Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

Yehuda

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The African wealth in Latin American literature

A homage to the writers who, from their countries of origin, have marked the history of literature in Latin America forever

By: José Alfonso Valbuena Leguízamo | May 20, 2020

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Photo: City Hall of Cali

In this month of May the Afro-Colombian Day is commemorated, by provision of Law 725 of 2001, in celebration of the abolition of slavery in Colombia on May 21, 1851. 169 years have passed since that date and much of the black/Afro-Colombian population continues to suffer from the forgetfulness of the State, a situation similar to that experienced in other Latin American countries.

In these brief lines we will remember some literary works centered on Afro-descendant characters in Cuba, Puerto Rico, Ecuador, Peru, Brazil and Colombia as a simple tribute to the contribution made by Afro-descendant cultures in mestizaje processes and to the multiethnic and multicultural wealth of Our America.

From Cuba, Camagüey native Nicolás Guillén offers us the poetry collections Motivos de son and Sóngoro Cosongo. The desire for freedom and the rebellion of Ti Noel, Macandal and Bouckman are manifested in Alejo Carpentier's The Kingdom of This World, in the context of the Haitian Revolution, the first revolutionary movement in America. Bertillón 166 by José Soler Puig takes place during the clandestine insurrection process against Batista in Santiago de Cuba, with characters such as the student Carlos Espinosa and Quico the tailor.

Puerto Rican Mayra Santos-Febres in her novel Our Lady of the Night addresses the story of a famous Puerto Rican prostitute known as Isabel la Negra, with great influence in her country's upper echelons, and her previous history of living with poverty and racism. Another book, Fe en disfraz, involves the story of enslaved black women in their fight for freedom despite the adversities they face.

El negro Santander, a short story in Ecuadorian Enrique Gil Gilbert's book Yunga emphasizes the presence of the African diaspora in Ecuadorian society, through the connection as workers in the construction of the road between Guayaquil and Quito and the abuse they suffer from like the indigenous peoples. Similarly, Adalberto Ortiz's novel Juyungo measures the resistance of the Afro-Ecuadorian people through its protagonist Ascensión Lastre. Juan Montaño, in his collection of short stories Así se compone un son offers Maroon stories nourished by music.

Peruvian literature has been extensive in works involving Afro-descendants. Siblings Nicomedes and Victoria Santa Cruz, for example, are known for their theatrical, musical and dance activities, but also for their décimas, poems and Afro-Peruvian songs. Lucía Charún Illescas, in her novel Malambo establishes Tomasón, a semi-free slave, painter and griot during the slave regime, as the protagonist. Mónica Carrillo with her book of poems Unícroma projects the suffering of the Africans who died on the ships and the suffering of those who arrived in South America.

Slavery in Brazil is the topic of Úrsula, by Maria Firmina dos Reis, published in the 19th century; and the figure of the free black man is the center of the short story Encher tempo and the novel Iaiá Garcia by Machado de Assis. There are more up-to-date novels such as City of God, by Paulo Lins, a portrait of the social conflict and the problematic situation of children and young people in the Cidade de Deus favela in Rio de Janeiro; and Um defeito de cor, by Ana Maria Gonçalves, centered around Kahinde, an African girl who is enslaved in Brazil but who manages to achieve her freedom.

In Colombia the novel that stands out is Changó, the Biggest Badass, by Manuel Zapata Olivella, an account of the African diaspora with its culture, knowledge and beliefs in America, as well as Cantos de mi tierra by Candelario Obeso; Tambores de la noche, a book of poems by Jorge Artel (Agapito de Arcos' pseudonym); Las estrellas son negras, a novel by Arnoldo Palacios; and Los cuentos misteriosos y jocosos de Pachín Carabalí, by Francisco Carabalí; all works that vindicate Afro-Colombian culture.

As Zapata Olivella put it so well: “the African presence cannot be reduced to a marginal phenomenon in our history. Its fertility suffuses all the arteries and nerves of the new American man”.

The African wealth in Latin American literature
 

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“Black lives matter”: demonstration grows and discusses racial issues at Largo da Batata in São Paulo

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June 7, 2020 | Written by: Pedro Borges and Guilherme Soares Dias | Edited by: Guilherme Soares Dias | Image: Pedro Borges

The movement remembered people killed or beaten by police in Brazil and brought together about 10 thousand people

Vidas Negras Importam” (Black Lives Matter), written in white in black bands, was wielded by hundreds of people who took to the streets in São Paulo this Sunday (7). “Eu não consigo respirar” (I can't breathe), a sentence that driver and security guard George Floyd said before he was killed, was repeated by a crowd that knelt at Largo da Batata, in Pinheiros, for nine minutes — the amount of time Floyd stood immobilized by a policeman in the United States.

At least ten thousand people took to the streets of the West Zone of São Paulo, according to the estimate of football torcidas organizadas (associations of football fans in the same vein as barras bravas, hooligan firms or ultras). In addition to Floyd's death, protesters remembered black people killed in Brazil in recent years. Among them, Amarildo Souza, Marielle Franco, Claudia da Silva Ferreira and Luana Barbosa. “No life matters, as long as black lives don't matter”, said the protesters. The names of recently killed children, such as João Pedro, Miguel and Ágatha, were also written on posters. Slogans that have become common in other demonstrations have been repeated, such as “Racists, fascists: you shall not pass”.

A doll with the presidential stash was hung upside down on a tree, symbolizing the dismissal of President Jair Bolsonaro (independent). Some posters asked “white person, are you really an anti-racist?”. On the megaphone, protesters who represented the collective of black movements remembered that it is not easy to be on the street and that the anti-racist struggle has been going on for many years. Data on the genocide of the black population and those killed by the police were highlighted. “We were not given the right to isolation”, they said. The protesters also reinforced that “few actions have been taken to reduce lethality among the black population. What did they do for the 35 million people without water?”, they questioned, finishing by saying: “if death is certain, so should be the payback”.

