) or Italy (battered by austerity and neoliberalism). In contrast to those two countries, Venezuela took decisive steps early on to face the pandemic.

As a result of these steps and other factors, Venezuela is currently in its best-case scenario. As of this writing, 11 days after the first confirmed case of coronavirus, the country has 86 infected people, with 0 deaths. Its neighbors have not fared as well: Brazil has 1,924 cases with 34 deaths; Ecuador 981 and 18; Chile 746 and 2; Peru 395 and 5; Mexico 367 and 4; Colombia 306 and 3. (With the exception of Mexico, those governments have all actively participated and contributed to the U.S.-led regime change efforts in Venezuela.) Why is Venezuela doing so much better than others in the region?

Skeptics will claim that the Maduro government is hiding figures and deaths, that there’s not enough testing, not enough medicine, not enough talent to adequately deal with a pandemic. But here are the facts:

  • First, international solidarity has played a priceless role in enabling the government to rise to the challenge. China sent coronavirus diagnostic kits that will allow 320,000 Venezuelans to be tested, in addition to a team of experts and tons of supplies. Cuba sent 130 doctors and 10,000 doses of interferon alfa-2b, a drug with an established record of helping COVID-19 patients recover. Russia has sent the first of several shipments of medical equipment and kits. These three countries, routinely characterized by the U.S. foreign policy establishment as evil, offer solidarity and material support. The United States offers more sanctions and the IMF, widely known to be under U.S. control, denied a Venezuelan request for $5 billion in emergency funding that even the European Union supports.
  • Second, the government quickly carried out a plan to contain the spread of the disease. On March 12, a day before the first confirmed cases, President Maduro decreed a health emergency, prohibited crowds from gathering, and cancelled flights from Europe and Colombia. On March 13, Day 1, two Venezuelans tested positive; the government cancelled classes, began requiring facemasks on subways and on the border, closed theaters, bars and nightclubs, and limited restaurants to take-out or delivery. It bears repeating that this was on Day 1 of having a confirmed case; many U.S. states have yet to take these steps. By Day 4, a national quarantine was put into effect (equivalent to shelter-in-place orders) and an online portal called the Homeland System (Sistema Patria) was repurposed to survey potential COVID-19 cases. By Day 8, 42 people were infected and approximately 90% of the population was heeding the quarantine. By Day 11, over 12.2 million people had filled out the survey, over 20,000 people who reported being sick were visited in their homes by medical professionals and 145 people were referred for coronavirus testing. The government estimates that without these measures, Venezuela would have 3,000 infected people and a high number of deaths.
  • Third, the Venezuelan people were positioned to handle a crisis. Over the past 7 years, Venezuela has lived through the death of wildly popular leader, violent right-wing protests, an economic war characterized by shortages and hyperinflation, sanctions that have destroyed the economy, an ongoing coup, attempted military insurrections, attacks on public utilities, blackouts, mass migration and threats of U.S. military action. The coronavirus is a different sort of challenge, but previous crises have instilled a resiliency among the Venezuelan people and strengthened solidarity within communities. There is no panic on the streets; instead, people are calm and following health protocols.
  • Fourth, mass organizing and prioritizing people above all else. Communes and organized communities have taken the lead, producing facemasks, keeping the CLAP food supply system running (this monthly food package reaches 7 million families), facilitating house-by-house visits of doctors and encouraging the use of facemasks in public. Over 12,000 medical school students in their last or second-to-last year of study applied to be trained for house visits. For its part, the Maduro administration suspended rent payments, instituted a nationwide firing freeze, gave bonuses to workers, prohibited telecoms from cutting off people’s phones or internet, reached an agreement with hotel chains to provide 4,000 beds in case the crisis escalates, and pledged to pay the salaries of employees of small and medium businesses. Amid a public health crisis - compounded by an economic crisis and sanctions - Venezuela’s response has been to guarantee food, provide free healthcare and widespread testing, and alleviate further economic pressure on the working class.

The U.S. government has not responded to the Maduro administration’s request to make an exception for Conviasa Airlines, the national airline under sanctions, to fly the Venezuelans stranded in the United States back to Caracas. Given everything happening in the United States, where COVID-19 treatment can cost nearly $35,000 and the government is weighing the option of prioritizing the economy over the lives of people, perhaps these Venezuelans waiting to go home understand that their chances of surviving the coronavirus—both physically and economically—are much better in a country that values health over profits.

