Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events
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Several Caribbean Nations Reject Pompeo's Visit to Jamaica
Prime minister of Antigua and Barbuda Gaston Browne | Photo: Reuters
Published 21 January 2020
The Caribbean nations are standing in defiance of Pompeo's attempts to split up the region and isolate friendly countries.
The Prime Minister of Barbados Mia Mottley recently announced that her country was not sending their Foreign Minister to Jamaica in order to attend a meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.
RELATED: Barbados Celebrates the 53rd Anniversary of Its Independence
Mottley, citing Barbados' commitment to remaining neutral and non-aggression towards other nations, said her government would not take part in the U.S.' attempts to divide the Caribbean region.
"I am conscious that when Errol Barrow stood and remarked that 'we shall be friends of all and satellites of none,' little did he know that that statement would be embraced by every single Prime Minister of government that succeeded him. It is as valid today, perhaps even more so than it was at the time of its initial delivery, Mottley said.
"As chairman of CARICOM, it is impossible for me to agree that my Foreign Minister should attend a meeting with anyone to which members of CARICOM are not invited. If some are invited and not all, then it is an attempt to divide this region," Mottley added.
Barbados will not be alone, however, as two more Caribbean nations have joined them in boycotting the upcoming Pompeo meeting.
According to a new statement from the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, their government support Barbados' position and will not send a representative to meet with Pompeo in Kingston, Jamaica.
The Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Dr. Keith Rowley, said Barbados’ Prime Minister Mia Mottley has his country’s support.
“PM Mottley has the full support of the Government and the people of Trinidad and Tobago in outlining our principles and vision of Caribbean unity. In the expectation of Caribbean unity, the Prime Minister of Barbados speaks for Trinidad and Tobago,” said Prime Minister Rowley.
Also joining Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago is Grenada, who vowed to not attend this meeting that seeks to divide the Caribbean.
The U.S. has used the Caribbean as a way to isolate countries like Venezuela and Cuba, as the shipping lanes to these two nations have been blockaded by them.
Several Caribbean Nations Reject Pompeo's Visit to Jamaica
Prime minister of Antigua and Barbuda Gaston Browne | Photo: Reuters
Published 21 January 2020
The Caribbean nations are standing in defiance of Pompeo's attempts to split up the region and isolate friendly countries.
The Prime Minister of Barbados Mia Mottley recently announced that her country was not sending their Foreign Minister to Jamaica in order to attend a meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo.
RELATED: Barbados Celebrates the 53rd Anniversary of Its Independence
Mottley, citing Barbados' commitment to remaining neutral and non-aggression towards other nations, said her government would not take part in the U.S.' attempts to divide the Caribbean region.
"I am conscious that when Errol Barrow stood and remarked that 'we shall be friends of all and satellites of none,' little did he know that that statement would be embraced by every single Prime Minister of government that succeeded him. It is as valid today, perhaps even more so than it was at the time of its initial delivery, Mottley said.
"As chairman of CARICOM, it is impossible for me to agree that my Foreign Minister should attend a meeting with anyone to which members of CARICOM are not invited. If some are invited and not all, then it is an attempt to divide this region," Mottley added.
Barbados will not be alone, however, as two more Caribbean nations have joined them in boycotting the upcoming Pompeo meeting.
According to a new statement from the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago, their government support Barbados' position and will not send a representative to meet with Pompeo in Kingston, Jamaica.
The Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Dr. Keith Rowley, said Barbados’ Prime Minister Mia Mottley has his country’s support.
“PM Mottley has the full support of the Government and the people of Trinidad and Tobago in outlining our principles and vision of Caribbean unity. In the expectation of Caribbean unity, the Prime Minister of Barbados speaks for Trinidad and Tobago,” said Prime Minister Rowley.
Also joining Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago is Grenada, who vowed to not attend this meeting that seeks to divide the Caribbean.
The U.S. has used the Caribbean as a way to isolate countries like Venezuela and Cuba, as the shipping lanes to these two nations have been blockaded by them.
Several Caribbean Nations Reject Pompeo's Visit to Jamaica
Venezuela and Cuba will relaunch PetroCaribe to guarantee peoples' sovereignty and independence
Caracas, January 20, 2020
“Let us set a goal that we must meet from Cuba and Venezuela, from the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) to the peoples of the Caribbean with PetroCaribe and we will recover PetroCaribe in the first semester of the year so that it shines again”, said the president of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro Moros.
“There are no excuses, I ask for support for the execution of this great operation to recover sovereignty, independence and development in these Caribbean countries, the real integration”, he added in the Miraflores Palace after the signing of new agreements of the Integral Cooperation Agreement between Cuba and Venezuela.
The Head of State said that the US has threatened the Caribbean people and governments that enjoy the benefits of PetroCaribe and this Monday Mike Pompeo threatened them again from Colombia.
“What does Pompeo have to offer? No help at all. They give us no alternatives to solve our problems. Rather, they are obstacles because they want to impose their neoliberal and unpopular models, such as the one in Colombia, an anti-popular model that has caused the rebellion against so-called sub-president Duque, rejected by more than 80% of the population”, he said.
President Maduro lamented the situation of the Colombian people, who woke up and rebelled against a government that is led by Álvaro Uribe “and Pompeo goes to Colombia to support massacres and neoliberal and anti-popular models”.
While referring to global geopolitics, he recalled that Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza is touring China and Iran, while Executive Vice President Delcy Rodríguez is in the Middle East, both in plans to strengthen the Bolivarian Peace Diplomacy.
“We are winning but we have to prepare ourselves for the future. The US empire is obsessed with destroying the independence, rebellious, revolutionary projects that we the peoples of ALBA represent”, he said.
Therefore, he insisted that the Cuban side and the responsible entities of ALBA work on the relaunch of the energy oil mechanism that reinforces democracy, independence and peace in the Venezuelan Caribbean Sea.
“Let us relaunch the PetroCaribe model with Martian, Bolivarian, Fidelista and Chavista political consciousness and enormous strength”, requested the Head of State.
Venezuela and Cuba will relaunch PetroCaribe to guarantee peoples' sovereignty and independence
Caracas, January 20, 2020
“Let us set a goal that we must meet from Cuba and Venezuela, from the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) to the peoples of the Caribbean with PetroCaribe and we will recover PetroCaribe in the first semester of the year so that it shines again”, said the president of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro Moros.
“There are no excuses, I ask for support for the execution of this great operation to recover sovereignty, independence and development in these Caribbean countries, the real integration”, he added in the Miraflores Palace after the signing of new agreements of the Integral Cooperation Agreement between Cuba and Venezuela.
The Head of State said that the US has threatened the Caribbean people and governments that enjoy the benefits of PetroCaribe and this Monday Mike Pompeo threatened them again from Colombia.
“What does Pompeo have to offer? No help at all. They give us no alternatives to solve our problems. Rather, they are obstacles because they want to impose their neoliberal and unpopular models, such as the one in Colombia, an anti-popular model that has caused the rebellion against so-called sub-president Duque, rejected by more than 80% of the population”, he said.
President Maduro lamented the situation of the Colombian people, who woke up and rebelled against a government that is led by Álvaro Uribe “and Pompeo goes to Colombia to support massacres and neoliberal and anti-popular models”.
While referring to global geopolitics, he recalled that Foreign Minister Jorge Arreaza is touring China and Iran, while Executive Vice President Delcy Rodríguez is in the Middle East, both in plans to strengthen the Bolivarian Peace Diplomacy.
“We are winning but we have to prepare ourselves for the future. The US empire is obsessed with destroying the independence, rebellious, revolutionary projects that we the peoples of ALBA represent”, he said.
Therefore, he insisted that the Cuban side and the responsible entities of ALBA work on the relaunch of the energy oil mechanism that reinforces democracy, independence and peace in the Venezuelan Caribbean Sea.
“Let us relaunch the PetroCaribe model with Martian, Bolivarian, Fidelista and Chavista political consciousness and enormous strength”, requested the Head of State.
