Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

Yehuda

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Afro-descendant movements of the Americas repudiate attack against Afro-tv

Friday, December 14 2018 02:53 PM

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TV channel AfroTv in Barlovento has equipment stolen and headquarters burned. Photo: AfroTv

Those of us who participated in the events organized by the Bolivarian government of Venezuela in March and May of this year, the declaration of the Decade of Afro-descendants by President Maduro and the World Summit for Reparations, found a government willing to promote a decade from a progressive government point of view. As part of our agenda of activities we visited the Afro-TV studios in the Barlovento region and appreciated a unique experience of a community television with a political vision from within the Afro-descendant communites of Venezuela, and its vindication as an active participant in the permanent struggle for their rights.

Today we are hit by the news that its studios were burned and most of its equipment looted by criminal hands in an incomprehensible act in our view. We repudiate this act of vandalism with the intention of hindering the praiseworthy work of a team made up of Afro-Venezuelan leaders, communicators and popular creators.

We ask the authorities for an in-detpth investigation of the facts and we hope that the full weight of the law falls on those responsible: the perpetrators and mainly the planners of the attack.

We reiterate our repudiation of such criminal act and express our solidarity to the Afro TV team.

We urge the National Government, Regional Government and Local Authorities to provide all the support for the continuity of this noble community project and its material reconstruction in the immediate future.

By the Regional Council of Africans in the Americas (RCAA);

Mónica Rey Gutiérrez, CONAFRO (Bolivia);

Miguel Ángel Pereira and Romero Rodríguez, MUNDO AFRO (Uruguay);

Oswaldo Bilbao Lobaton, CEDET (Peru);

Frederico Pita, DIAFAR (Argentina);

Aiden Salgado, Jimmy Rivera and Efraín Viveros, PODER NEGRO (Colombia);

Dário Solano, Plataforma Dominicana de Afrodescendientes (Dominican Republic);

Melquisedec Blando Mena, Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Colombia);

Ivette Modestin, RCAA (USA);

Agustín Lao Montes, RCAA (Puerto Rico);

Gilberto Leal, CONEN (Brazil);

James Early, TransAfrica Forum (USA);

John Sorrillo, RCAA (Trinidad and Tobago);

Diógenes Díaz, RCAA (Venezuela)

Afro-descendant movements of the Americas repudiate attack against Afro-tv
 

Yehuda

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These are the Afro-Colombians of the year

National, December 25 2018 — 7:14 PM

World champion athlete Caterine Ibargüen tops the list of Afro-Colombians of the year, which also includes actress Karent Hinestroza, environmentalist Francia Márquez, Tumaca scholar Ricardo Antonio Torres and journalist Eduardo López Hooker, among others. The distinction, which was created nine years ago, is an affirmative action to celebrate the contributions of the black population to the construction of the country.

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There were 39 nominess in 13 categories, including Academia, Media and Journalism, Sports, Public Force and Health Sector. / Cristian Garavito — El Espectador

Ricardo Antonio Torres, winner in the Academia category

He is the most cited researcher in Latin America in water treatment with ultrasound, the subject to which he has dedicated his academic life. Born in Tumaco, Nariño, he is a chemist with a Master in chemistry from the University of Valle, a PhD in Chemistry from the University of Savoy in France and a post-doctorate in Chemical Engineering and applied chemistry from the University of Toronto. He spent two and a half years doing research on a scholarship from the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Lausanne.

Being away from the country, he was often asked “You came to stay, right?” but he always replied: “No. I want to return to Colombia. There are many opportunities outside but the needs are here, there is much to be done”. It has been seven years since he returned, to the University of Antioquia, where he created the Research Group on Environmental Remediation and Biocatalysis, in which they study water treatment through electrochemical, photochemical and sonochemical methods, among others.

When he was in school, he had a “crazy dream”, he says. “I want to win a Nobel Prize in Chemistry”. Today he is among the 10 most cited people worldwide in his line of research. “This was always the goal: to study at the highest level and then return to Colombia to contribute with my acquired knowledge”.

Eduardo López Hooker, winner in the Media and Journalism category

Hooker is a journalist at Noticias Uno and winner of the Simón Bolívar Journalism Award of 2018, a recognition he had already been given in 2000. A social communicator and journalist from INPAHU, he has worked in cities such as Santa Marta and Marizales and has lived in Bogotá since 1996.