In times of pandemic, the protest counted on the health brigade of the Homeless Workers' Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto; MTST) which distributed masks, leaflets with information for health protection, hand sanitizer and tried to guarantee the social distance of the protesters. “We want to guarantee the health and well-being of the protesters”, said Caio Ramos, a doctor at the Health Brigade, who had about ten people, including five doctors.

Protesters

Largo da Batata was taken by people who went to protest against police brutality, many dressed in black and wielding posters. Mariana Rodrigues, a model and promoter, said she was at the demonstration for of all the black lives that are cut off daily. “I am a black woman, who is the part of the population that suffers the most in Brazil. We are here, in the middle of a pandemic, because we are in a time of political war in the country”, she said. About 4,000 police officers were deployed to accompany the demonstration. Mariana recalled that this massive police presence was expected. “They stop, frisk and assault black people on a daily basis. This is not a war, it is a protest”, she said.

Among the participants in the protest were the Anti-Fascist Deliverymen Movement. “We fight so that delivery apps provide breakfast, lunch and dinner. We already have 300,000 signatures. But today, all movements are here to guarantee democracy. We have to shout to continue being able to fight for the other agendas”, said Paulo Lima, also known as Galo, member of the Anti-Fascist Deliverymen Movement.

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Emerson Osasco, from the torcida organizada Gaviões da Fiel's Somos Democracia movement (We Are Democracy), recalls that he took to the streets to defend democracy and the struggle of black people. He considers that “we are living dark times. All torcidas must unite around freedom. We have to go to the street, so here we are. Tomorrow can be too late. The racial issue today is the most important issue both in Brazil and in the world”. Danilo Pássaro, who is also part of the Somos Democracia movement, recalls that last Sunday, the protesters “pulled off the cry that was stuck in Brazilians' throats” and that today the protest spread across cities in 14 states and gained more followers.

The Mothers of Osasco (the mothers of 23 people killed by hooded men in Osasco and Barueri in 2015) were present and remembered children killed by police brutality. Social worker Flavia Lopes took her 6-year-old son Arthur with her and said that despite the risks, she considered it important to protest against the deaths of black people. “Especially little Mateus', from Recife. That is why I brought my son”, she said. Many black youth were present, among them, Simone Nascimento, of the Unified Black Movement (Movimento Negro Unificado; MNU), who said that the protest took place due to the fact that the murders of black people have been normalized. “Because of that, we never really had a democracy. Society must fight this disease. They are killing youth at home, we will not be able to overthrow the Bolsonaro government without guaranteeing better conditions for black people”, she said.

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The protest began at 2 pm and ended peacefully around 4 pm. (Photos: Julia Dolce and Annelize Tozetto)

“Black lives matter”: demonstration grows and discusses racial issues at Largo da Batata in São Paulo

 

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“It is a request for an end to violence”, say the attorneys who conducted the protest in Rio

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Written by: Guilherme Soares Dias | Edited by: Nataly Simões | Image: Twitter

Six black legal professionals conducted the demonstration to ensure security and legal guidance; Alma Preta, spoke to two of them about the protest

The approximately 5,000 people who were in the center of Rio de Janeiro to participate in the anti-racist demonstrations on Sunday (7) had important support: black attorneys who were willing to conduct the protest to guarantee security and provide legal guidance. Alma Preta spoke to two of the professionals, who talk about the importance of the protests and remember that the population cried for the end of state violence and for the reinvention of the Military Police.

Initially there were two, Joel Luiz and Djeff Amadeus, both 31-year-old criminal defense lawyers. They conducted the demonstrations and gained support from four other black legal professionals. “The presence of lawyers was essential to avoid problems”, says Amadeus, who is part of the Peripheral Population Support Network (Rede de Apoio à População Periférica; RAPP). The assistance of black lawyers in the “black uprising” counteracts, according to him, the absence of black people in prominent legal spaces such as the Supreme Federal Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal; STF).

On the other hand, Ittalo Lima, a 34-year-old civil attorney, says he saw the demonstrations on Twitter and decided to give his support. “There was a huge number of military police, we were surrounded by them. Our role was to prioritize dialogue and we had no problems”, he said. According to Lima, a supporter of the Bolsonaro government even tried to provoke the protesters, but was removed by the police. The attorneys' greatest concern was at the time of dispersal. “We tried to make sure everyone got home safely”.

In the case of demonstrations, the legal advice is that people should not take objects that can be considered a threat to the act. “People with more than 50 millilitres of hand sanitizer were taken to the police station, but there is no legislation that prohibits it. At the police station, we check to see if the person is being taken for testimony or because they are being accused of something”, he said.

A resident of Curicica, next to Cidade de Deus, Lima believes his contribution is essential to do his part in society. He considers that “it is a security for our people. Pro bono service is a part of our reality”. He also recalls that more than being a left or right thing, the protests were intended to combat state violence. “We want to combat the fact that the police are invading the favelas and killing ours inside their homes. Why not invade the apartments in the South Zone? There needs to be a reinvention of the police. The war on drugs is no excuse to kill our people”, he said.

New demonstrations have not yet been defined, however, they will probably occur and the group of attorneys will lead them so that the protests can take place peacefully. Last Sunday, Djeff Amadeus, who is also a writer, paid tribute to the boy João Pedro, 14, who was slain when he was inside the house of his uncles in the community of Salgueiro, on May 18, and who had the dream of becoming a lawyer. Read the verses quoted by him in the demonstration:

“My name is Djeff Amadeus
And I came here to tell you
About young João Pedro
Who dreamed of being a lawyer

His life was cut short
By a genocidal state
They took Joãozinho away
He could've been an Emicida

Or maybe a Luís Gama
The biggest lawyer of Brazil
The hero of liberation
who fought against slavery


Or an Amílcar Cabral

The hero of Guinea-Bissau
The pedagogue of the revolution
And father of liberation
Amílcar and João
Long live the revolution

In conclusion
I will say
I'm tired of screaming present
I want to scream live
Black people live
And become professors
Or judges
Masters and doctors
Long live João Pedro
Lawyer and advocate”.