Venezuela and Cuba will relaunch PetroCaribe to guarantee peoples' sovereignty and independence
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Afro-descendant and African leaders participate in World Congress Against Imperialism
By: aporrea.org | Thursday, January 23, 2020 10:39 PM
Credit: Prensa Cimarrona
San José de Barlovento, January 23, 2020 — African and Afro-descendant leaders of the left participate in the World Congress Against Imperialism, "For life, sovereignty and peace", held in Caracas, Venezuela, from January 21 to January 24, Prensa Cimarrona reported.
Through conferences, forums and working groups at Hotel Alba Caracas — as part of this event organized by the Bolivarian Government, together with other national and international delegates —, these maroons are giving their contributions to the fight against the interference of the US government towards Venezuela and other nations.
In this sense they are working to finalize agreements of the International Afro-Descendant Congress, held in November 2019, and organizing an International Cumbe, which will be based in Venezuela, to continue the fight against the racism carried out by the same imperialist hegemonic system.
It should be noted that this Congress is the product of the XXV Meeting of the São Paulo Forum held in the same city in July 2019.
Likewise, it was known that these Afro-descendant participants will be present in the March Against Imperialism in the next hours in the Venezuelan capital.
Afro-descendant and African leaders participate in World Congress Against Imperialism
By: aporrea.org | Thursday, January 23, 2020 10:39 PM
Credit: Prensa Cimarrona
San José de Barlovento, January 23, 2020 — African and Afro-descendant leaders of the left participate in the World Congress Against Imperialism, "For life, sovereignty and peace", held in Caracas, Venezuela, from January 21 to January 24, Prensa Cimarrona reported.
Through conferences, forums and working groups at Hotel Alba Caracas — as part of this event organized by the Bolivarian Government, together with other national and international delegates —, these maroons are giving their contributions to the fight against the interference of the US government towards Venezuela and other nations.
In this sense they are working to finalize agreements of the International Afro-Descendant Congress, held in November 2019, and organizing an International Cumbe, which will be based in Venezuela, to continue the fight against the racism carried out by the same imperialist hegemonic system.
It should be noted that this Congress is the product of the XXV Meeting of the São Paulo Forum held in the same city in July 2019.
Likewise, it was known that these Afro-descendant participants will be present in the March Against Imperialism in the next hours in the Venezuelan capital.
Afro-descendant and African leaders participate in World Congress Against Imperialism
Social movements approve International Anti-Imperialist Cumbe in Caracas
Caracas, January 23, 2020
Social movements approved an International Anti-Imperialist Cumbe in Caracas, as reported by the Sectoral Vice President for the Development of Social and Territorial Socialism, Aristóbulo Istúriz, who participated in the World Meeting against Imperialism, which was held at Hotel Alba Caracas in the Venezuelan capital.
In this regard, Istúriz said: “we approved an International Anti-Imperialist Cumbe, which allows the African diaspora to be brought together and assist in the creation of a Research and Studies Center of several institutions, which unites the different forms of organizing that exist in the Afro-descendant organizations of the world”.
Istúriz added that a Action Plan was presented that will touch on pending issues and that are about to be developed; within the Action Plan is the implementation of the Cumbe, which was approved today, a Conceptual Document, a Legal Document formally establishing the program and a creative structure of the Cumbe Directorate was presented with a guideline.
He added that the creation and conformation of the Cumbe, the Training Center and the approval of the Action Plan are the product of this successful meeting in which a debate with the Afro-descendant people has been developed.
Istúriz explained that the World Meeting against Imperialism has as its background the realization of the Sectorial Congresses approved in the São Paulo Forum in July 2019, so from that date the Workers Congress was held, followed by the Women Congress, the Indigenous Peoples Congress, the Students Congress, the Afro-descendants Congress and the Social Movement of the Communes Congress. “From there, a mainline of all the sectorial Congresses was approved, and the creation of that line had to do with the creation of unitary platforms, which allowed people to interact horizontally”.
He announced that the Directorate of the Cumbe will be announced on March and the Secretariat on May, as part of the Action Plan, in order to establish the Research Center, among other tasks.
Istúriz also said that it is necessary to form an Afro-descendant communication network to cover television, radio, written press and social networks.
Social movements approve International Anti-Imperialist Cumbe in Caracas
Caracas, January 23, 2020
Social movements approved an International Anti-Imperialist Cumbe in Caracas, as reported by the Sectoral Vice President for the Development of Social and Territorial Socialism, Aristóbulo Istúriz, who participated in the World Meeting against Imperialism, which was held at Hotel Alba Caracas in the Venezuelan capital.
In this regard, Istúriz said: “we approved an International Anti-Imperialist Cumbe, which allows the African diaspora to be brought together and assist in the creation of a Research and Studies Center of several institutions, which unites the different forms of organizing that exist in the Afro-descendant organizations of the world”.
Istúriz added that a Action Plan was presented that will touch on pending issues and that are about to be developed; within the Action Plan is the implementation of the Cumbe, which was approved today, a Conceptual Document, a Legal Document formally establishing the program and a creative structure of the Cumbe Directorate was presented with a guideline.
He added that the creation and conformation of the Cumbe, the Training Center and the approval of the Action Plan are the product of this successful meeting in which a debate with the Afro-descendant people has been developed.
Istúriz explained that the World Meeting against Imperialism has as its background the realization of the Sectorial Congresses approved in the São Paulo Forum in July 2019, so from that date the Workers Congress was held, followed by the Women Congress, the Indigenous Peoples Congress, the Students Congress, the Afro-descendants Congress and the Social Movement of the Communes Congress. “From there, a mainline of all the sectorial Congresses was approved, and the creation of that line had to do with the creation of unitary platforms, which allowed people to interact horizontally”.
He announced that the Directorate of the Cumbe will be announced on March and the Secretariat on May, as part of the Action Plan, in order to establish the Research Center, among other tasks.
Istúriz also said that it is necessary to form an Afro-descendant communication network to cover television, radio, written press and social networks.
Social movements approve International Anti-Imperialist Cumbe in Caracas
January 24, 1835 — the Malê Revolt begins in Salvador
An example for black people of how to fight against capitalism
January 24, 2020
On January 24, 2020, the so-called “Malê Revolt” began in the city of Salvador, Bahia. This revolt — the result of the instability of the Brazilian imperial government — is considered one of the biggest revolts in the history of the state and was triggered by the developments from the 1830s onwards.
The resignation of Pedro I (1831) and the temporary regency which would last until 1840 — when Pedro II was formally declared of age and thus received the right to become the emperor of Brazil at that time — opened a period marked by a series of social, economic and political transformations. Several revolts exploded with the same objective: to overthrow the current power and favor the republican movement. The main ones were the Ragamuffin War (1835–1845), in the South, the Malê Revolt itself (1835) in Bahia, the Cabanagem (1835–1840) in the province of Grão-Pará, the Sabinada (1837–1838), also in Bahia and the Balaiada (1838–1841), in the interior of the province of Maranhão.
Specifically about the Malê Revolt, we have the struggle for the liberation of black people from their condition as slaves and the guarantee of religious freedom. The term malês was used in Brazil at the time to designate black Muslims who could read and write in Arabic, who were often more educated than their masters and, despite their status as slaves, were not submissive, but very proud. They used the Yoruba language, where the word malê comes from, directly from imale, which means “Muslim”, but they had come directly from Africa. In Bahia, they were known as Nagôs.
The group of rebels numbered approximately 600 men, rebelling on the night of the 24th, but starting the attacks the next morning. The mayor of Salvador, Francisco de Souza Martins, received an anonymous complaint about a possible revolt planned by the slaves, thus warning the police chief, Francisco Gonçalves, to double the number of patrols in the region and to arrest any suspicious person.
Illustration about the revolt
At dawn on the 25th, the police try to invade a suspicious house, from where 60 men leave to start a battle between slaves and soldiers of the palace. The rebels go out into the streets gathering as many slaves as possible, while another part of their troops goes to the City Council to rescue one of the leaders of the revolt, Pacifico Licutan. The onslaught does not work and they are stopped, however, the city becomes a war zone. Another leader of the movement was Luiza Mahin, and from her board, messages were distributed in Arabic through the boys who allegedly acquired quitutes (delicacies) from her, also leading the Sabinada revolt (1837–1838).