Venezuela’s Coronavirus Response Might Surprise You
 

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Venezuela: Combatting COVID-19 through solidarity


Federico Fuentes April 1, 2020


Issue 1259 Venezuela

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Communities across Venezuela are producing face masks, with local communal councils and communes distributing them for free to families, particularly to those most in need. Photo: Páez Potencia/Facebook

Despite a deep economic recession, a profound political crisis and international sanctions that have ravaged its health sector, the South American nation of Venezuela is demonstrating that prioritising lives is possible in the battle against COVID-19.

As of March 30, Venezuela had 135 confirmed cases of people infected with the novel coronavirus, including three who subsequently died.

The battle to contain COVID-19 will be a critical test for Venezuela. Its health system has been devastated by extensive trade and financial sanctions imposed by the United States and European nations.

Reports estimated the death toll from the impact of the sanctions was more than 40,000 in 2018 alone.

However, as Bolivar and Zamora Revolutionary Current (CRBZ) national coordinator Kevin Rangel explained to Green Left on March 30, the battle against COVID-19 is already revealing the failures of the capitalist system.

Free mass testing and treatment

“Venezuela, like much of the rest of the world, is traversing through a very difficult period as it attempts to confront the COVID-19 crisis,” Rangel said. However, unlike many other countries, in Venezuela, the government is working with the people to confront the crisis, with “a lot of consciousness, a lot of discipline and a lot of solidarity”.

“To tackle COVID-19, the government has moved to quickly employ a mass testing regime, modelled on steps taken in countries such as China that have demonstrated, concretely, how to stop its advance,” Rangel said.

The same day I spoke with Rangel, the Venezuelan government announced it had received one million more rapid test kits from China, along with numerous other medical supplies, to deploy as part of its mass testing regime.

“This is vital to ensure we avoid a complete collapse of our health system, which has been impacted by the economic sanctions on our country,” Rangel said.

“The government has also declared a national emergency and taken a range of measures to stop the pandemic spreading. Among the main measures has been the nationally-imposed quarantine.”

Rangel explained that the quarantine measure, which requires people to stay in their homes, except to buy food or for medical reasons, “was first enacted about 15 days ago in the few states where COVID-19 cases were first detected. From there, to avoid the virus spreading across the country, the government took the decision to implement a national quarantine.

“The government has also moved to convert health centres into spaces that can be used by citizens infected by the virus or those that have been in contact with them, so they can be attended to and given medication.

“All treatment is provided for free, no matter whether a patient has to be treated in an intensive care unit or is simply resting in a health centre until their condition improves. This is all part of one of the basic pillars of the Bolivarian Revolution: its conception that free healthcare is a fundamental right.”

To help people get through these tough times, Rangel explained, the government has suspended rent and loan payments and declared that no household can have their utilities cut off. It has also assumed the cost of wages for workers in non-essential companies that are not operating during the national emergency and has given workers in the informal sector a one-off social security payment.

Local organising

The government is seeking to work with local community organisations “to identify those who have symptoms, to test them and identify who has and hasn’t got the coronavirus and provide them with the necessary medical advice”, Rangel said.

This process has been aided by the existing Homeland Platform, which was created to help coordinate the distribution of food directly to people, Rangel said.

“This system was built amid the sanctions imposed on Venezuela. The system is used by Local Committees for Supply and Production [CLAPs, by its Spanish acronym] that exist to ensure the most vulnerable have access to food. This same system has been key to combatting COVID-19.”

Alongside the CLAPs, “creative expressions of community solidarity have also emerged and initiatives taken by people to attend to the most vulnerable families,” said Rangel.

“At the local level, the CRBZ has participated in carrying out measures such as food distribution. With the government and public forces, we have worked together to implement the quarantine and raise peoples’ awareness about COVID-19, how to protect themselves, the importance of the quarantine.

“We have expressed our solidarity with the most vulnerable, working in communities to produce homemade masks, and with local communal councils and communes to distribute these for free to families, in particular those that are most in need.

“We are working in the countryside to help communities produce and distribute food directly to people so they won’t have to leave their homes during the quarantine period.

“We also participate in the Popular Solidarity Aid Network. This network allows us to organise solidarity efforts, to attend to families and family members who are more vulnerable or most affected by the sanctions.

“Through this process we have also developed strategies to help facilitate more structural changes in the community. Our aim is not to just give charity but to help these families advance and get out of poverty. That is the strategic aim of the network.”