“It is a request for an end to violence”, say the attorneys who conducted the protest in Rio

 

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Supreme Federal Court minister prohibits police operations in Rio de Janeiro's favelas during quarantine

June 5, 2020 by Arthur Stabile

Edson Fachin says in the preliminary injunction the actions should take place only in cases of absolute exceptionality and justifies his decision citing the death of João Pedro, 14

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Edson Fachin considered recent deaths to validate request. | Photo: STF

The Supreme Federal Court minister Edson Fachin banned police operations in Rio de Janeiro's favelas during the coronavirus pandemic. Initially, the decision removed actions close to schools.

This Friday (6/6), the minister expanded the measure referring to ADPF (Arguição de Descumprimento de Preceito Fundamental, Arrangement of Non-compliance with Fundamental Precept) No. 635, or ADPF Favelas for Life.

Fachin cited the death of João Pedro, 14, as a reason, shot with a rifle shot in the back during a police operation in Salgueiro, in São Gonçalo, during a police operation. According to the minister, “there is no justification for a 14-year-old child to be shot more than 70 times”.

“The fact is indicative, in itself, that, maintaining the current regulatory framework, nothing will be done to reduce police lethality, a state of affairs that in no way respects the Constitution”, says the minister. Fachin's ban, “under penalty of civil and criminal liability”, requires that operations be carried out only in “absolutely exceptional cases”.

In addition, the authorities must justify in writing the reasons for the operation, sending the text to the Public Prosecutor's Office of Rio de Janeiro, “responsible for external control of police activity”.

Even if police operations occur, says Fachin, it is necessary that the troops adopt “exceptional care” in order to “not put the population at even greater risk”. These precautions, as well as the justifications for the action, must be listed in writing and directed to the Public Prosecutor's Office.

On April 17, Fachin accepted 6 of the 12 requests made by the Favelas' ADPF. Among the precautionary measures deferred are: restriction of the use of helicopters as a firing platform, guidance to security agents and health professionals to preserve traces of crimes, conducting forensics at crime scenes, end of police operations near schools, daycare centers and hospitals, recognition of investigations by the Public Prosecutor's Office of Rio de Janeiro whenever agents of public security agencies are involved in criminal offenses, and the suspension of the decree No. 46,775, of September 2019 that removed the bonuses in the reduction of lethality.

The request was made by the Brazilian Socialist Party in partnership with the Public Defender's Office of Rio de Janeiro, the organizations Justiça Global, Conectas and Redes da Maré, the Collective Fala Akari, the Mães de Manguinhos Movement, the Collective Papo Reto, the Educafro college prep, the Unified Black Movement, the Network Against Violence and the Right to Racial Memory and Justice Initiative.

According to Shyrlei Rosendo, a resident of Maré and mobilization coordinator of the Security Axis of Redes da Maré, the decision is a relief for favela residents.

She says that “the assessment is positive, especially given the latest events in Rio. We have a lack of control of the pandemic by the authorities and we still have to deal with the problem of police operations”.

According to her, the decision is also important because it demands actions from those who supervise the police. “It calls on the Public Prosecutor's Office and the institutions responsible to assume their role. I hope that things can improve going forward”, she says.

The decision, however, leaves an alert with the possibility of operations taking place, even with the obstacles created by Fachin. “It suspends operations, but they can occur and, in order for them to occur, there are a series of measures the police have to take”.

Since the first decision, in April, Rio has recorded the death of some young people, such as João Pedro, 14, shot in the back and killed inside his cousin's house; João Vitor, shot when he left home to buy a kite; and Rodrigo Cerqueira, a street vendor who was working when he was shot by the police.

In the argument for the preliminary injunction, the Brazilian Socialist Party includes the news of João Pedro's death. Shirley considers that, had the measure been taken earlier, this and other deaths could have been avoided. “It is possible. Given the latest events in Rio, we asked for a precautionary measure and Fachin ended up being sensitive and giving us the preliminary injunction”, she says.

According to Gabriel Sampaio, the coordinator of the Conectas Program for Confronting Institutional Violence, Fachin's decision demonstrates a concern of the Supreme Federal Court. For him, the preliminary injunction is important to save lives.

“In a context in which anti-racist protests broke out in different parts of the world, it is urgent that Brazilian institutions put an end to genocide and the violation of the rights of the black population of the peripheries and favelas”, he says.

Supreme Federal Court minister prohibits police operations in Rio de Janeiro's favelas during quarantine
 

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The narrative of black Brazilian ‘passivity’ is a ruse of racist ideology

The resistance to racism can also take place in the framework of institutional struggles

June 10, 2020 7 p.m.
Serge Katz
Silvio Almeida


When Ta-Nehisi Coates, author of the book Between the World and Me decided to immigrate to France in order to escape the controversy that his book had provoked in the United States for confronting racism in a very direct way, he was far from suspecting that he would encounter another form of racism, less obvious but equally devastating.

When interviewed by a dozen French newspapers, in addition to radio and television stations, Coates realized that there was little diversity among the journalists that the media sent to interview him, which led him to ask a journalist if there were no black or Arab journalists in France. The journalist did not find an answer. What this story reveals to us is that racism manifests itself differently depending on the social context of each country.

French protest police violence against black people in Paris

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Protester poster shows drawing of a closed fist, one of the symbols of the civil rights movement in the United States. Gonzalo Fuentes - June 2, 2020/Reuters

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Before he died, George Floyd told the policeman that he was choking him: ‘I can't breathe’; according to Adama Traoré's sister, these could also have been her brother's last words. Gonzalo Fuentes - June 2, 2020/Reuters

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More than 20 thousand people gathered in front of the Palais de Justice. Michel Rubinel - June 2, 2020/AFP

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Protesters burned bins and shared bicycles at the end of Tuesday's protest. Mohammad Ghannam - June 2, 2020/AFP

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In Paris, a protester carries a poster with the phrase "Black lives matter", which has become the name of a movement to end police violence against blacks in the USA. Stephane de Sakutin - June 2, 2020/AFP

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Protesters jump over barricades in Martin Luther King Park in northwest Paris to escape tear gas bombs dropped by police during protest against police violence. Michel Rubinel - June 2, 2020/AFP

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More than 20,000 people gathered in front of the Paris Court of Justice to protest the death of Adama Traoré, a young black man killed by the police in 2016. Stephane de Sakutin - June 2, 2020/AFP

Although it is a worldwide phenomenon linked to the formation of the modern world and colonialism, racism is a social construction whose exact understanding depends on the analysis of historical and political aspects. With this, we want to affirm that each country has a unique experience with racism, which is due to different economic, political and cultural aspects present in the social formation of each one of them. These differences in the way in which racism manifests, consequently, generate different forms of resistance on the part of systematically discriminated social groups.