The malês begin to be defeated when they came across the cavalry barracks in the region of Água de Meninos. As a fundamental characteristic of the opressors — and necessary to understand the importance of weaponry — the armed repression becomes even tougher on the revolt and hundreds were murdered in cold blood. The survivors received various types of sentences, including forced deportation to the African continent, 16 death sentences and flogging sentences ranging from 300 to 1,200 lashes — an enormous cruelty.
And despite having been defeated, this great revolt that is part of our history, generated great terror in Salvador, and this climate of fear spread to various corners of the country. Reflecting in the press of the time, it encouraged the emergence of other struggles of black people for their liberation, achieving, in a way, a point of threat against the political regime in force at that moment. A huge lesson in popular insurrection
The Sociedade Nagô videogame
An interesting present-day fact is the videogame created on this important story: released in 2018 and available on Google Play, Sociedade Nagô — O Resgate portrays the Malê Revolt.
In conclusion, this extermination in the favelas, carried out by the repressive forces of the bourgeois State, and the discrimination that is the fruit of the capitalist system, can only be overcome through revolutionary politics. It is through organization and political mobilization that the black population will be able to overcome the conditions of poverty that still affect this segment of society. Slavery continues today with the capitalist system itself and favelas are the greatest expression of true open-air slave quarters.
May the Malê Revolt never be lost in our memories but be displayed in our actions!
January 24, 1835 — the Malê Revolt begins in Salvador
An example for black people of how to fight against capitalism
January 24, 2020
On January 24, 2020, the so-called “Malê Revolt” began in the city of Salvador, Bahia. This revolt — the result of the instability of the Brazilian imperial government — is considered one of the biggest revolts in the history of the state and was triggered by the developments from the 1830s onwards.
The resignation of Pedro I (1831) and the temporary regency which would last until 1840 — when Pedro II was formally declared of age and thus received the right to become the emperor of Brazil at that time — opened a period marked by a series of social, economic and political transformations. Several revolts exploded with the same objective: to overthrow the current power and favor the republican movement. The main ones were the Ragamuffin War (1835–1845), in the South, the Malê Revolt itself (1835) in Bahia, the Cabanagem (1835–1840) in the province of Grão-Pará, the Sabinada (1837–1838), also in Bahia and the Balaiada (1838–1841), in the interior of the province of Maranhão.
Specifically about the Malê Revolt, we have the struggle for the liberation of black people from their condition as slaves and the guarantee of religious freedom. The term malês was used in Brazil at the time to designate black Muslims who could read and write in Arabic, who were often more educated than their masters and, despite their status as slaves, were not submissive, but very proud. They used the Yoruba language, where the word malê comes from, directly from imale, which means “Muslim”, but they had come directly from Africa. In Bahia, they were known as Nagôs.
The group of rebels numbered approximately 600 men, rebelling on the night of the 24th, but starting the attacks the next morning. The mayor of Salvador, Francisco de Souza Martins, received an anonymous complaint about a possible revolt planned by the slaves, thus warning the police chief, Francisco Gonçalves, to double the number of patrols in the region and to arrest any suspicious person.
Illustration about the revolt
At dawn on the 25th, the police try to invade a suspicious house, from where 60 men leave to start a battle between slaves and soldiers of the palace. The rebels go out into the streets gathering as many slaves as possible, while another part of their troops goes to the City Council to rescue one of the leaders of the revolt, Pacifico Licutan. The onslaught does not work and they are stopped, however, the city becomes a war zone. Another leader of the movement was Luiza Mahin, and from her board, messages were distributed in Arabic through the boys who allegedly acquired quitutes (delicacies) from her, also leading the Sabinada revolt (1837–1838).
The malês begin to be defeated when they came across the cavalry barracks in the region of Água de Meninos. As a fundamental characteristic of the opressors — and necessary to understand the importance of weaponry — the armed repression becomes even tougher on the revolt and hundreds were murdered in cold blood. The survivors received various types of sentences, including forced deportation to the African continent, 16 death sentences and flogging sentences ranging from 300 to 1,200 lashes — an enormous cruelty.
And despite having been defeated, this great revolt that is part of our history, generated great terror in Salvador, and this climate of fear spread to various corners of the country. Reflecting in the press of the time, it encouraged the emergence of other struggles of black people for their liberation, achieving, in a way, a point of threat against the political regime in force at that moment. A huge lesson in popular insurrection
The Sociedade Nagô videogame
An interesting present-day fact is the videogame created on this important story: released in 2018 and available on Google Play, Sociedade Nagô — O Resgate portrays the Malê Revolt.
In conclusion, this extermination in the favelas, carried out by the repressive forces of the bourgeois State, and the discrimination that is the fruit of the capitalist system, can only be overcome through revolutionary politics. It is through organization and political mobilization that the black population will be able to overcome the conditions of poverty that still affect this segment of society. Slavery continues today with the capitalist system itself and favelas are the greatest expression of true open-air slave quarters.
May the Malê Revolt never be lost in our memories but be displayed in our actions!
January 24, 1835 — the Malê Revolt begins in Salvador
Carlos Álvarez Nazareno: the first Afro-descendant to hold public office in Argentina in more than 100 years
January 22, 2020
By Melina Schweizer
Carlos Álvarez Nazareno and Francilene Martins of the Noviembre Negro association in Buenos Aires
On January 21, the public presentation of the National Directorate of Racial and Ethnic Equity, Migrants and Refugees, by Carlos Álvarez Nazareno, an activist and member of Afroxango and the November 8 Commission, was made in the National Archive of Remembrance.
It's been a century and a half since an Afro-descendant has occupied an important decision-making position in the public sector. On January 21 of this year, the Secretary of Human Rights of the Nation, Horacio Pietragalla, announced the creation of the National Directorate of Racial and Ethnic Equity, Migrants and Refugees, which is in charge of Carlos Álvarez Nazareno, an activist of Afroxango and the November 8 Commission, thus making this day a historic milestone for the Afro-Argentine community and the diaspora, and providing immense joy to the community.
At the opening of the event, State authorities participated, as well as representatives of the different Afro-descendant and migrant organizations, and civil society. Horacio Pietragalla stressed that migration and dissemination policies will be fundamental to the focus of its function, because there are no first-class and second-class migrations, there are just migrations: “… We must always think of a State that embraces immigrants and accompanies the problem of the migrant population. I know that we are in a difficult political moment in the region, where much of the international view is betting that Argentina will return to the standards of Human Rights. We believe that migration is a right, we see it that way, and we will work on that perspective. Because, each person who steps on the Argentine soil has the same right as an Argentine citizen. We will ensure that it is so in all provinces and throughout the country”.
Carlos Álvarez with secretary Horacio Pietragalla
“Carlos Álvarez Nazareno will be the director and will assume responsibility for the area of Racial and Ethnic Equity, Migrants and Refugees. I consider that the figure of Carlos is a small historical repair to this community, because it is the first time an Afro-descendant person occupies an institutional role in the Argentine State”, said Pietragalla and the room overflowed with applause and shouts of joy.
He then concluded by saying “Carlos is a militant who worked in the Human Rights Secretariat for many years, today we have him here, to strengthen ties with all people, but especially with the Afro-descendant population, with the entire Afro-Argentine and Afro-descendant migrant population, who were so punished with this neoliberalism. We need a commitment among all to eradicate structural racism, which is why we are committed to the policy that will take Human Rights to the people in the streets”.
“The challenge of this Human Rights Secretariat is the application of the ethnic-racial perspective, recognizing that we are a racist society, and our commitment is to work for equity, eradicating racist discrimination throughout the territory of the Argentine State. From this recognition, we will carry out actions to fight against racist violence, social exclusion and poverty, which are the consequences of structural racism in our country”, said Carlos Álvarez Nazareno, who committed himself with the Afro-Argentine community to fight for the visibility of their problems. “We have assumed the commitment to build a much fairer Argentina, where each and every one of the rights of migrants and communities are respected. There is a real, trustworthy and sincere commitment, not only from the Secretary of Human Rights, but also from each of the companions, who are part of this team, who will work to value the Afro-Argentine, Afro-descendant and African communities. This direction has to do with the commitment to recognize and recover spaces that for a long time were denied to us, and obviously strengthen ties with migrants and refugees from other communities, who are also suffering, because their rights are systematically violated”.