A Raizal and son of a sanandresana, the concern over the archipelago has always been present. “Unfortunately, what is affecting our people the most is crime; lack of health, education and corruption. You do not want to show what’s bad in your house, but you have to clean it and in order to do it, you have to make visible the dirt in your house. This generates greater impact at the national level”, he says.

Throughout his career he has covered political and public order issues in media outlets such as El Nuevo Siglo, La Patria, Colprensa; Noticiero de las 7, Canal Capital and El Tiempo.

Divania Vanesa Contreras, winner in the Youth category

Born on the island of Tierra Bomba, Cartagena, she is the first naval officer of her community. At the age of 14, she joined the Puerto Bahía Foundation to work on the protection of adolescent rights, particularly by sensitizing young people to the issue of sexually transmitted diseases. She is currently part of the Pacific Naval Force, in the area of strategic communications as she is a social communicator and journalist.

In 2017, the sea was destroying the houses in her community. As a form of protest, they closed the access channel to the bay so that no ships entered. She says that neither the mayor nor the government responded to the claims. The only organization that showed up was the Navy, followed by the Almirante Padilla Naval Academy of Cadets. Now she wants to be a captain and return to her community, Punta Arena, to serve in her role.

Francia Elena Márquez, winner in the Social Sector Category

She won the Goldman Prize in 2018, considered to be the ‘Green Nobel’, which gave her international recognition as an environmental leader. For more than a decade she has been fighting against illegal mining and extractivist projects that have a strong impact on her territory, in Suárez, Cauca.

To denounce the consequences of mining in her community, she organized a mobilization in 2014 together with communities from the northern region of her department in which they marched to Bogotá demanding answers. For Márquez, defending the environment is a duty of all human beings, especially when “the planet is about to collapse”. The mechanism she proposes is mobilization for resistance.

This struggle is a legacy of her elders, in the La Toma Community Council, in Suárez, who instilled in her respect for the harmony of the territory. She also won the National Human Rights Awards in 2015, and was invited to the Government-Farc negotiation table in Cuba, to talk about the impact of the armed conflict on Afro-descendant, indigenous and peasant women and communities.

Javier Ferney Castillo, winner in the Science and Technology category

Castillo is a professor at the University of Santiago de Cali, in charge of the Robotics area of the Electronic Engineering program. In 2018 he linked students and professionals to the field of rehabilitation robotics and assistive technology systems, achieving developments for alternative communication in people with cerebral palsy through low-cost systems.

He has worked on topics associated with the development of Robotics for responsible pet ownership. In conjunction with a Chilean university, he advanced a system for the investigation of learning problems in children, with invisible research techniques, and he leads the development of robotic systems for cognitive and physical rehabilitation of children with disabilities in association with the University of Valle and the Federal University of Espírito Santo in Brazil.

Born in Tumaco, Nariño, he is an electronic engineer with a master’s degree in Automation from the University of Valle, a magister in Electrical Engineering with an emphasis in Rehabilitation Robotics from the Federal University of Espírito Santo in Brazil and a doctorate in Engineering from the University of Valle.

Karent Hinestroza, winner in the Music and Arts category

For the protagonist of Canal Caracol’s successful production La mamá del 10, her role as “Tina Manotas” represented the first time an actress from Chocó was a protagonist on national television. This role gave her the nomination for Best Leading Actress in the TV y Novelas Awards.

He has developed a solid career in film and television. In 2009 he began his appearance on the big screen with the character Jazmín in the award-winning film El vuelco del cangrejo. She starred in her first movie in Chocó, receiving for this interpretation the award for Best Leading Actress from the Academy of Arts and Cinematographic Sciences of Colombia, at the 2013 Macondo Awards.

She co-starred in La Selección as Caridad Murillo, for which she received the India Catalina Prize of Colombian television for the 2014 Revelation Actress and the nomination for Best Supporting Actress. Born in Timbiquí, Cauca, she has a degree in Drama from the University of Valle with a solid humanistic, ethical and high sensitive quality training to develop artistic proposals.

Maryluz Barragán González, winner in the Justice and Law category

She was born in Cartagena and is the director in charge of the litigation area of the renowned Dejusticia studies center. She was a participant in the first pronouncement of the Constitutional Court, in 2018, which forced private companies to take action against harassment based on race.