International solidarity

Few countries face a bigger hurdle in overcoming the challenge posed by COVID-19. As Rangel explains, the “economic sanctions and the constant imperialist aggression limits our ability as a nation to provide basic services.

“In Venezuela, we say we face two enemies: on the one hand, COVID-19, and, on the other, US imperialism and its right-wing allies in the country.

“We face a huge challenge, because we are waging the battle against this pandemic in the midst of an intense blockade imposed by a genocidal and inhumane government that is not only maintaining but strengthening these measures.

“In its latest calculated manoeuvre against our country, the US president has made a grotesque and defamatory accusation of narcotrafficking against President Nicolas Maduro. This is just a continuation of their plan to exert maximum pressure on Venezuela by opening up another front, a legal front, in their hybrid war.

“We have also seen in recent days the decision by the International Monetary Fund to deny Venezuela’s request for an emergency loan to combat the coronavirus. This is a clear demonstration that the IMF is an instrument of the US elites.

“That is why international solidarity, and the international conventions Venezuela has signed with countries, particularly with Cuba, have been key.

“The convention with Cuba has been central to our ability to create a health system that can provide healthcare at all levels. It is this healthcare system that has been redirected towards combating COVID-19.

“On a smaller scale, the Popular Solidarity Aid Network has also benefitted from the important support we have received from around the world, including from friends in Australia. We need to continue to develop this concrete solidarity.

“Humanity today faces the challenge of stopping the spread of COVID-19, something that must be done in a unified and coordinated manner.

“Yet, what we are witnessing is just further evidence of how unsustainable the capitalist system is. While some seek to put humanity at risk, others offer material solidarity and cooperation.

“That is why the current fight is not just against COVID-19, but for a more humane world, one in which solidarity is the basis for relations among people.

“The current system, one in which elites put the interest of companies ahead of the interests of people and their health in the midst of a pandemic, is unsustainable. We need to change the system to save humanity.”

Venezuela: Combatting COVID-19 through solidarity
 

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Caribbean’s China-watchers should keep eyes focused on the region’s ball and Fight for Reparations to Fight COVID-19!

April 18, 2020
Chronicles Of A Chronic Caribbean Chronicler By Earl Bousquet


Like every previous global pandemic in the 20th and 21st Centuries, COVID-19 is being treated like it’s the very end of the world — at least like we knew it — and its origin in China has led to its naked politicization on the basis of historical but outmoded Cold War era anti-communist hysteria falsely portraying Beijing as having invented the deadly virus in conspiratorial pursuit of world domination.

As usual, it all flies in the face of reality, as China shared information about the virus with the World Health Organization (WHO) even before it got a name.

Chinese support for the global fight against the killer virus amounted to over one billion US dollars by April 2, as the virus continued its spread across all continents, while China and Cuba joined to produce a cure that has already shown early healthy signs.

But the anti-China campaign continues…

Daily Warnings…

The WHO took care not to prematurely declare a global health emergency and complimented China for how it had moved mountains to contain the COVID crisis, it’s Director General, Ethiopia-born Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, daily warning countries to do all to prevent and to contain its entry.

Dr Ghebreyesus’ daily live press conference, beamed online worldwide, everyday urges governments to be always prepared and/or able to do whatever they had to, to combat and contain the deadly virus.

China suspended individual rights in the collective national interest and enforced a strict Stay-At-Home policy that bypassed Social Distancing and pinned millions at home while it built two new national new hospitals for thousands of patients — within ten days — and announced on the Chinese New Year holiday that it was working with Cuban scientists to try to develop a cure.

Global Epicenters

The USA and European states congratulated China on how fast it had contained the virus, until Italy and Spain made Europe the global epicenter, which then shifted — within days — across the Atlantic to the USA.

After ignoring flashing-red early-warning signals, President Donald Trump went into pseudo-nationalist anti-China lockdown mode, accusing Beijing of deliberately unleashing the ‘Chinese Kung Flu’ and the ‘Wuhan Virus’ on the rest of the world.

Within days, President Trump, still in denial while American scientists predicted at least 250,000 COVID-19 deaths, was also still insisting he ‘will not wear a mask’ and promoting a medicine America’s own related chief scientist was still warning against — and pleading ignorance as to why COVID-19 was affecting Black (African) Americans many times more than all others.