The demonstrations in Minneapolis after the death of a black man at the hands of police revived an old debate that we can summarize as follows: are black Brazilians passive? Why don't they react to racism? This question was also accompanied by a series of comparisons between the black population of Brazil, the United States, France and South Africa.

In comparison, many people stated that black Americans, French and South Africans, unlike black Brazilians, do not hesitate to take defensive initiatives by taking direct and violent action against racism. In an article published in the newspaper Folha, a columnist went so far as to affirm that black Brazilians, unlike black people in France, South Africa or the United States, do not see themselves as a people.

This thought carries with it several mistakes, including errors of analysis and, paradoxically, an absorption, often involuntary, of a discourse generated by the dynamics of racism in Brazil. The repertoires of action, according to a vast specialized literature ranging from Alain Touraine and Sidney Tarrow to Alberto Melucci, cannot be understood according to a moral hierarchy of the choices that collective actors and social movements make. Nor is their effectiveness measured by their ability to be captured by media discourse. These are phenomena whose effects are measured in the long run and which are linked to the structural nature of racism.

Protests against racism in Brazilian capitals

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Protesters against the Bolsonaro government and racism on June 7, at Largo da Batata, in the West Zone of São Paulo; the peaceful protest was carried out amid the coronavirus pandemic. Eduardo Knapp/Folhapress

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Protesters gathered in Largo da Batata, West Zone of São Paulo, against the Bolsonaro government and racism on Sunday (7); peaceful protest was carried out amid the coronavirus pandemic. Marlene Bergamo/Folhapress

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Protesters against the Bolsonaro government at the Ministries Esplanade, Brasília, on June 7. Pedro Ladeira/Folha Press

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Protesters against the Bolsonaro government at the Ministries Esplanade, Brasília, on June 7. Pedro Ladeira/Folha Press

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Protesters against racism and police brutality in Rio de Janeiro, on June 7. Ricardo Moraes/Reuters

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Protesters against racism and police brutality in Rio de Janeiro, on June 7. Carl de Souza/AFP

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Protesters against racism and police brutality in Rio de Janeiro, on June 7. Ricardo Moraes/Reuters

First and foremost, it must be made clear that not taking direct action as a privileged way of contestatory action does not mean that other repertoires of action will not be adopted or that they have not been adopted. Racism is structural, but resistance to racism can also be made within the framework of institutional struggles. How, for example, can one analyze the policy of racial and social quotas if not as a result of the struggles of the black movement? How can we consider the adoption of racial self-declaration as a way of defining individual identity — used even for public tenders and census statistics — as anything other than an achievement of the struggles promoted by the Brazilian black movement?

The fact is that the absorption of the demands of the black movement by the institutions also absorbs the violence that the black movement had to face when making demands. Even such institutional achievements, such as affirmative action, were preceded by violent political confrontations and strong repression by state authorities, something that can be observed, in different ways, in the experience of all the countries mentioned.

Racism also manifests itself as cognitive violence, as the elimination of different ways of thinking, as an epistemicide. For this reason, the anti-racist struggle is also developing in the field of culture. In Brazil, there is a long history of repression of Afro-Brazilian cultural practices, as is the case with religions of African origin. The maintenance of cultural practices linked to black Brazilians is an extremely important index in the fight against what Frantz Fanon called “cultural racism”, which is nothing more than the naturalization of the subordination of blacks in the social imaginary.

The enormous violence of the Brazilian State must also be analyzed. Brazil is a country recognized worldwide for the police violence that is endorsed by the Public Prosecutor's Office and the Judiciary. To make a fair comparison would be to look at police lethality rates. Last year, US police killed 1,094 black people. In Brazil alone, the police participated in the deaths of 5,804 people.

Second, considering that blacks in France see themselves as a people is another serious mistake that does not take into account the formation of citoyenneté (citizenship) in France, its colonial history and even less the recent transformations that have occurred in that country. It is worth mentioning that citizenship in France is the responsibility of the so-called École de la République whose task is to transmit values, knowledge and practices related to solidarity, living-in-common or tolerance, but, above all, with civism. At this moment, it can be of great value to briefly analyze some types of citizenship that indicate the way blacks will tend to see themselves within a given national community. It is also worth mentioning that the concept of citizenship is subject to many changes.

Let us take just a few emblematic examples, the same ones mentioned in the book Insurgent Citizenship, by James Holston. They are: a) the French model of citizenship: inclusive egalitarian; b) the North American model: strictly egalitarian; and, finally, c) the Brazilian model: inclusively unequal.

According to Holston, the heritage of universal equality inscribed in the notion of citizenship comes from the revolution in the philosophical conception of French citizenship. This idea made it difficult to justify the exclusion of any marginalized community or ethnic group. However, a counterpart was required of French citizens — the presentation of a civic oath. The condition for obtaining French citizenship was a demonstration of loyalty: a civic oath, a socialization of the values of the Republic — and the École de la Republique played an important role in this — and finally the adoption of national cultural habits.

It is also worth stressing that the fact that slavery as an economic and political system did not exist within French hexagonal territory makes the perception of racial debate even more difficult. France had a long colonial history, but it took place on other continents, unlike the United States and Brazil, which had on their soil the racial experience of the slave system.