She has worked for the Third Section of the State Council in matters of non-contractual liability, as well as in the Legal Office of the Comptroller General of the Republic in matters of fiscal responsibility. She has given advice on matters of diversity policies in public employment to entities such as the Administrative Department of Public Service and the Program for Afro-Descendants and Indigenous People of USAID.

She is a lawyer from the University of Cartagena, with a specialization in Administrative Law from the Pontifical Xavierian University and a Master's degree in Law from the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA).

Alcibíades Hinestroza, winner in the Private Sector category

He is the technical assistance leader of the Research Center in Palm Oil of Fedepalma. He is at the forefront of the expansion strategy that allows support in technical assistance to more than 5,000 small producers who are mostly in regions hit by the conflict, such as Montes de María, Catatumbo or Tumaco.

He firmly believes that palm oil is one of the few legal crops that can compete economically in the most remote regions of the country. Therefore, in addition to technical assistance, his work focuses on the commercial chain so that farmers can improve their quality of life.

He was born in Alto Baudó, Chocó. He is an agronomist with a bachelor's degree in agricultural sciences and natural resources from the EARTH University, in Costa Rica, specializing in the economics of natural resources and economic evaluation of the environmental impact, and a master's degree in business management and administration.

Priest Luis Armando Valencia, winner in the Education category

He was born in Quibdó and is the provincial superior of the Claretian Missionaries in Colombia and Venezuela, which makes him the spiritual leader of 120 priests. He heads the Claretian schools in Cali and Bogotá, with 10,000 students, and Venezuela, with 2,000 students.

He is the rector of the Uniclaretiana institution, founded 11 years ago in Quibdó, in whose construction process he participated. Uniclaretiana's goal is to contribute to access to education in the marginalized areas of the country. As head of the formation process of this community, he orients the work under the principle of liberating education.

During the hardest moments of the armed conflict he was at the head of the parish of Riosucio, in Bajo Atrato, where he accompanied the citizen process of peaceful resistance through the consolidation of the Peace Community Nuestra Señora del Carmen.

Érica María Meneses, winner in the Public Force category

First sergeant of the National Army, she is one of the only two women to have received the outstanding military distinction as jumpmaster in the history of the institution. She has been a parachutist for nearly a decade and has made more than 200 operations.

"Being a woman in a uniform is complicated, because it is a men's world. But even though we are very few we have earned our place", she says. Today she is the first non-commissioned officer of the Army who has all the air specialties and has the distinction of expert parachutist in the static line mode.

Born in Amalfi, Antioquia, she spent her childhood and adolescent years in Medellín, until she joined the Army as a nursing assistant, a task she performed for more than 12 years during the most critical moments of the Colombian armed conflict. Now she is at the forefront of airborne operations, where she is responsible for guaranteeing the life of the paratroopers.

Mauricio Rodríguez Pabón, winner in the Health Sector category

Born in Pasto, he is the founder and president of the Society of Oncological Specialties of Nariño (SEON). He invented Samyt, a telemedicine robot that provides specialized medical services in marginalized regions such as Mocoa (Putumayo) and founded the Latin American Institute of Oncological Research.

When he was in the sixth semester of medicine at the Cooperative University of Colombia, in Pasto, he realized that there was only one oncologist for the entire department of Nariño and he wanted to change that situation, aware that this department is one of those with the highest rates of cancer, particularly gastric cancer, in the country.

To do this he had to go to Argentina to study a specialization in internal medicine at the University of Buenos Aires, a sub-specialization in oncology and a master's degree in clinical research at University Institute of the Italian Hospital in Buenos Aires. Today the outlook remains difficult. There are only three clinical oncologists in the department of Nariño, including him. "It's a gap that has to be closed, for example, through new technologies," he says.

María Liliana Ararat, winner in the Public Sector category

She is the first woman to be elected mayor by popular vote in Caloto, Cauca. She managed to raise her municipality from the sixth category to the fifth through a process of oversight, management and good administrative practices to raise income, a work that was recognized by the National Planning Department.

She chaired the Association of Women of Caloto, from where she worked to increase the little participation of women in politics in this municipality. A business administrator and a specialist in social management, she arrived at the city administration in the 1990s and performed different tasks until becoming treasurer in 2010.

As mayor of Caloto, she had to be in charge of the public order situation that crosses Northern Cauca, due to the confluence of armed groups in the territory.