Across the Atlantic in London, Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s false sense of a ‘herd’ approach to health security (as if tending sheep) resulted in him being the first world leader to end-up in ICU as a result of faulty analysis and insufficient preparation, while UK citizens died by the 700s daily and Italy and Spain interchanged with daily tolls topping 800 and 900.

Before the echo of President Trump’s triumphant claim that ‘We have it (the virus) under control’ could ring out, the USA overcame Europe as the new global epicenter, with daily death tolls that led to untold automatic cremations and mass-grave burials after elderlies were taken off life machines and ice rinks were forcibly turned into emergency mass dead-body freezers over-filled overnight.

Blaming China – and WHO…

The UK claims it will sue China for hundreds of billions of Pounds and the US targeted the African Director General of the WHO, quickly withdrawing the US $400 million (15%) the US contributes to its revenues, in the process accusing the WHO of being ‘China centric’, of protecting China and of ‘misleading’ the USA — and the world — into maintaining air routes to and from China immediately after the virus was known of.

But first a note about Dr Ghebreyesus, as per his internet profile: He was elected as WHO Director-General for a five-year term at the 70th World Health Assembly (WHA) in May 2017 and is the first chief executive to have been elected from multiple candidates by the WHA.

He is also the first person from the African region to serve as WHO’s chief technical and administrative officer.

African nations stood As One in defense of the targeted world health chief — who had himself made it absolutely clear, from Day One, that he did not give one damn what the US President thought of him.

Special Treatment

Then, BOOM!!!

In the middle of it all came a sudden explosion of bad news about bad treatment of Africans in China’s Guangdong province being treated as if they were automatic coronavirus transmitters, resulting in African Ambassadors in Beijing rightfully making righteous protestations to the central government about what the words and images conveyed: the only thing the victims of this special treatment had in common was being Black.

Ex-AU Ambassador to the USA, Adriana Chihombori-Quao, who remains a forceful voice in the African Diaspora, also (and rightfully too) directly addressed China’s President Xi Jinping and called for his personal intervention, indicating in her protestation that he is ‘a good man’ and strongly urging that, like with China’s positive continuing help to Africa, he should ensure that ‘a few bad apples’ do not spoil that good relationship.

The images had however, already provided worldwide fodder for the cannons of shameless virtue to blast blanket ‘racism’ allegations across Beijing’s bow, instead of recognising most of the attacks reported were contained to one province — and while reprehensible, they do not represent the general attitude of Chinese people to Africans, nor do they reflect China government policy.

Dire consequences

Interestingly, some Caribbean nationals who gave natural kneejerk reactions blamed and attacked ‘China’ outright, among them many influenced by lingering post Cold War attitudes that still see images of ‘Red China’.

Others of more recent vintage, even on the left, while also attacking China as ‘racist’ by helping spread the bad news, have however been deafeningly silent about the very revealing deadly impact of COVID-19 on Blacks in America, including Caribbean citizens who are very numerous in the New York borough of Queens (the epicenter of the US epicenter).

Caribbean nationals who have tested positive for COVID-19 are overly overburdened by the dire horror of the mere but real thought that should they die in America, they will possibly be cremated by the State and/or buried in an unmarked mass grave, without a funeral and/or their families back home even receiving a cup of their ashes.

Caribbean citizens across America, no matter their status, are dying for an opportunity to fly and die back home instead of succumbing to COVID-19 in the Land of Opportunity.

Jamaica has also felt the short end of Washington’s COVID stick: Despite joining the pro-US Lima Group at the Organization of American States (OAS) to help facilitate Trump policy in the region after meeting the US President in Florida in 2018 and US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo in Kingston in January, the US is now opening its airspace to deport Jamaicans it describes as COVID risks to America.

Trump’s America has also commandeered COVID-19 equipment ordered from private sources destined for several Caribbean countries, including Barbados, Cayman Islands, Cuba, Jamaica and Venezuela – apart from similar actions against equipment for Canada and Germany.

All these issues deeply affect people of African descent (Black people) in the USA and their relatives in the Caribbean, but some at home and abroad are repeatedly pointing accusing index fingers at China instead, without each time realising their thumbs are pointing back at them.

Selective Amnesia?

Like everywhere else, not everyone has a good understanding of how China operates; and likewise, not all Chinese are communists and they too are subject to Fake News.