“We want to work with migrants through inclusion and development policies, because we understand that there is a xenophobia that is being rebuilt day by day. Therefore, it is important to understand that uniting all communities will allow us to make Argentina much more inclusive and egalitarian. We want to work with everyone and everyone, with the recognition of the diversity of all communities and collectives, respecting and promoting the Afro-Argentine community, but also all migrant and refugee groups”.
“We also want to work with a strong decolonial perspective to generate a cultural change; for this we must articulate with other ministries, such as the Ministry of Social Development, as well as Labor, but also Education, without neglecting the Ministry of Culture, Economy and Health. We have to articulate clearly with all these organizations so that public policies reach everybody”, said Álvarez Nazareno, who ended his speech with the following words: “Argentina is all of us, that is why our management will effectively enforce the Afro-descendant international treaty. We are in the middle of the International Decade for People of African Descent as proclaimed by the UN, which is why we are going to fight for the visibility of the Afro-Argentine, Afro-descendant and African community. We will work to guarantee that Human Rights are respected throughout the national territory; we have pending among the urgencies the repeal of the Necessity and Urgency Decree (issued by the Macri government) that expels migrants from the country”.
After these speeches, representatives of the different groups and social organizations were allowed to express their concerns:
Miriam Gomes, representative of the Cape Verdean community of Dock Sud, and active member of the Gender Area of the November 8 Commission (8N), said: “This is a historic moment, the Argentine State once again has a black presence in its officials, this has not happened since the 19th century. The nineteenth century was very Afro-Argentine, that was when the Argentine culture was fostered, with the African presence, which at that time was a majority. It can be said that in the 19th century 35% of the population in the city of Buenos Aires was black, and 60% in each of the provinces. What happened to this population? Who, mind you, participated in the famous wars of independence; however, the black community never ceased to exist. The black community in Argentina did not disappear, we were only passed to the margins: they took us out of the capital, they took us out of the visibility range. Because in the nineteenth century, we had deputies, we had generals, we had male and female writers, and all of that was erased at a stroke. In the Generation of '80, which was curiously replicated during Macri's government, we suffered from invisibility, marginalization, and loss of rights. But at this moment I get the feeling that lost spaces are being recovered again. I do not doubt the competence and responsibility of Carlos, he is a companion of many years, now he has committed himself to the task of all of us, because the fight against racism is not a problem of blacks, it is a problem of Argentine society”.
On the other hand, the representative of the Association of Congolese in Argentina said: “I have mixed feelings about this presentation, because I know that rights are never given and always conquered, with this I mean, yes Carlos is there, no it is a gift, he got there, fighting with other people, and conquered a right, from which he can grant other rights”.
In the same act, the Secretary of Human Rights of the Nation instituted a sub-secretariat of promotion by Natalia Barreiro, while Lola Berthet heads the Directorate of the Cultural Center of Memory “Haroldo Conti”, a cultural and artistic space that operates in the former Navy Petty-Officers School, and Gabriela Patricia Alegre remained as Director of Training in Human Rights.
Carlos Álvarez Nazareno: the first Afro-descendant to hold public office in Argentina in more than 100 years
January 22, 2020
By Melina Schweizer
Carlos Álvarez Nazareno and Francilene Martins of the Noviembre Negro association in Buenos Aires
On January 21, the public presentation of the National Directorate of Racial and Ethnic Equity, Migrants and Refugees, by Carlos Álvarez Nazareno, an activist and member of Afroxango and the November 8 Commission, was made in the National Archive of Remembrance.
It's been a century and a half since an Afro-descendant has occupied an important decision-making position in the public sector. On January 21 of this year, the Secretary of Human Rights of the Nation, Horacio Pietragalla, announced the creation of the National Directorate of Racial and Ethnic Equity, Migrants and Refugees, which is in charge of Carlos Álvarez Nazareno, an activist of Afroxango and the November 8 Commission, thus making this day a historic milestone for the Afro-Argentine community and the diaspora, and providing immense joy to the community.
At the opening of the event, State authorities participated, as well as representatives of the different Afro-descendant and migrant organizations, and civil society. Horacio Pietragalla stressed that migration and dissemination policies will be fundamental to the focus of its function, because there are no first-class and second-class migrations, there are just migrations: “… We must always think of a State that embraces immigrants and accompanies the problem of the migrant population. I know that we are in a difficult political moment in the region, where much of the international view is betting that Argentina will return to the standards of Human Rights. We believe that migration is a right, we see it that way, and we will work on that perspective. Because, each person who steps on the Argentine soil has the same right as an Argentine citizen. We will ensure that it is so in all provinces and throughout the country”.
Carlos Álvarez with secretary Horacio Pietragalla
“Carlos Álvarez Nazareno will be the director and will assume responsibility for the area of Racial and Ethnic Equity, Migrants and Refugees. I consider that the figure of Carlos is a small historical repair to this community, because it is the first time an Afro-descendant person occupies an institutional role in the Argentine State”, said Pietragalla and the room overflowed with applause and shouts of joy.
He then concluded by saying “Carlos is a militant who worked in the Human Rights Secretariat for many years, today we have him here, to strengthen ties with all people, but especially with the Afro-descendant population, with the entire Afro-Argentine and Afro-descendant migrant population, who were so punished with this neoliberalism. We need a commitment among all to eradicate structural racism, which is why we are committed to the policy that will take Human Rights to the people in the streets”.
“The challenge of this Human Rights Secretariat is the application of the ethnic-racial perspective, recognizing that we are a racist society, and our commitment is to work for equity, eradicating racist discrimination throughout the territory of the Argentine State. From this recognition, we will carry out actions to fight against racist violence, social exclusion and poverty, which are the consequences of structural racism in our country”, said Carlos Álvarez Nazareno, who committed himself with the Afro-Argentine community to fight for the visibility of their problems. “We have assumed the commitment to build a much fairer Argentina, where each and every one of the rights of migrants and communities are respected. There is a real, trustworthy and sincere commitment, not only from the Secretary of Human Rights, but also from each of the companions, who are part of this team, who will work to value the Afro-Argentine, Afro-descendant and African communities. This direction has to do with the commitment to recognize and recover spaces that for a long time were denied to us, and obviously strengthen ties with migrants and refugees from other communities, who are also suffering, because their rights are systematically violated”.
“We want to work with migrants through inclusion and development policies, because we understand that there is a xenophobia that is being rebuilt day by day. Therefore, it is important to understand that uniting all communities will allow us to make Argentina much more inclusive and egalitarian. We want to work with everyone and everyone, with the recognition of the diversity of all communities and collectives, respecting and promoting the Afro-Argentine community, but also all migrant and refugee groups”.
“We also want to work with a strong decolonial perspective to generate a cultural change; for this we must articulate with other ministries, such as the Ministry of Social Development, as well as Labor, but also Education, without neglecting the Ministry of Culture, Economy and Health. We have to articulate clearly with all these organizations so that public policies reach everybody”, said Álvarez Nazareno, who ended his speech with the following words: “Argentina is all of us, that is why our management will effectively enforce the Afro-descendant international treaty. We are in the middle of the International Decade for People of African Descent as proclaimed by the UN, which is why we are going to fight for the visibility of the Afro-Argentine, Afro-descendant and African community. We will work to guarantee that Human Rights are respected throughout the national territory; we have pending among the urgencies the repeal of the Necessity and Urgency Decree (issued by the Macri government) that expels migrants from the country”.