These are the Afro-Colombians of the year
 

Yehuda

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Afro-descendants of the Americas support the independence and sovereignty of Venezuela

By: The Regional Council of Africans in the Americas | Wednesday, January 9 2019 08:27 AM

The changes and political transformations in the last two decades in the Americas are preceded by the struggles of the social movements against so-called globalization and the neoliberal economic policies that brought misery to the majority of our people.

The Afro-descendants of the region were in the front lines of the struggle for our rights in the 1990s and faced racism, discrimination and social exclusion, instruments that sowed poverty.

The progressive political processes of the Latin American left are the living expression of the the peoples' independence, sovereignty and self-determination to direct their own destinies. Afro-descendants, with our contributions to these radical changes, played a fundamental role in the installation of progressive governments.

The initiative of the far-right and its lackeys of imperialism is trying today, in the so-called Lima Group, to encourage direct intervention in the internal affairs of the Bolivarian nation, violating its independence and sovereignty.

We reject the shameful and humiliating declaration of the Lima Group that lashes out at the people of Venezuela and the government of President Nicolás Maduro, ignoring his legitimate election and encouraging direct military intervention, masked in humanitarian aid.

We reaffirm our support and solidarity with the brotherly people of Venezuela and especially with the Afro-descendant communities, organizations and movements that today face an economic war, a media siege and a harassment campaign against their nation.

The continental movement of people of African descent claims the right to independence, sovereignty and self-determination of our people. Today Venezuela has our unconditional support and tomorrow any nation that requests it will find an ally in our fighting spirit, learned through the rebelliousness of our history.

By the Regional Council of Africans in the Americas (RCAA);

Mónica Rey Gutiérrez, CONAFRO (Bolivia);

Miguel Ángel Pereira and Romero Rodríguez, MUNDO AFRO (Uruguay);

Oswaldo Bilbao Lobaton, Movimiento Afroperuano Chavelilla (Peru);

Federico Pita, DIAFAR (Argentina);

Aiden Salgado, Jimmy Rivera, Efraín Viveros, PODER NEGRO (Colombia);

Darío Solano, Plataforma Dominicana de Afrodescendientes (Dominican Republic);

Melquiceded Blando Mena, Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Colombia);

Ivette Modestin, RCAA (USA);

Agustín Lao Montes, RCAA (Puerto Rico);

Gilberto Leal, CONEN (Brazil);

James Early, Institute for Policy Studies (USA);

Jhon Sorillo, RCAA (Trinidad and Tobago);

Marcos Hernández, RCAA (Mexico);

Diógenes Díaz, RCAA (Venezuela);

José Chala, RCAA (Ecuador);

Lucia Molina, Red Afroargentina de tronco Colonial. (Argentina);

Roy Guevara, Centro para el Desarrollo Comunal CEDECO (Honduras);

Juan Montaño, Escuela de Pensamiento Crítico "Juan García" (Ecuador);

Juliana Goes, RCAA (Brazil-USA).

Afro-descendants of the Americas support the independence and sovereignty of Venezuela
 

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The Afro-Paraguayan community breaks cultural taboos to the rhythm of music

JANUARY 3 2019

Dressed in bright colored suits and dancing to the sound of drums, the Afro-descendant community in Paraguay opened on Thursday the Kamba Cua Festival, a music and dance spectacle in honor of San Baltasar that aims to make his group visible and break taboos about its culture.

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Dancers of the Afro-Paraguayan community present a traditional dance in honor of San Baltazar, in Senatur. EFE

The event was officially presented at the headquarters of the National Tourism Secretariat, in Asunción, to conclude on January 20, after an intense program of activities in which the religious and profane rites of the Afro-descendants will be revived.

The climax of the festival will be held this Saturday in the city of Fernando de la Mora, in Greater Asunción, under the auspice of patron saint San Baltasar, the black member of the Three Kings.

The festival's coordinator, Lourdes Díaz, told Efe the meeting is a way to "break the taboos" about this culture, as well as a way to increase the "sense of belonging" the younger members of the Afro-descendant community possess.

"'Why do you play the drum?', 'I did not know there were black people in Paraguay'; these are things I have always heard", said Díaz, who is a sixth-generation member of Kamba Cua, one of the three groups of Afro-descendants scattered throughout Paraguay.

Its origin goes back to the year 1820, when Uruguayan soldier José Gervasio Artigas went into exile in Paraguay with 400 black lancers, who were prevented from associating with the rest of the locals.