Some China critics have been understandably influenced negatively and therefore misled by the way the real graphic impressions were presented, but some have also chosen to become willing victims of selective amnesia and joined the UK and the USA to attack China, while remaining largely quiet on Cuba’s leading role in the global fight against the virus, with clear emphasis on helping its Caribbean neighbours, alongside China and Venezuela, in the COVID-19 fight.

For example, while 53 Cuban doctors and nurses were dispatched to Italy at the height of its crisis, more than twice that amount were later dispatched to Jamaica and Saint Lucia — and hundreds more to nine more CARICOM member-states.

The US intercepted millions of dollars’ worth of Chinese COVID-19 aid shipped to Cuba by private entrepreneurs led by Alibaba ex-president and chief executive, Jack Ma, who also dispatched similar air shipments directly from China to countries in the Caribbean and Latin America, as well as in Africa, Asia and Europe.

China, Cuba and Venezuela have also collaborated to use Venezuelan national aircraft to create necessary emergency air bridges through new and extraordinary back-channel routes to beat the worldwide commercial flight bans that have stopped delivery of essential medical supplies internationally to provide supplies to CARICOM states, including neighbouring Trinidad & Tobago, Grenada and St Vincent and the Grenadines.

Naysayers

But instead of acknowledging the life-saving prospects, some Caribbean citizens ended-up echoing reverberations of concocted ‘concerns’ pregnant with racist intonations, like whether Venezuela was knowingly supplying its mainly Black Caribbean neighbours with expired and/or wrong medicines.

Two neighbouring leaders — Drs Ralph Gonsalves and Keith Mitchell, the two longest-serving in CARICOM — also got into an avoidable neighbourly West Indian spat over who said what about how each other was handling COVID-19 border restrictions, described by the former Vincentian lecturer in Philosophy and Politics in a subsequent related his letter to his Grenadian colleague and fellow holder of a Doctorate (in Mathematics) as a ‘village dog fight’.

Caribbean citizens, like others around the world, were among those who first took turns to jokingly ‘pappyshow’ resident Chinese and treat them like they were automatic Coronavirus transmitters, boycotting their restaurants and treating even those born or living in CARICOM nations (as nationals, ‘economic citizens’ or working) – including those who never left the island since last year before the virus appeared — like they had all just returned from Wuhan.

Beijing rightfully blasted the racism and xenophobic treatment of its citizens abroad, but without much support from Caribbean voices, some of which instead joined the anti-China chorus led by London and Washington.

The eternal anti-China naysayers and others remain focused on claiming, even believing without proof, that China developed COVID-19 with nefarious intentions, blinding themselves to the fact that Beijing quickly suspended individual rights in the collective interest, pumped hundreds of billions of dollars into combating the crisis within its closed borders and deployed all necessary human resources to all fronts.
 

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Divine Intervention?

Caribbean countries were mainly cautious in their response to COVID-19 that ranged from wait-and-see to urgent implementation of recommended measures, including quiet acceptance of Cuban medical brigades and Chinese medical aid after it became crystal clear, from global trends, that really bad days are still ahead and not too far away.

Saint Lucia’s Prime Minister Allen Chastanet started one of his weekly press conferences in Mid-April with a lengthy prayer for Divine Intervention to Bless and Save Saint Lucia from COVID-19s most harmful effects being seen elsewhere.

Truth is, thank God or our Lucky Stars, short of AIDS, the Caribbean has escaped Chikungunya, Ebola, H1N1, MERS, SARS and all the other global health threats that have served several other purposes, including pharmaceutical giants in Europe and North America investing in cures that cost too much to benefit those most in need – like with AIDS — with costs varying upward according to geography instead of affordability.

World pandemics have a long history of political propaganda manipulation, starting with the so-called ‘Spanish Flu’ of 1918-19 that started in mid-western USA, but was so-named because the Spanish King and Queen and other members of the Royal household did not hide the fact that they too were affected by a flu that took the lives of scores of millions of people across the world, at a time when there was no understanding of the ailment, or a cure.

One hundred years later, there are governments in Europe that have banned or restricted COVID-19 press coverage unless officially authorized — and China is being accused of wanting to use the 2020 pandemic to deliberately reduce the global population in a world where there are Chinese in every nation.

Eyes on the ball

It would serve well for some Caribbean China-watchers to keep their eyes focused on the ball, instead of helping shift the anti-Beijing propaganda goalposts through selective ranting and raving at a time when people are actually beginning to ‘die like flies’ — not in China, but around the world; not because Beijing didn’t warn the world early enough, but simply because too many nations started taking the virus seriously very late.