Still in the same book, Holston focuses on the fundamental issues of American citizenship as it is organized in that country. Firstly, it is inevitable to think of the racial issue as a central element of citizenship in the United States, where historically a selective exclusion has been practiced aiming at eliminating free Indians, slaves and blacks from the political-social equation.

Different arguments were used to justify the disqualification of a part of the population. About the Indians, for example, it was argued that they were mentally inferior; or an incapable people “who required guardianship and not citizenship”. Or they justified it by saying that they belonged to another sovereign jurisdiction: that of their tribes. Legally, these were recognized with a degree of sovereignty and autonomy, so that the obedience of their subjects was guaranteed. In this way, the American State kept to itself the legal prerogative of considering them as non-citizens — since they already had other citizenship within the territory, therefore, "tribal sovereignty" and "indigenous cultural autonomy" mean exclusion from complete citizenship in the United States.

It is noted that the American exclusion for racial reasons created the opposite effect to that desired in France, that is, a multi-ethnic nation, with several "nations" within the nation. A new trajectory of the notion of citizenship began to be drawn in France, the symptom of which is the 1995 release of Mathieu Kassovitz's film La Haine. Later, in the mid-2000s, the uprising of the low-income commune Clichy-sous-Bois confirmed this trend.

In the following decade, Black Lives Matter, the movement that emerged in the United States, began to have resonances in the recent movements of racialized groups in France, who also mobilized against police violence in the emblematic case of young Adama Traoré's death in police custody.

In short, erecting the French model as superior to the black movement in Brazil is a conceptual and historical mistake. In fact, racial awareness in France was developed much later than in Brazil.

The narrative of black Brazilian "passivity" is one of the ruses of the racist ideological discourse that takes shape in Brazil. It only serves to legitimize a repressive state, built on an authoritarian and racist society and covering its enormous fissures and divisions, hiding a centuries-old history of resistance to the fight against the perversity of racism.

Serge Ketz is a sociologist who researches the influence of digital activism on the democratization of Francophone Africa.

Silvio Almeida has a PhD in Philosophy and General Theory of Law, is a professor at Fundação Getulio Vargas and Mackenzie Presbyterian University and CEO of the Luiz Gama Institute. He is currently a visiting professor at Duke University.


The narrative of black Brazilian ‘passivity’ is a ruse of racist ideology
 
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Anderson Arboleda: the death of a young black man after an alleged police beating that sparked a debate on racism in Colombia

June 4, 2020

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Anderson Arboleda lived in the city of Puerto Tejada, located in southwestern Colombia. Photo: Anderson Arboleda's family

The funeral of Anderson Arboleda, a 24-year-old man who lived in the Colombian municipality of Puerto Tejada (about 500 kilometers west of Bogotá), was full of white balloons, T-shirts stamped with his face and a cry that could be heard in unison: "the only thing we want is justice".

According to the account of several of his relatives, Arboleda was attacked on May 19 by a police officer, who allegedly hit him several times on the head with a wooden mallet (known in Colombia as a bolillo).

The impacts would have caused brain death, which occurred three days later in a hospital in the city of Cali.

According to witnesses, the young man came across the police in front of his mother's house, after violating the conditions of the quarantine ordered by the local government to prevent the spread of covid-19.

Although Arboleda's death occurred on May 22, it was only on this Tuesday that Goyo, the singer of the popular Colombian group Chocquibtown, made the news known to the public on her social media accounts.



"#RacismIs when the Police ASSASSINATE a young Black man in Puerto Tejada supposedly because he violated quarantine and this is overlooked by mainstream media, is this not enough to outrage a country?"

With this, she added her voice to those protesting police brutality against the black population and racism in the United States in particular, after the death of African-American George Floyd in police custody, and also in other countries.

Aurora Vergara Figueroa, director of the Center of Afro-diasporic Studies at the ICESI University in Cali, told BBC that "in Colombia there is evidence that the police have discriminatory behavior towards the Afro-descendant population. From this particular case to the use of symbolic violence such as referring to them as 'monkeys', 'black' or 'tanning''".

And she reveals data from an investigation carried out by an Afro-Colombian civil society organization named Llex Acción Jurídica in various locations in Bogotá that indicate that "an Afro-Colombian person is 14.27 times more likely to be fined than a white / mestizo" and that "a person with the darkest shades (using a color palette) is 2.67 times more likely to interact with the police and 2.57 times more likely to be arrested, taken to the restricted area, fined or requisitioned".

Vergara added that "what has happened is that the Floyd case has become a catalyst to identify other cases of deaths of Afro-descendant youth that require a careful reading of the impact of racialization on their lives and in territories where the population is majority Afro-descendant".

Other well-known figures in Colombia joined this complaint, who made a call for attention for police brutality in the country.

And they recalled the case of Dilan Cruz, who in November 2019 — during one of the mobilizations that took place as part of the general strike — was wounded with a weapon carried by the National Police and died several days later.

But what happened on May 19?

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The National Police of Colombia announced that they will start an investigation to find out what really happened to Arboleda. Photo: Getty Images

Quarantine

Since March 22, the President of Colombia, Iván Duque, ordered by decree the health quarantine to combat the coronavirus pandemic.

This decree gave the National Police tools to impose fines on people who do not comply with the restrictions imposed.

According to his relatives, on May 19, Arboleda was outside because he was taking his younger brother to his mother's house.

According to the testimony that Miriam, one of his aunts, gave to a local newscast, it was when he was leaving his brother at her mother's house that he was intercepted by the uniformed officers.

"Two policemen arrested him, they said that they were going to fine him for violating the quarantine. Then one of them hit him on the head several times", Miriam said.

After the incident, according to the accounts of several friends, Arboleda went to the local police station to report the attack.

"It was then when he started saying that his head hurt a lot," said his aunt.

Arboleda was first taken to a local hospital, but was later transferred to a hospital with more infrastructure in the city of Cali, due to the severity of the injuries.

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Several collectives have designed campaigns to demand justice in Anderson Arboleda's case.

There, on May 22, the doctors from the Valle de Lilí hospital declared the brain death of the young man, who died hours later.