Related: Afro-descendants seek to be recognized as an ethnic minority in Paraguay

"Being forbidden to leave was good and bad at the same time. Because of it, the dances and traditions have been maintained until now, but they could not open up to other communities and improve their quality of life", said Díaz.

In fact, one of the main demands of the Kamba Cua community is for the Paraguayan State to launch a public institution that carries out social policies at Afro-Paraguayans, one of the groups with the worst school attendance rates in the country.

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Dressed in bright colored costumes and dancing to the sound of drums, the Paraguayan Afro-descendant community opened the Kamba Cua Festival. EFE

According to the data offered by Díaz, there are currently about twenty young people from their community studying at college, a figure higher than previous years, but low in a group that consists of more than 300 families.

Some of these proposals are embodied in a bill that Afro-Paraguayan communities have been discussing with the government for over a year and whose pillars are based on "recognition, development and justice".

The norm responds to the indications of organizations such as the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, which urged Paraguay in 2016 to adopt measures against the "systematic" discrimination to which the indigenous peoples and Afro-Paraguayans were subjected.

All these demands will be present at the great festival dance event that will take place next Saturday at Fernando de la Mora.

The celebration will involve more than 70 children and adolescents between 2 and 14 years of age, who will dance in a group and play the drum in honor of their ancestors.

"It is very important because only in this way do we maintain the culture, the good thing is that there are children and young people to whom we can leave a legacy about what our roots are," said the president of the Traditional Group San Baltasar, Adolfo Guarín.

Guarín has been leading this music and dance group for more than a decade, recovering the six types of traditional African dances that their ancestors brought to Paraguay.

"The dances we make are offerings to our patron saint, San Baltasar, they are rites and they have a meaning," said the president of the group.

One of their dances include the Kuarahy, a dance that venerates the Sun God, or the Pitiki Pitiki, a move that serves to make an appeal for inclusion.

The event will be joined by different national groups, such as the Dance Ensemble of the Republic of La Chipa, the trio Sapukai Chamamecero, Los Basaldúa, Roscer Díaz, Herencia, Karai Tereré or the humorous duo Ka'i ha Pakú.

Source: EFE

The Afro-Paraguayan community breaks cultural taboos to the rhythm of music
 

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Ten years without Oliveira Silveira, the Black Consciousness poet

A poet, teacher and Black Movement activist, Oliveira Silveira is responsible for literary works that still inspire cultural events, writers, youth and adults ten years after his death, completed on January 1

By Bruno Teixeira | 01/12/2019 | 08:00

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Poet Oliveira Silveira. Charles Guerra / Agencia RBS

Why May 13, who signed this law and under what circumstance was it signed, and what happened to the black people who were freed?

The question that today echoes through the voice of teacher Naiara Rodrigues Silveira Lacerda, 50, was the fuel for her father, poet Oliveira Silveira, to idealize, in 1971, the campaign that would turn November 20 into Black Consciousness Day.

A poet, teacher and Black Movement activist, Oliveira Silveira is responsible for literary works that still inspire cultural events, writers, youth and adults ten years after his death, completed on January 1.

In 1971, the corner between Andradas street and Borges de Medeiros Avenue was still not called Democrática, but it was already the meeting point of four young college students who were discussing issues concerning black people in Brazil. In one of these meetings, Oliveira Silveira, Vilmar Nunes, Ilmo da Silva e Antônio Carlos Côrtes began to question the legitimacy of May 13 (the day of the abolition of slavery) for black people.

Côrtes, who had discovered the figure of Zumbi dos Palmares through research, presented the story of Quilombo dos Palmares to his friends, which led them to November 20, the day of Zumbi's death, in 1695. Thus Grupo Palmares was born, a cultural entity devoted to promoting historical studies on the contributions black people made to Brazil.

"After these two meetings, first at Oliveira's house and then at my parents' house on Andradas street, the most open act was at the Marcílio Dias sailing club, where we did a brief historical tour of all that, where about 20 people participated. There is where the materialization of Grupo Palmares happened", says Côrtes.

In the midst of AI-5, the creation of Grupo Palmares drew the attention of the military regime. First because of its name, which resembled the name of far left guerrilla organization VAR Palmares; second, according to Côrtes, because of fear of the emergence of an organization similar to the Black Panthers. Thus, Côrtes and Oliveira Silveira were eventually called to explain themselves to the censorship board.