On April 15, the number of persons affected globally had passed two million with over 148,000 deaths, the numbers in America and Europe continuing to expand exponentially, while politicians showing more interest in economic management than managing the health crisis are pressing for US states and European nations to start ‘returning to normal’ by reopening businesses.

Four EU member-states have hastily followed the UK’s ‘herd’ approach and agreed to start a ‘mass testing’ experiment encouraging youth, self-employed and small businesses, as well as primary and secondary students, to ‘return to normal’, just to test if and how the virus would spread — and agreeing to return just as fast to lockdown mode if the ‘herd approach’ fails again.

Repeated Warnings…

Saint Lucia’s Prime Minister is as much in a hurry as President Trump to ‘reopen business’ and indicated that, with the COVID-19 numbers stabilized and no deaths recorded, he would wish for a return to that level of normalcy in early May.

But this is in stark contrast with the projections and warnings by the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) Regional Director General, Dominican Dr Clarissa Etienne, that the worst is yet to come and the region needs to prepare for things getting worse before getting better.

Besides, the WHO Director General, Dr Ghebreyesus, has all this past week again repeated his earlier early-warning advice to all countries that it is still much too early to lift restrictions, but to instead gird their national loins for more bad news from COVID-19.

The American president continues to live in Lala-Land on COVID-19, treating it like a political challenge he must overcome to get re-elected in November.

He’s resorted to use of piracy and seizure, acquisition and other means of taking-hold of purchased and/or ordered medical equipment manufactured in America for overseas markets, commandeering production facilities through activation of wartime legislation while blocking Chinese medical aid to Cuba and Venezuela and deporting Caribbean citizens in the name of national anti-COVID-19 protection.

Formulae for Success

All predictions are that COVID-19 will not only have devastating effects on the region’s health infrastructure, but that economic decline will be even more devastating without outside help.

It would therefore be better for Caribbean political pandits and pundits to avoid being blinded by the glaring anti-China propaganda staring them in the face and instead focus on how best they can contribute to a discussion on what the Caribbean has to do right now, to stem the apparently irreversible COVID-19 tide.

The time is ripe: The WHO Director General and Pope Francis, as well as the UN’s Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) have all called for debt forgiveness and cancelation, especially for small states struggling to fight COVID-19; and the UN Secretary General and CARICOM leaders have also indicated this is not a time for imposing restrictive sanctions against Cuba and Venezuela, or for the US to pull vital resources from the WHO.

Getting external help for the Caribbean has never been impossible, but it has always depended on how the case is made and to whom, by who and on whose behalf, where and when – and conditions attached.

The UK and the European Union (EU) have for over six years been avoiding and evading CARICOM’s 2013 call for Reparations for centuries of Slavery and Native Genocide.

It would do the region much better if its best brains focused at this time on finding formulae for success in collecting on its long-overdue Reparations debts before the end of COVID-19, if only to remind the world, yet again, of the continuing need for European apology and atonement for Slavery and CARICOM’s continuing quest for Reparatory Justice, especially in these COVID times – and beyond.

Caribbean’s China-watchers should keep eyes focused on the region’s ball and Fight for Reparations to Fight COVID-19!
 
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Chuao: Yeto Lukango!

Guerrero.jpg

Jorge Guerrero Veloz, researcher, militant of the Afro-Venezuelan Movement and diplomat

Once again the Afro-Venezuelan people of Chuao make their name famous, and this time not because of their prestigious cocoa production — for which the colonial and neocolonial narrative accustomed us to make ourselves known with the cliché “Chuao: the town with the most famous cocoa in the world”, dehumanizing and ignoring the great work of men and women within the haciendas, when the right thing would be to say “the people of Chuao are who produce the most famous cocoa in the world” —, but for capturing a group of heavily armed mercenary terrorists, who came to create chaos, terror, deaths and capsize the Venezuelan people.

But let us review a little the history of this noble and wonderful town, which in the colonial past was one of the most important “Productive Prison Units” — called cocoa farms in the province of Venezuela —, whose production was sustained under the disgraceful system of enslavement and exploitation of African men, women and children and their descendants. By the 16th century, there was a population of approximately 37 “free” Afro-descendant people — between men and women —, which collapses the colonial and racist narrative of the made-up term “black slaves or enslaved blacks”; they almost never, or rather never speak of Africans and their descendants who bought their freedom and led active and productive lives within that oppressive colonial system.