After these speeches, representatives of the different groups and social organizations were allowed to express their concerns:
Miriam Gomes, representative of the Cape Verdean community of Dock Sud, and active member of the Gender Area of the November 8 Commission (8N), said: “This is a historic moment, the Argentine State once again has a black presence in its officials, this has not happened since the 19th century. The nineteenth century was very Afro-Argentine, that was when the Argentine culture was fostered, with the African presence, which at that time was a majority. It can be said that in the 19th century 35% of the population in the city of Buenos Aires was black, and 60% in each of the provinces. What happened to this population? Who, mind you, participated in the famous wars of independence; however, the black community never ceased to exist. The black community in Argentina did not disappear, we were only passed to the margins: they took us out of the capital, they took us out of the visibility range. Because in the nineteenth century, we had deputies, we had generals, we had male and female writers, and all of that was erased at a stroke. In the Generation of '80, which was curiously replicated during Macri's government, we suffered from invisibility, marginalization, and loss of rights. But at this moment I get the feeling that lost spaces are being recovered again. I do not doubt the competence and responsibility of Carlos, he is a companion of many years, now he has committed himself to the task of all of us, because the fight against racism is not a problem of blacks, it is a problem of Argentine society”.
On the other hand, the representative of the Association of Congolese in Argentina said: “I have mixed feelings about this presentation, because I know that rights are never given and always conquered, with this I mean, yes Carlos is there, no it is a gift, he got there, fighting with other people, and conquered a right, from which he can grant other rights”.
In the same act, the Secretary of Human Rights of the Nation instituted a sub-secretariat of promotion by Natalia Barreiro, while Lola Berthet heads the Directorate of the Cultural Center of Memory “Haroldo Conti”, a cultural and artistic space that operates in the former Navy Petty-Officers School, and Gabriela Patricia Alegre remained as Director of Training in Human Rights.
Carlos Álvarez Nazareno: the first Afro-descendant to hold public office in Argentina in more than 100 years
loyola llothta
☭☭☭
Government resumes talks with opposition in Haiti
Since last November, Haiti experiences a truce in the protests, after two months of mobilizations throughout the country. | Photo: Nodal
Published February 8, 2020
The main demands of the opposition are the resignation of Jovenel Moise and the establishment of a transitional government or the holding of early elections.
As announced, the Haitian government and opposition resumed this Friday the dialogue to solve the socio-political crisis that the country is going through after the inability to reach concrete agreements through the negotiations held last January.
The talks are now resumed, with the antecedent of having interrupted discussions due to the lack of consensus on issues such as governance and the term of office established for the presidency.
Despite this, both the opposition and the Government agreed on the need to form a new Constitution.
At the moment the biggest claims of the opposition are the resignation of President Jovenel Moise and the establishment of a transitional government or the holding of early elections.
Parallel to the resumption of the dialogue, the opposition platform Democratic and Popular Sector announced that anti-government mobilizations would return to demand the president's resignation, despite the dialogue process initiated this Friday in the Caribbean nation.
Since last November, Haiti has experienced a truce in the protests, after two months of mobilizations throughout the country and the deployment of the Peyi Lok operation, which isolated the capital and other cities.
This February 7, the date chosen to resume the dialogue, Haitians celebrate another anniversary of the fall of the dictatorship of President Jean Claude Duvalier, who ruled between 1971 and 1986. At that time the popular revolution managed to besiege the dictator and force him to escape.
Government resumes talks with opposition in Haiti
Since last November, Haiti experiences a truce in the protests, after two months of mobilizations throughout the country. | Photo: Nodal
Published February 8, 2020
The main demands of the opposition are the resignation of Jovenel Moise and the establishment of a transitional government or the holding of early elections.
As announced, the Haitian government and opposition resumed this Friday the dialogue to solve the socio-political crisis that the country is going through after the inability to reach concrete agreements through the negotiations held last January.
The talks are now resumed, with the antecedent of having interrupted discussions due to the lack of consensus on issues such as governance and the term of office established for the presidency.
Despite this, both the opposition and the Government agreed on the need to form a new Constitution.
At the moment the biggest claims of the opposition are the resignation of President Jovenel Moise and the establishment of a transitional government or the holding of early elections.
Parallel to the resumption of the dialogue, the opposition platform Democratic and Popular Sector announced that anti-government mobilizations would return to demand the president's resignation, despite the dialogue process initiated this Friday in the Caribbean nation.
Since last November, Haiti has experienced a truce in the protests, after two months of mobilizations throughout the country and the deployment of the Peyi Lok operation, which isolated the capital and other cities.
This February 7, the date chosen to resume the dialogue, Haitians celebrate another anniversary of the fall of the dictatorship of President Jean Claude Duvalier, who ruled between 1971 and 1986. At that time the popular revolution managed to besiege the dictator and force him to escape.
Government resumes talks with opposition in Haiti
Cuban Ophtalmologists in Haiti Resume Operacion Milagro
At the moment, surgeries are scheduled for Tuesdays and Thursdays, totally free of fees for patients, who arrive from various regions of the country, the specialist confirmed. | Photo: Granma/File photo
Published 11 February 2020
With more than 15 years, this humanitarian project, implemented by revolutionary leaders Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez, has improved or restored the vision to more than 6 million low-income people in Latin America, the Caribbean, and Africa.
Cuban doctors in Haiti resumed Operacion Milagros (Operation Miracle), one of the main cooperation projects between the two countries, which has already restored the vision to some 72,710 patients.
Since 2006, the mission has assisted an average of 5,000 people annually, particularly those suffering from pterygium (a disease that damages the conjunctiva and cornea) — as well as cataracts, which consist of the growing opacity of the natural lens of the eye.
The substantial socio-political unrest that Haiti experienced at the end of 2019 suspended the cooperation specially designed for vulnerable people, who cannot afford consultations and surgeries in the private medical sector, Cuban ophthalmologist Yoardinkis de la Torre told Prensa Latina.
"We started with the pterygium specifically and then reintroduced the cataract surgery that restores the vision, and the miracle to see a new dawn," the doctor said.
He said that the population is eager for this service, so they have scheduled 300 monthly operations at La Renaissance hospital, located in the heart of the Haitian capital.
"It is a team that works together. While the surgeries are performed, a pre-operative line is made. Twenty-four hours later, this patient is seen by a post-operative team and clinically evaluated to return and follow up on him or her," he said.
Cuban Ophtalmologists in Haiti Resume Operacion Milagro
At the moment, surgeries are scheduled for Tuesdays and Thursdays, totally free of fees for patients, who arrive from various regions of the country, the specialist confirmed. | Photo: Granma/File photo
Published 11 February 2020
With more than 15 years, this humanitarian project, implemented by revolutionary leaders Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez, has improved or restored the vision to more than 6 million low-income people in Latin America, the Caribbean, and Africa.
Cuban doctors in Haiti resumed Operacion Milagros (Operation Miracle), one of the main cooperation projects between the two countries, which has already restored the vision to some 72,710 patients.
Since 2006, the mission has assisted an average of 5,000 people annually, particularly those suffering from pterygium (a disease that damages the conjunctiva and cornea) — as well as cataracts, which consist of the growing opacity of the natural lens of the eye.
The substantial socio-political unrest that Haiti experienced at the end of 2019 suspended the cooperation specially designed for vulnerable people, who cannot afford consultations and surgeries in the private medical sector, Cuban ophthalmologist Yoardinkis de la Torre told Prensa Latina.
"We started with the pterygium specifically and then reintroduced the cataract surgery that restores the vision, and the miracle to see a new dawn," the doctor said.
He said that the population is eager for this service, so they have scheduled 300 monthly operations at La Renaissance hospital, located in the heart of the Haitian capital.
"It is a team that works together. While the surgeries are performed, a pre-operative line is made. Twenty-four hours later, this patient is seen by a post-operative team and clinically evaluated to return and follow up on him or her," he said.
Cuban Ophtalmologists in Haiti Resume Operacion Milagro
From the South: How Can the Brexit Affect Caribbean Nations?
“Britain supported the Caribbean in the UE. With the new situation, we no longer have the same kind of partner that we used to have,” Earl Huntley said. | Photo: @EbravoteleSUR
Published 6 February 2020
Just a week ago, the United Kingdom formalized their departure from the EU. Caricom Ambassador to Haiti, Earl Huntley, talked about the consequences of this scenario for Caribbean nations.
Caribbean nations will continue their relationship with the European Union (EU) under the terms of the new agreement, Caricom Ambassador to Haiti, Earl Huntley declared Thursday in a televised interview with TeleSUR's "From the South."