"We had to make a script of what we were going to present in Marcílio Dias to receive the stamp of approval. We did not know if on the day (of the meeting) there was someone infiltrated", remembers Côrtes.

Although Grupo Palmares' campaign proposed reflecting on the role of black people in Brazil, Oliveira Silveira's poetry also carried another type of reflection: black people in Rio Grande do Sul. Born in the district of Touro do Passo, in Rosário do Sul, the poet told through several lines the life of the black gaúcho, especially the one from the State's countryside. For Ronald Augusto, 57, poet, friend and organizer of the anthology of Oliveira Silveira's work, even while presenting a scenario with local elements in his literary works, the artist and activist addresses gaúcho culture critically.

"This is notorious in his poetry. This gaúcho trait in his poetry, in a positive way. Oswaldo de Camargo said this in the introduction of Oliveira Silveira's peniltumate book. He speaks of Oliveira Silveira's afro-gaúcha poetry. I think this is undeniable, but I think that regionalism in his poetry is analogous to Northeastern regionalism in the poetry of João Cabral de Melo Neto. In both cases, the traits appear in these poets, but not to the point of there having a closed regionalism", he explains.

"Oliveira is a poet, as Osvaldo de Camargo says, who inaugurates an afro-gaúcha school of poetry, but he does not address it in a peaceful way. He is critical, he is not on board with the "may our prowess serve as a model for the whole world" part of the state anthem. Of course he is critical of Rio Grande do Sul's history with its black population", he says.

The same Esquina Democrática that was the site of Grupo Palmares' first meetings was also the place where Oliveira clocked in to promote his poetry saraus.

"I remember my father giving out invitations at Esquina Democrática, inviting people to go to the sarau at the market. Even with few people in the beginning, like five or six, he never gave up on doing it", says Naiara.

The Roda de Poesia event served as one of the inspirations for a sarau in honor of Oliveira Silveira himself. In 2009, months after the poet's death, the Sopapo Poético sarau was born in Porto Alegre, always being held on the last Tuesday of every month from March to November.

"It was very natural to pay homage to Oliveira Silveira and to emphasize poetry in this project of black protagonism. We do not have important spaces to expose poetry and literature so many poets and poetesses emerged from Sopapo. The intention was to create an audience for poetry and present new black authors", says Maria Cristina Santos, coordinator of the Sopapo Poético sarau and member of the Black Cultural Association of Porto Alegre.

Ten years without Oliveira Silveira, the Black Consciousness poet
 

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ECLAC: extreme poverty increases in Latin America

By: Jorge Gonzalez — 01/15/2019

Sixty-two million people live in extreme poverty in Latin America and the Caribbean. These figures represent 10.2% of the population. It is the highest poverty index in the continent since 2008.

For its part, ECLAC estimates that 184 million people live in poverty in Latin America and the Caribbean, which represents 30.2% of the population. This was revealed by the last report of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, ECLAC, presented by its director general Alicia Bárcena.

The report reveals profound differences in poverty among social sectors, since it is 20% higher in rural areas than in the cities, while children and young people, women, and especially indigenous populations are the most affected by this scourge.



When analyzing the statistics, Bárcena said that the region made progress in the first fifteen years of the 21st century, but as of 2015 there has been a decline in social indicators. The return of right-wing governments with their neoliberal policies is causing an increase in poverty and destitution rates in the people of the continent.

On this topic Bárcena found that the governments of the region should promote complementary public policies of social protection and labor inclusion and redistributive in terms of income that allow to reduce poverty and destitution.

ECLAC's document "Social Panorama of Latin America 2018" is based on data from 18 countries in the region.

ECLAC: extreme poverty increases in Latin America
 

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Rio de Janeiro State Governor and Bolsonaro Ally Calls for Brazil to “Open Its Own Guantanamo”
By Reprieve

4 January 2019

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Rio de Janeiro’s state governor Wilson Witzel – an ally of Brazil’s new President Jair Bolsonaro – is reported to have said that Brazil “needs its own Guantanamo”:

Brazil “needs its own Guantanamo” to lock up criminals, Rio de Janeiro’s state governor Wilson Witzel, an ally of new far-right President Jair Bolsonaro, said Thursday, referring to the US military base in Cuba used as an extraterritorial prison.