Around that same date, back in 1773, there was a significant rebellion that hit hard and shook the structures not only of the slave system within the hacienda, but rather to the entire global colonial, economic, social and military apparatus of the slavers; that insurgency was led by Julián Cayetano, better known as the Governor of the Cimarrones of Chuao, his companion Juana Barbará, and another cimarrón named Pedro Pablo, who gave a large group of ethnically Congolese, Calabar, Loango and Mandinga Africans — among others who were under the condition of slaves — their lost freedom. Based on that experience, they created “cumbes” in the mountains — one on the road to Turmero and the other on the road to Cepe — where they even maintained maritime control for a long time. There is documentation, in the archives where these stories are, showing how they kept tight control throughout the entire hacienda in Chuao, disarmed the guards, stripped them naked, controlled the exits and the entrances of the town and had a boat where they patrolled all the way from Chuao to Choroni and from Chuao to Cepe, so much so that when Ignacio escaped by boat and arrived in Curaçao, he was captured and brought back to Chuao, despite the fact that the leaders Julián, Juana and Pedro Pablo some time later were arrested and sent to Veracruz, Mexico.

In July 1816, when liberator Simón Bolívar carried out the famous Expedition of the Keys from Haiti, he arrived in Ocumare in the coast of Aragua, then passed through Choroni and later Chuao, on approximately July 13. There, five young people, aged between 12 and 14 years, joined the expedition; these were: Guillermo, José Felipe, Fermín, Ruperto and Francisco Viviano, who, along with 18 other cimarrones who were on the run under the command of Mulato Ignacio, joined the Liberation Army; that was the contribution and participation of the people of Chuao in the freedom of the homeland.

But, yesterday, once again, the descendants of those revolutionary, insurgent and libertarian cimarrones of Chuao, who fought and faced the racist Spanish slave colonial empire, demonstrated with their example to Venezuela and the world that a united and determined people exercising their power in their territory do not allow themselves to be overcomed or humiliated by any foreign force, or a stateless, national traitor.

We must remind ourselves that on April 27, 2008, the 309th edition of the Sunday program Aló Presidente was broadcast from Chuao by Commander Hugo Chávez, who made a historic tour through the town, where he announced the start of a second stage of reconstruction of schools and houses — which were all turned in — and said: “we dedicate today's program to your history, your roots, your drums, your magic, your women, your children, your men, your workers, your fishermen and your cocoa”.

The president also spoke with cocoa producers and stressed that the town is known worldwide for the excellent quality of its chocolate, while announcing that the Bolivarian government would be determined to further production even more.

That is why, taking advantage of the occasion, I make a call for reflection to our authorities, governor, deputies of the legislative council, constituents of the National Constituent Assembly (ANC), mayors and councilors, who have in their hands the planning of public policies for the communities located on the coast of Aragua, such as Ocumare, Cumboto, Cata, Cuyagua, Choroni, Chuao, Cepe and Puerto Maya, to improve the quality of services, such as public and private telephone communication, which in these times are issues of state security, so that we are all connected by the threats to which imperialism and stateless national traitors subject us, so that in real time we can report any case that threatens the security and peace of the nation; public transportation, roads or access roads that are in poor condition, health, police safety, facilities to bring processed foods and our own agricultural productions, among other problems that still exist. Please help President Nicolás Maduro, leave your offices to accompany the people, to solve their basic problems, because power is exercised from the territory, with the people and among the people.

Finally, it should be said that the people of Chuao did not imitate anyone with empty and repeated slogans, but rather emulated the worthy and heroic cimarrones, such as Julián Cayetano, Juana Barbará, Pedro Pablo, Ignacio, Bolívar and Commander Hugo Chávez, who under the immortal and indomitable spirit of the Congo, in perfect civic-military union, said to the terrorist mercenaries, stateless and traitors: Yeto Lukango!, which in Kikongo means “we are free”; and if, for some reason, another similar situation occurs again like this attempt, we will become Calabar Africans and once again we will be the irimes or devils, under the spirit and power of the Mocongo Muchangara — the one who goes to war —, so, do not come for us, because we want to stay like the Chabiaca Mocongo Machebere: in peace, tranquility and active cimarronaje.

Chuao: Yeto Lukango!
 
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