Just a week ago, the United Kingdom formalized its departure from the EU. This move brings forth some questions to areas where British influence is a historical fact. The Caribbean is a region with significant trade connections with the Commonwealth through the UK; the new situation brings some questions forth as to the relation of the area with the EU.
"Britain supported the Caribbean in the UE. With the new situation, we no longer have the same kind of partner that we used to have," Huntley says.
According to him, Caribbean nations will have to establish a new trade relationship with the UK, now that it no longer belongs to the economic and political block, because many of the regional exports go there: "A deal that Caricom would negotiate with the UK."
Furthermore, Huntley stated that given the excellent state of relationships, both Britain and the EU would still have favorable deals with Caribbean and African countries, Huntley explained.
"The Britons fully protected the preferential trade agreements that we have with the EU, but now those agreements will have to be adjusted at the EU level and with Britain as well," the ambassador said.
He also considered that the crucial bananas exports wouldn't be abruptly affected "if we can get good terms in the agreements given our good relationships with the UK and the Commonwealth."
From the South: How Can the Brexit Affect Caribbean Nations?
“Britain supported the Caribbean in the UE. With the new situation, we no longer have the same kind of partner that we used to have,” Earl Huntley said. | Photo: @EbravoteleSUR
Published 6 February 2020
Just a week ago, the United Kingdom formalized their departure from the EU. Caricom Ambassador to Haiti, Earl Huntley, talked about the consequences of this scenario for Caribbean nations.
Caribbean nations will continue their relationship with the European Union (EU) under the terms of the new agreement, Caricom Ambassador to Haiti, Earl Huntley declared Thursday in a televised interview with TeleSUR's "From the South."
Just a week ago, the United Kingdom formalized its departure from the EU. This move brings forth some questions to areas where British influence is a historical fact. The Caribbean is a region with significant trade connections with the Commonwealth through the UK; the new situation brings some questions forth as to the relation of the area with the EU.
"Britain supported the Caribbean in the UE. With the new situation, we no longer have the same kind of partner that we used to have," Huntley says.
According to him, Caribbean nations will have to establish a new trade relationship with the UK, now that it no longer belongs to the economic and political block, because many of the regional exports go there: "A deal that Caricom would negotiate with the UK."
Furthermore, Huntley stated that given the excellent state of relationships, both Britain and the EU would still have favorable deals with Caribbean and African countries, Huntley explained.
"The Britons fully protected the preferential trade agreements that we have with the EU, but now those agreements will have to be adjusted at the EU level and with Britain as well," the ambassador said.
He also considered that the crucial bananas exports wouldn't be abruptly affected "if we can get good terms in the agreements given our good relationships with the UK and the Commonwealth."
From the South: How Can the Brexit Affect Caribbean Nations?
Jaime Hurtado: the murder of Ecuador's first black lawmaker 21 years later
EMERSON RUBIO ||QUITO I 17 FEB 2020 / 15:16 H.
In the book Los muertos de la política there is details about the murder, those responsible and a report of the Independent Special Commission that reveals a death foretold. (File / EXTRA)
It was noon on February 17, 1999. It was Ash Wednesday and there was intense social mobilization in the government of Jamil Mahuad. A few meters from the building of the Supreme Court, in Quito, Jaime Hurtado González, leader of the Ecuadorian left and deputy for the Democratic People's Movement, was shot with his companions, Pablo Tapia and Wellington Borja.
21 years later, the murder remains unsolved. This is indicated by journalist Juan Carlos Calderón in the article Jaime Hurtado, un crimen de estado en la impunidad (Jaime Hurtado, an unpunished state crime) published in the book Los Muertos de la Política, edited by Enrique Ayala Mora, who today remembers that he was one block from the place scene. He even claims to have heard the shots.
“It was a crime that shook the country... and the direct perpetrators have not yet been established”, states the Ecuadorian historian and professor.
He says that on February 17, after knowing that the victim was Hurtado — who at that time had been in Manta investigating the links between businessmen, drug traffickers and Government —, he went to the hospital. “When we arrived, they told us that he was in intensive care, but after a few minutes they told us that he had died”, he says.
Political leaders shout slogans against the Judicial Power of Ecuador in front of the Supreme Court in Quito, on June 17, 1999. Supporters of the political movement Democratic People's Movement (MPD) and Human Rights activists protested against the slowness of Ecuadorian justice by not finding those directly guilty of the murder of leftist deputy Jaime Hurtado, killed on February 17. (AFP / Martin Bernetti)
According to Los Muertos de la Política, a week after the murder, then-President Mahuad introduced Washington Aguirre, Sergei Merino and Cristian Ponce as the alleged murderers. They were arrested. The official version: that deputy Hurtado was killed by Colombian right-wing paramilitaries to avoid links between the FARC and guerrilla warfare in Ecuador. A year later, the alleged murderers were released.
Additionally, an analysis is published In the book — with four points — on the report of the Independent Special Commission:
“Whoever paid the hitmen remains unknown”, recalls Ayala Mora 21 years later. And although there were cases that Hurtado was investigating at that time — such as the investigation into the financing of the Mahuad campaign and suspected money laundering or the investigation of the bank accounts of Mahuad's ambassador in Mexico —, they have not been related to his crime.
Born in Esmeraldas in 1937, Hurtado grew up in a poor family of peasants. He began his studies at age 10. And it was in the main port of Ecuador where he obtained his law degree, at the University of Guayaquil. Since then, as the book details, he was “the most toughened of the Maoist left”. In 1979, Hurtado became the first black legislator in the history of Ecuador. Something to always remember.
Jaime Hurtado: the murder of Ecuador's first black lawmaker 21 years later
EMERSON RUBIO ||QUITO I 17 FEB 2020 / 15:16 H.
In the book Los muertos de la política there is details about the murder, those responsible and a report of the Independent Special Commission that reveals a death foretold. (File / EXTRA)
It was noon on February 17, 1999. It was Ash Wednesday and there was intense social mobilization in the government of Jamil Mahuad. A few meters from the building of the Supreme Court, in Quito, Jaime Hurtado González, leader of the Ecuadorian left and deputy for the Democratic People's Movement, was shot with his companions, Pablo Tapia and Wellington Borja.
21 years later, the murder remains unsolved. This is indicated by journalist Juan Carlos Calderón in the article Jaime Hurtado, un crimen de estado en la impunidad (Jaime Hurtado, an unpunished state crime) published in the book Los Muertos de la Política, edited by Enrique Ayala Mora, who today remembers that he was one block from the place scene. He even claims to have heard the shots.
“It was a crime that shook the country... and the direct perpetrators have not yet been established”, states the Ecuadorian historian and professor.
He says that on February 17, after knowing that the victim was Hurtado — who at that time had been in Manta investigating the links between businessmen, drug traffickers and Government —, he went to the hospital. “When we arrived, they told us that he was in intensive care, but after a few minutes they told us that he had died”, he says.
Political leaders shout slogans against the Judicial Power of Ecuador in front of the Supreme Court in Quito, on June 17, 1999. Supporters of the political movement Democratic People's Movement (MPD) and Human Rights activists protested against the slowness of Ecuadorian justice by not finding those directly guilty of the murder of leftist deputy Jaime Hurtado, killed on February 17. (AFP / Martin Bernetti)
According to Los Muertos de la Política, a week after the murder, then-President Mahuad introduced Washington Aguirre, Sergei Merino and Cristian Ponce as the alleged murderers. They were arrested. The official version: that deputy Hurtado was killed by Colombian right-wing paramilitaries to avoid links between the FARC and guerrilla warfare in Ecuador. A year later, the alleged murderers were released.
Additionally, an analysis is published In the book — with four points — on the report of the Independent Special Commission:
- “Washington Aguirre had been an informant of the US DEA and the Ecuadorian Police. Days before the murder he had informed the Police about the arrival of two Colombian hitmen to kill Jaime Hurtado.
- Both the Police and the Administrative Department of Security of Colombia deny that investigations have been conducted on the death of Hurtado. Therefore, Jamil Mahuad's version of the facts is not true.