"The only thing we ask for is justice. We want it to be investigated thoroughly", said the family.

The commander of the Cauca Police (the region to which Puerto Tejada belongs), Colonel Rosemberg Novoa, said this week that what happened is being investigated.

Although some relatives released the identity of the police officer who was alleged to have hit Arboleda, this information has not been confirmed by the Colombian authorities.

Debate

Although his death occurred on May 22, the protests in the US after the death of George Floyd — which occurred three days later — helped to publicize Arboleda's case in Colombia.



In addition to the singer Goyo, journalists, scholars and politicians shared the news of the young man's death and demanded a response from the authorities.

The presenter of the American chain Univisión Ilia Calderón also shared the image of Arboleda.

"His name is Anderson Arboleda. His family dennounces that he died after being hit in the head by a police agent in Puerto Tejada, Colombia. Justice for #AndersonArboleda", said the journalist, who added: "Colombia has a long history of racism, injustice and abuse against the black population".

Senator Juan Luis Castro C. was another of those who brought attention to the case, considered by many to be a demonstration of the racism that exists in Colombian society.

"What outrages me the most about the Anderson Arboleda case is that nothing happens, no one answers, no one has been questioned. Justice for Anderson!", wrote the politician.

Meanwhile, a prosecutor from the city of Cali, in southwestern Colombia, announced an investigation on Wednesday to determine the causes of Arboleda's death.

In this sense, Vergara points out that measures need to be taken to prevent more deaths like Arboleda's in Colombia.

"Advances are needed in legislative and public policy matters. There is already a profit with Law 1482 of 2011 (known as the Anti-discrimination Law), among others", she said.

"However, it is necessary to advance in developing other State actions that promote structural changes".

Anderson Arboleda: the death of a young black man after an alleged police beating that sparked a debate on racism in Colombia

 

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President Nicolás Maduro reiterates support for the struggles of Afro-descendants

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Written by Stefany Arias on 13/06/2020. Posted in Noticias

The online conference “Afro-descendant answers in the face of racism in the context of COVID-19”, organized by the International Anti-Imperialist Afro-descendant and African Cumbe was held and broadcast via Zoom and Youtube with the goal of drawing attention to the experiences lived by Afro-descendant during the pandemic.

The President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro Moros, participated by a phone call during the video conference, highlighting that “racism is the product of slavery and colonialism” while offering “all of our solidarity to the fight against racism”.

“I reaffirm all of our solidarity and support to the families of the victims of racist police brutality, and particularly to the family of George Floyd”, said the Head of State during his participation in the conference.

Regarding the relevancy of this space to strengthen Afro-descendant unity, the President of the Republic expressed that “this meeting is the continuation of the initiatives we have taken in order to articulate the struggles of social movements, for justice against racism, colonialism and oppression”.

In this sense, Maduro pointed out that “the Venezuelan people have tremendous strength and consciousness; they haven't been and won't be able to keep us down, we're a people who shall stand tall, that's why we in Venezuela extend all of our solidarity to the fight for equality and for a new and better society”.

Upon comparing the situation in countries in the American continent such as the United States and Brazil, where racism and economic interests thrive before human lives, the president reaffirmed that “here in Venezuela no one is required to pay a cent, all the testing kits are free, everything from the testing to the moment the patient is released”.

President Nicolás Maduro detailed that “we have done more than 1,073,000 tests, we average 35,781 tests per million inhabitants. We have done a tremendous effort to detect the virus and treat all of our people”.

The struggle continues

This day of discussions and reflection counted with the participation of leaders from more than 40 countries, being a space for articulation that reproduces the liberating practice of the Maroons of the world, which have grown more acute in the face of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Representing Venezuela was Vice President of Social Territorial Development Aristóbulo Istúriz, who participated from the seat of the Ministry of Education. “Once again, today Afro-descendants unite; today we need unity, we need to continue fighting, we must support the insurrections and the uprisings in every country where there is reaction”.

“We cannot overlook what is going on in the world, the death of George Floyd stirred up a huge mobilization (…) We condemn the human rights violations committed by the government of Donald Trump against the African-American population, we call for international solidarity and express our solidarity”, he said.

“The conquest of America and colonization make up a historical fact of the current world order and the ruling order that marks societies to the present days”, said the Sectorial Vice President.

In turn, Roraima Gutiérrez, secretary-general of the Afro-descendant International Cumbe, said that “united we are strong, and the system knows this, we are not united solely by the racist problem in the United States, because racism occurs all over America, Europa, in many parts of the world. Look at how the protesters in the Dominican Republic were suppressed recently, for protesting against racism, that is why, based on these reflection, we must advance in defending our rights and the fundamental right to life”.

Likewise, Gutiérrez highlighted the historical element: “we must recall the experiences in the late 1700s and early 1800s, when an army of Africans and Afro-descendants defeated the most powerful army at the time, the army of Napoleon Bonaparte, in Caribbean territory in 1804, where Africans and Afro-descendants achieved unity. We are an impressive force and the system knows this, the system that changes the forms of discrimination and racism knows this very well, that we are a powerful strength and that is why it bets on disintegrating us, that is why it bets on undermining us; that is why we are calling for unity”, she said.

Piedad Córdoba, former senator of Colombia and advisor to the Afro-descendant International Cumbe, added that “the Cumbe is a very important space to advance as Afro-descendants, because it gives us the possibility to work together with other countries”.

In this regard, former Brazilian diplomat Dulce María Pereira said that “this pandemic exposed all of its reality through data, for example, 56 percent of the black population is out of the education system and that is something of a remarkable impact because we have around 22 million Brazilians who do not have access to clean water”.

“One of our first actions has been to successfully reveal this pandemic's route, to demand from the government specific data about Covid-19”, concluded the Brazilian social activist.

Finally, Sectorial Vice President Aristóbulo Istúriz read a fragment of Antonio Bencomo's poem “No puedo respirar”, written in memory of George Floyd and published in the newspaper Cuatro F.

President Nicolás Maduro reiterates support for the struggles of Afro-descendants

 

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Thousands occupy Paulista Avenue in protest against racism and fascism

The protest gathered around two thousand people and, for the most part, respected distancing among protesters

Pedro Stropasolas
Brasil de Fato | São Paulo | | June 14, 2020 | | 18:30


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Thousands of people gathered this Sunday (14), on Paulista Avenue, and echoed the slogan #ForaBolsonaro — Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

Protesters occupied Avenida Paulista, in São Paulo, this Sunday afternoon (14), in the third street demonstration against fascism, racism and for the overthrow of President Jair Bolsonaro (independent), organized by organized supporters and by the People Without Fear Front.

The demonstration, which started at 2 pm, in front of the São Paulo Museum of Art, gathered around two thousand people, was peaceful from start to finish, with no record of conflicts with the Military Police, and was marked by the union between rival football fan associations — such as Palmeiras and Corinthians — as well as by the diversity of organizations, movements and civil society agents unifying their struggles in the defense of democracy.

The protest was attended by politicians such as federal deputy Gleisi Hoffman (Workers' Party) and Guilherme Boulos, from the National Coordination of the Homeless Workers Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem-Teto, MTST).

"We are facing a calamity, we are in one of the worst countries to live in. And the people took to the streets to fight for their rights, for field hospitals in the peripheries, for massive tests, and to stop the death of black people in Brazil and in the world", says Simone Nascimento, member of the state coordination of the Unified Black Movement (Movimento Negro Unificado, MNU).

For Nascimento, the Federal Government used the coronavirus pandemic to deepen the project of "secular genocide" against the black population, the indigenous people, and the poorest. This is evidenced, according to her, in the absence of social protection policies and fight against hunger, and also in the precariousness of the Unified Health System (Sistema Único de Saúde, SUS) — which persists under the perverse effects of Constitutional Amendment 95 — the "budget ceiling" established by Michel Temer (Brazilian Democratic Movement).

According to the journalist, there will be no democracy "as long as black lives do not matter in this country", but this essentially involves the overthrow of Jair Bolsonaro, who has not sympathized with the more than 41,000 accumulated deaths in the country.

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

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Protesters went to Paulista Avenue to defend democracy and reaffirm the importance of black lives — Credits: Pam Santos / @soupamsantos

"We are being pressured through the delay of emergency aid, the absence of mass tests, and through the police. We did not have an end to police operations in the peripheries, so the black movement here has as many reasons to go to the streets as the black movement in the United States. There we saw the case of George Floyd, but here in São Paulo, Juan and David, in the East Zone, were killed inside the house, or João Pedro himself, who was killed with a shot in the back", says the leader, who welcomed the union of social movements around the anti-racist agenda this afternoon.

She was also concerned with the easing of social isolation in São Paulo, announced by Governor João Dória (Brazilian Social Democracy Party), within the plan to reopen sectors of the economy — when the State had 91% of intensive care unit (ICU) beds occupied.

"Out of the 40 thousand deaths in Brazil, 10 thousand were here in the state of São Paulo, and yet and still the governor wants to ease back on social isolation, making our people, who were already the majority of essential workers, work even more", says Nascimento.

As in previous protests, masks and hand sanitizers were distributed to protesters. The organization also instructed people to preserve a safe distance to avoid crowds.

Also on Sunday afternoon, less than 100 people asked for military intervention in a pro-government act, held at Viaduto do Chá, in the central region of the capital of São Paulo. Protesters attacked Congress, health officials and the Supreme Federal Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal, STF).


*with the collaboration of Pam Santos

Editing: Rodrigo Chagas

Thousands occupy Paulista Avenue in protest against racism and fascism
 

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WARNING GRAPHIC CONTENT OF HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES: This mother's grief is unimaginable in #Haiti after a gang allied with the corrupt #PHTK govt shot indiscriminately into their neighborhood as an act of terror killing an infant only 8 mos. years old.

 

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Chávez, 66: "A leader who divides history in two, before and after him"

In celebration of the commander's birthday, the Venezuelan Minister of Foreign Affairs and popular leaders recall their stories with Chávez

Brasil de Fato | São Paulo | 28 July, 2020 18:03

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Mural in honor of Hugo Chávez in Caracas, capital of Venezuela; this Tuesday (28), the ex-president would have turned 66 — Juan Barreto / AFP

Latin American political leader Hugo Chávez (1954–2013) would have turned 66 on Tuesday, July 28. A day earlier, last Monday, Brasil de Fato held a special live broadcast, together with the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America, to remember the path and legacy of the former Venezuelan president.

Venezuela's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Jorge Arreaza, and the member of the national leadership of the Landless Workers' Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, MST) João Pedro Stedile participated in the "Chávez Vive" Special as well as Manuel Bertoldi, representative of Alba Movements, and Claudia de La Cruz, member of the International Peoples' Assembly. The presentation was made by journalist Michele de Mello, Brasil de Fato's correspondent in Caracas.

During the event, Chávez was remembered for his charisma, humility, joy and solidarity, but also for his bravery in the face of the constant attacks by the United States, and for his revolutionary vision in front of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, which he commanded until his death, in 2013.

On the occasion, the participants recalled Chavez's participation in strategic projects developed in Venezuela and in intercontinental territories, such as the creation of the Latin American School of Agroecology and others commented below.

PetroBronx

Claudia de la Cruz, a member of the International Peoples' Assembly, recalled Chavez's visit to the Bronx, in 2005, after having participated in the 60th General Assembly of the United Nations (UN).

She recalls the meeting with the then Venezuelan president during an event with black and Latino militants from the United States and the surprise of having received a state leader in her neighborhood.

“This is very significant, because in the United States, presidents do not frequent our neighborhoods. And this neighborhood was only visited by two presidents: first, Fidel, and then, Chávez”, says Claudia.

At that time, as Claudia narrates, Chávez heard from members of the community that one of its greatest hardships was to face the cold, as they could not pay the high electricity rates to have heating in their homes.