- The form of execution and the post-crime circumstances show a political motivation and correspond to an extrajudicial execution.
- The trial has been delayed and the National Police defendants have refused to answer questions to the commission and the victims' attorney”.
“Whoever paid the hitmen remains unknown”, recalls Ayala Mora 21 years later. And although there were cases that Hurtado was investigating at that time — such as the investigation into the financing of the Mahuad campaign and suspected money laundering or the investigation of the bank accounts of Mahuad's ambassador in Mexico —, they have not been related to his crime.
Born in Esmeraldas in 1937, Hurtado grew up in a poor family of peasants. He began his studies at age 10. And it was in the main port of Ecuador where he obtained his law degree, at the University of Guayaquil. Since then, as the book details, he was “the most toughened of the Maoist left”. In 1979, Hurtado became the first black legislator in the history of Ecuador. Something to always remember.
Jaime Hurtado: the murder of Ecuador's first black lawmaker 21 years later
loyola llothta
☭☭☭
Matilde Ribeiro: the milestones, challenges and failures of SEPPIR in the Lula administration
Photo: Pedro Borges
Simone Freire | February 19, 2020
Former Chief Minister of the Special Secretariat for Policies to Promote Racial Equality granted an exclusive interview to Alma Preta
Her trajectory has a trademark in the fight for racial equality in Brazil. Originally from São Paulo, Matilde Ribeiro gained national notoriety as the steps of the anti-racist struggle placed her — between 2003 and 2008 — within the Planalto Palace in the post of chief minister of the Special Secretariat for Policies to Promote Racial Equality (SEPPIR) under the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.
After earning her bachelors in social work and her masters in social psychology, Ribeiro worked on several fronts of the black movement such as the founding of the Soweto Black Organization and the Center for Studies on Work and Inequalities (CEERT), in addition to the Forum of Women of São Paulo and the National Movement of Black Women.
In an interview with Alma Preta, she spoke about her performance at the head of the portfolio, the changes in the party's behavior in relation to the racial agenda, as well as the challenges and setbacks that the following years experienced and experience in relation to the black population of the country.
A new cycle in the party
While recalling the period in which Lula came to power, the former minister recalls in detail the backstage of the conquest. For her, the 2002 election presented something different because there was representation of the black movement during the Workers' Party (PT) campaign.
Together with the group that coordinated the electoral dispute, the Brazil Without Racism program was created, which was part of the set of publications that culminated in the government program of the then candidate Lula.
Ribeiro recalls that “this moment — from the point of view of government policy linked to sectors of the left, to the Workers' Party, to the movement of left-wing parties — was a watershed. Why? Before that, I noticed that within the negotiations for candidacies within the Workers' Party, the racial issue was barely mentioned. And it has always been very difficult to raise this topic as part of the agenda”.
Institutionally, until that time, the Palmares Foundation, founded in 1988, was the only government agency that exclusively dealt with racial issues in the country. She explains that “the Palmares Cultural Foundation was an achievement, but at the same time a very questionable one, because it reduced the government's view of the issue at the time to culture and we knew that it was much deeper than that”.
SEPPIR
As a result of the discussions on Lula's government plan, the creation of the Special Secretariat for Policies to Promote Racial Equality was a demand of the black movement. However, as the former minister recalls, the creation of the portfolio was the movement's first dispute as soon as Lula took office. That's because there was a promise that SEPPIR would be created as soon as the government took over the Presidency.
With the justification that the portfolio proposal was not mature yet, it only came to fruition in March 2003. SEPPIR was constituted as an advisory body to the presidency and, like the other special secretariats, had ministry status.
Ribeiro explains that “the terminology Promotion of Racial Equality brought us the responsibility to focus on the black racial issue, but to dialogue with indigenous peoples, gypsies, Palestinians, Jews, with all the groups that are victims of historical discrimination, from a racial or ethnic point of view”.
International
The Durban Conference, the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held in South Africa, in 2001, was a milestone in the racial policy implemented during the Lula and Matilde administration. The Conference document served as a basis for government policies, also influencing the Census of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), which started to use the criterion of self-declaration of Color/Race in its interviews.
As soon as it took power, the Workers' Party administration of the federal government also started to get closer to the countries of the African continent. Before 2003, Brazil had 18 embassies and one consulate on African territory. Ten years later, the country had expanded that number to 37 embassies and two consulates.
In the diplomatic sphere, Lula made 33 trips to the continent; Celso Amorim, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, made 67 official visits to 34 African countries. Brazil also received 47 visits from kings, presidents and prime ministers from 27 nations on the continent. In addition to accompanying Lula on trips, Ribeiro also made several institutional visits to other countries, reconciling agendas, including with Gilberto Gil, then Minister of Culture.
Education
In education, the adoption of racial quotas, the change in the profile of Enem (National High School Exam) and the use of the grade for admission to federal universities through SISU (Unified Selection System), the creation of ProUni (University for All Program) and FIES (Student Financing Fund) had — and continue to have — positive impacts on the entire young and black population of the country.
In 2005, only 5.5% of young people in this racial group aged between 18 and 24 were in college. According to IBGE, in 2015, this percentage rose to 12.8%. For Ribeiro, the Lula government changed not only the image of public universities, but also of private ones. “Universities cannot be the privilege of a few”, she says.
Matilde Ribeiro, former chief minister of the Special Secretariat for Policies to Promote Racial Equality under the Lula administration, during an interview with Alma Preta. (Photo: Pedro Borges)
Challenges
In the period when former President Lula was at the head of the country — eight years ended in December 2020 —, poverty in the country was reduced by 50.4%, according to a survey conducted by the Getúlio Vargas Foundation (FGV), based on IBGE data.
Even with a lot to celebrate, from a general perspective, she says it is important to recognize that the Lula administration was not a revolution. “It's the government, and it has its limits”, she says. “I avoid making very passionate analyzes, saying that it was the revolution. It was not the revolution, it left much to be desired, but it presents differentials. I reckon that we need to make analyzes even to be able to reflect on what it all means today”, she says.
SEPPIR, although with ministry status, has never had its own budget and has always had difficulties managing itself. For her, one of the actions that hampered the portfolio was the fact that she was unable to work on the issue of racial equality for blacks with more autonomy. She explains that “there was no need for a secretariat that would deal with all the issues of indigenous people, gypsies, Palestinians, Jews, riverine people. Everything fell within SEPPIR because the dimension of the racial issue is multifaceted”.
She explains that she was fully convinced that the Lula government would not be able to resolve all 500-year social issues in five or four years. In a self-critical tone, she assesses that the issue of access to work — from a racial point of view — has not been much worked on, although the issue of domestic work has made progress with the expansion of the right to the Guarantee Fund for Length of Service (FGTS) and annual leave and, subsequently, with the implementation of the Domestic Worker Constitutional Amendment.
“Living this reality or construction, in the historical time that I lived, we went to the top. There is a time where you reach the limit, there is no more negotiation. And often the result is not the expected”, she says. But she stresses that “I have no regrets, because I did what I could”.
Politically, Ribeiro is emphatic in differentiating her role in militancy by building demands and her role in the Planalto. “As we usually say, [in militancy] we visualize the glass and then throw the stone. But when you are on the other side, you have to measure the size of the demand, if it fits in that government format, how much it costs, to whom it serves. The planning of a government action has a level of detail you have to live to learn. There is no school, no college or book that can teach you”, she says.
SEPPIR after Lula and Matilde
In 2008, the year she left SEPPIR, Ribeiro asked herself whether it was possible to say that racial equality policies were institutionalized in Brazil. Looking for answers, she talked, as she says, with the “heads of politics”, among them, Kabenguele Munanga (USP), Cida Bento (CEERT), Luciana Jacu (IPEA) and Silvio Albuquerque (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The answer found was positive, there was institutionalization.
But in her assessment of today, with the government of Jair Bolsonaro at the head of the Presidency of the Republic, Ribeiro regrets that things have changed. “Only 10 or 12 years have passed and I ask myself the question again. Where is the institutionalized policy? It no longer exists! The same force of the law that makes it exist, makes it cease to exist”, she laments. “When we talk about setbacks from the point of view of public policies, about dismantling, they are real. For example, SEPPIR no longer exists”, she says.
However, the ex-minister still believes that every effort was worthwhile and it has borne and will bear good fruit. “Any setback can happen, but there remains a living flame, that 'it will never be as it was before'. I am an optimist, I believe that. I think we are still going to live democratic governments. We don't know how long each of our lives will be, but society will live”, she says.
Matilde Ribeiro: the milestones, challenges and failures of SEPPIR in the Lula administration
Photo: Pedro Borges
Simone Freire | February 19, 2020
Former Chief Minister of the Special Secretariat for Policies to Promote Racial Equality granted an exclusive interview to Alma Preta
Her trajectory has a trademark in the fight for racial equality in Brazil. Originally from São Paulo, Matilde Ribeiro gained national notoriety as the steps of the anti-racist struggle placed her — between 2003 and 2008 — within the Planalto Palace in the post of chief minister of the Special Secretariat for Policies to Promote Racial Equality (SEPPIR) under the government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.
After earning her bachelors in social work and her masters in social psychology, Ribeiro worked on several fronts of the black movement such as the founding of the Soweto Black Organization and the Center for Studies on Work and Inequalities (CEERT), in addition to the Forum of Women of São Paulo and the National Movement of Black Women.
In an interview with Alma Preta, she spoke about her performance at the head of the portfolio, the changes in the party's behavior in relation to the racial agenda, as well as the challenges and setbacks that the following years experienced and experience in relation to the black population of the country.
A new cycle in the party
While recalling the period in which Lula came to power, the former minister recalls in detail the backstage of the conquest. For her, the 2002 election presented something different because there was representation of the black movement during the Workers' Party (PT) campaign.
Together with the group that coordinated the electoral dispute, the Brazil Without Racism program was created, which was part of the set of publications that culminated in the government program of the then candidate Lula.
Ribeiro recalls that “this moment — from the point of view of government policy linked to sectors of the left, to the Workers' Party, to the movement of left-wing parties — was a watershed. Why? Before that, I noticed that within the negotiations for candidacies within the Workers' Party, the racial issue was barely mentioned. And it has always been very difficult to raise this topic as part of the agenda”.
Institutionally, until that time, the Palmares Foundation, founded in 1988, was the only government agency that exclusively dealt with racial issues in the country. She explains that “the Palmares Cultural Foundation was an achievement, but at the same time a very questionable one, because it reduced the government's view of the issue at the time to culture and we knew that it was much deeper than that”.
SEPPIR
As a result of the discussions on Lula's government plan, the creation of the Special Secretariat for Policies to Promote Racial Equality was a demand of the black movement. However, as the former minister recalls, the creation of the portfolio was the movement's first dispute as soon as Lula took office. That's because there was a promise that SEPPIR would be created as soon as the government took over the Presidency.
With the justification that the portfolio proposal was not mature yet, it only came to fruition in March 2003. SEPPIR was constituted as an advisory body to the presidency and, like the other special secretariats, had ministry status.
Ribeiro explains that “the terminology Promotion of Racial Equality brought us the responsibility to focus on the black racial issue, but to dialogue with indigenous peoples, gypsies, Palestinians, Jews, with all the groups that are victims of historical discrimination, from a racial or ethnic point of view”.
International
The Durban Conference, the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, held in South Africa, in 2001, was a milestone in the racial policy implemented during the Lula and Matilde administration. The Conference document served as a basis for government policies, also influencing the Census of the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE), which started to use the criterion of self-declaration of Color/Race in its interviews.
As soon as it took power, the Workers' Party administration of the federal government also started to get closer to the countries of the African continent. Before 2003, Brazil had 18 embassies and one consulate on African territory. Ten years later, the country had expanded that number to 37 embassies and two consulates.
In the diplomatic sphere, Lula made 33 trips to the continent; Celso Amorim, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, made 67 official visits to 34 African countries. Brazil also received 47 visits from kings, presidents and prime ministers from 27 nations on the continent. In addition to accompanying Lula on trips, Ribeiro also made several institutional visits to other countries, reconciling agendas, including with Gilberto Gil, then Minister of Culture.
Education
In education, the adoption of racial quotas, the change in the profile of Enem (National High School Exam) and the use of the grade for admission to federal universities through SISU (Unified Selection System), the creation of ProUni (University for All Program) and FIES (Student Financing Fund) had — and continue to have — positive impacts on the entire young and black population of the country.
In 2005, only 5.5% of young people in this racial group aged between 18 and 24 were in college. According to IBGE, in 2015, this percentage rose to 12.8%. For Ribeiro, the Lula government changed not only the image of public universities, but also of private ones. “Universities cannot be the privilege of a few”, she says.
Matilde Ribeiro, former chief minister of the Special Secretariat for Policies to Promote Racial Equality under the Lula administration, during an interview with Alma Preta. (Photo: Pedro Borges)
Challenges
In the period when former President Lula was at the head of the country — eight years ended in December 2020 —, poverty in the country was reduced by 50.4%, according to a survey conducted by the Getúlio Vargas Foundation (FGV), based on IBGE data.
Even with a lot to celebrate, from a general perspective, she says it is important to recognize that the Lula administration was not a revolution. “It's the government, and it has its limits”, she says. “I avoid making very passionate analyzes, saying that it was the revolution. It was not the revolution, it left much to be desired, but it presents differentials. I reckon that we need to make analyzes even to be able to reflect on what it all means today”, she says.
SEPPIR, although with ministry status, has never had its own budget and has always had difficulties managing itself. For her, one of the actions that hampered the portfolio was the fact that she was unable to work on the issue of racial equality for blacks with more autonomy. She explains that “there was no need for a secretariat that would deal with all the issues of indigenous people, gypsies, Palestinians, Jews, riverine people. Everything fell within SEPPIR because the dimension of the racial issue is multifaceted”.
She explains that she was fully convinced that the Lula government would not be able to resolve all 500-year social issues in five or four years. In a self-critical tone, she assesses that the issue of access to work — from a racial point of view — has not been much worked on, although the issue of domestic work has made progress with the expansion of the right to the Guarantee Fund for Length of Service (FGTS) and annual leave and, subsequently, with the implementation of the Domestic Worker Constitutional Amendment.
“Living this reality or construction, in the historical time that I lived, we went to the top. There is a time where you reach the limit, there is no more negotiation. And often the result is not the expected”, she says. But she stresses that “I have no regrets, because I did what I could”.
Politically, Ribeiro is emphatic in differentiating her role in militancy by building demands and her role in the Planalto. “As we usually say, [in militancy] we visualize the glass and then throw the stone. But when you are on the other side, you have to measure the size of the demand, if it fits in that government format, how much it costs, to whom it serves. The planning of a government action has a level of detail you have to live to learn. There is no school, no college or book that can teach you”, she says.
SEPPIR after Lula and Matilde
In 2008, the year she left SEPPIR, Ribeiro asked herself whether it was possible to say that racial equality policies were institutionalized in Brazil. Looking for answers, she talked, as she says, with the “heads of politics”, among them, Kabenguele Munanga (USP), Cida Bento (CEERT), Luciana Jacu (IPEA) and Silvio Albuquerque (Ministry of Foreign Affairs). The answer found was positive, there was institutionalization.
But in her assessment of today, with the government of Jair Bolsonaro at the head of the Presidency of the Republic, Ribeiro regrets that things have changed. “Only 10 or 12 years have passed and I ask myself the question again. Where is the institutionalized policy? It no longer exists! The same force of the law that makes it exist, makes it cease to exist”, she laments. “When we talk about setbacks from the point of view of public policies, about dismantling, they are real. For example, SEPPIR no longer exists”, she says.
However, the ex-minister still believes that every effort was worthwhile and it has borne and will bear good fruit. “Any setback can happen, but there remains a living flame, that 'it will never be as it was before'. I am an optimist, I believe that. I think we are still going to live democratic governments. We don't know how long each of our lives will be, but society will live”, she says.
Matilde Ribeiro: the milestones, challenges and failures of SEPPIR in the Lula administration