After this visit and until Chavez's death, between 2005 and 2013, almost two million Americans benefited from the free fuel supply program for heating implemented by the Venezuelan president.

The project served 25 states in the North American nation and was developed through Citgo Petroleum Corporation, majority-owned by the state-owned PDVSA and currently embargoed by US government sanctions on Venezuela.

“A solidarity project, a human project, with the Bolivarian character of reaching out. And that's how the PetroBronx project began, a project that extended from the Bronx to the southern United States, which is a geographical space where many poor people live, many black and Latino people. And that gave thousands of people the opportunity to survive the cold”, sums up the militant.

In this sense, Claudia de la Cruz affirms that Chávez's solidarity is one of the greatest values transmitted by him to militants of different generations and countries.

She concluded by saying “this action and many other solidarity actions of the Bolivarian Revolution led by Chávez are things that remain in our collective memory and are part of the lessons that we should always keep in mind”.

Latin American Schools of Agroecology

João Pedro Stedile, from the national leadership of the Landless Workers' Movement, recalls the importance of Chávez for the creation of the Latin American Schools of Agroecology (Escuelas Latinoamericanas de Agroecología, ELAA), a project by Via Campesina, the International Peasant's Movement.

As Stedile recapitulates, the proposal was born during Chávez's visit to Brazil, in the context of the World Social Forum, also in 2005. At that time, the Venezuelan leader visited one of the MST camps, located in the city of Tapes, in Rio Grande do Sul.

The MST leader happily recalls Chávez's visit to the movement's territory: “In such a fraternal climate, he put on the Brazilian peasant's hat, the green cloth of Via Campesina; we spent the day very well. In this ceremony with Via Campesina we launched what would be a great plan, the Latin American Schools of Agroecology”.

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Hugo Chávez during his visit to MST's Lagoa do Junco Settlement in Rio Grande do Sul (2005) / Jefferson Fernandes/AFP

The first ELAA experiment took place at the Lagoa do Junco Settlement, visited by the commander. Today, the settlement bears his name, as Salete Carolo, of the MST's national leadership says:

“One year after his death, we decided to pay tribute to Hugo Chávez, for recognizing all the values and the legacy he left us. And we renamed the settlement to Hugo Chávez Lagoa do Junco”.

The leader spoke on Chávez's importance for the popular movements in the region that guided the tribute.

“Chávez left us very early, but he left us a great legacy, a great value, which is the defense of the national sovereignty of our territories and our country”, he says.

In Venezuela, a year after the leader's visit to Brazil, the Paulo Freire Institute of Agroecology (IALA) was created. The experience of the Latin American Schools of Agroecology would later extend to other countries such as Paraguay and Nicaragua.

Civic-military union

For Jorge Arreaza, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Venezuela, one of the greatest legacies of the leader of the Bolivarian Revolution was the reform of the Armed Forces undertaken by the Ministry of Popular Power for Defense (MPPD) created by Chávez.

According to Arreaza, the restructuring of the Bolivarian National Armed Forces (FANB), whose structure is the Bolivarian Brigades, militias made up of civilians, is one of the pillars that sustain the continuity of Chávez's project, currently led by Nicolás Maduro.

“In this sense, we learned a lot about our Armed Forces. I cannot deny that, in the last 5 years, the empire came to believe that with the death of Chávez, he would disappear. That is a lie, Chávez still exists. When we say that Chávez lives, it is because he is alive and that is what gives us resistance. And in the Armed Forces Hugo Chávez did a job of training, restructuring, reorganizing, changing doctrine, pedagogy. And they have been the great pillar in these months and years of military and mercenary attacks”, said the minister.

Arreaza also reiterates that this union between the military and civilians in defense of the Venezuelan homeland was only possible because Chávez had two great qualities, the first of which was a vision that united the past and the future.

“Hugo Chávez lived his present bringing from the past what had to feed the common project of a people, something that comes from its history. But, like Bolívar, Chávez traveled to the future. I remember once that Chávez overthrew the paradigms and models of the future. Because, when talking about the future, people would talk about 2020, 2025, with cars flying, people with technical food, like Mr. Tesla, for example [in reference to Elon Musk]. And Chávez said that when he went to a commune that worked well, it was like a trip into the future. He would immerse himself in the popular roots of the organization and say that there was the future”, said the minister.

Chávez's second great quality, according to Arreaza, was the idea that true independence depended on the link with the people, its origin and political base.

He summarized by saying “to not depend on anything or anyone but ourselves. To let the people be the ones in charge, that is Chávez. So this is not very difficult if we meet with our bases, with our people, if we remain responsible, as Chávez did. He kept talking to the students, to the soldiers, to the lieutenants, he never stopped being of the people, feeling the people's pains, the people's needs. And when he was president, he was also the people, and he was able to govern with the people. That's the beauty of Chávez”.

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Debate held last Tuesday (27) by Brasil de Fato and Alba Movements recalled Chávez's legacy in Latin America / Brasil de Fato

While commenting on Chávez's legacy, ex-president Dilma Rousseff (Workers' Party) affirmed the importance of honoring Chávez in a context such as the current one, in which Venezuela is the victim of constant attacks by the United States government and its allies in the region, such as the government of Jair Bolsonaro.

“This is an appropriate meeting to reaffirm Chavez's foresight of the United States' imperialist and pro-coup character, confirmed once again by the recent complaints by the FBI and the Justice Department at Operation Car Wash and Elon Musk, from Tesla, a huge multinational company involved in the coup perpetrated against Evo Morales in Bolivia”, said Dilma Rousseff.

In a video recorded for the event, the former president, as did Claudia and the other speakers, highlighted Chávez's solidarity and his importance for the integration of Latin America.

“On our continent, his revolutionary commitment was expressed in the great generosity of his relations with all the oppressed peoples of Latin America. Chávez has always represented disinterested cooperation and no one has represented the liberating spirit of Simón Bolívar better than him.”



Editing: Luiza Mançano

Chávez, 66: "A leader who divides history in two, before and after him"
 
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