“We need to put terrorists in places where society is completely free of them,” Witzel said in a speech to police in the city of Rio.

The new governor, who took office this week as part of an electoral wave favoring far-right politicians that elevated Bolsonaro to the presidency, is given to making controversial statements.

For instance, just after being elected in October last year, he suggested police snipers could kill armed “criminals” — including anybody spotted carrying weapons, even if no-one was being threatened.

He and Bolsonaro have pledged to crack down on crime that is plaguing Brazil. The country in 2017 recorded nearly 64,000 murders.

With his Guantanamo comment, Witzel was referring to a US military base leased from Cuba where suspects from America’s “war on terror” launched after the attacks of September 11, 2001 are kept in a sort of detention limbo, without access to the US legal system.” (AFP)

Commenting, Maya Foa, Director of Reprieve, which represents men held in Guantanamo, said:

“Since it opened in 2002, Guantanamo has become a byword for injustice and gross violations of human rights. Nearly 17 years on, the US is still detaining forty men at the prison, having subjected them to prolonged torture. 31 of the men do not face charges and have no chance of a trial. The world is certainly not safer as a result of these injustices. It is shocking that President Bolsonaro’s allies are calling for Brazil to open its own version of this hell hole, and shows what toxic influence Guantanamo continues to have in the world. President Trump must close the prison at once.”

Source:

The original source of this article is Reprieve
Copyright © Reprieve, Reprieve, 2019
 

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Bolsonaro and the Rainforest

By Paul R. Pillar
3 January 2019

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Newly inaugurated Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro lives up to the label “Trump of the tropics” in many ways, including his misogynistic comments and a racist streak that surfaces in his disparaging treatment of minorities. But the similarity that is likely to have the broadest and most destructive effects is his disregard of the danger of planetary catastrophe through climate change. The presidency of Brazil is an especially important office in this regard because of its power over the fate of most of the Amazon rainforest.

Bolsonaro has long made clear his intention to destroy more of the forest, supposedly in the name of economic development and with visions of ever more cattle ranches and soybean farms. He has wasted no time in using his powers to that end. On his first full day in office, he issued an executive order giving the agriculture ministry authority to dispose of lands claimed by indigenous peoples. This measure clearly is a first step toward greater exploitation of the Amazon region by agribusiness. Besides reflecting Bolsonaro’s lack of concern for the environment, it also reflected his disdain for the native peoples of the region. He sees no value in protecting their cultures and way of life.

The Amazon is the world’s largest rainforest. It is an enormous carbon sink that breathes in carbon dioxide and breathes out twenty percent of the world’s oxygen. There is no other single ecosystem that is as important in preventing a runaway planetary greenhouse effect. Although parts of the rainforest are in other South American countries, sixty percent of it is in Brazil.

Much destruction preceded Bolsonaro. Earlier deforestation has meant that the great carbon sink already is absorbing significantly less carbon than it did as recently as a decade ago. Some previous Brazilian administrations gave serious attention to the problem and slowed the pace of deforestation. But in more recent years enforcement against deforestation has lapsed amid political turmoil that included the impeachment of former president Dilma Rousseff.

Within Hours of Taking Office, “Trump of the Tropics” Starts Assault on the Amazon
The current precariousness of the Amazon rainforest stems not only from the cutting and burning that already has taken place but also from feedback loops in which reduction of the forest sets in train natural processes that lead to further reduction. As the term “rainforest” might suggest, the jungle makes much of its own weather. Less rainforest means less rain. Further deforestation is likely to lead to dry savanna, not to something that is as green and wet as the existing jungle.

The lushness of the rainforest disguises how fragile the ecosystem is in other respects. The biological richness is confined to a thin layer, and the soil underneath is mostly poor and infertile. Would-be growers of crops and of grass for livestock come to realize that. But by the time such realization is great enough to have political impact, it may be too late to save the rainforest.

Earlier experience has provided some lessons in this regard that should have been heeded, including lessons involving North Americans. In the 1920s the industrialist Henry Ford established an operation in the Brazilian rainforest intended to produce rubber for the tires on automobiles the Fort Motor Company manufactured. The company cleared jungle to construct an entire town, known as Fordlandia. Among the problems the company encountered was the difficulty in industrializing the relevant botanical process. Rubber trees in the wild do well when widely scattered among other species; when put close together on Ford’s plantation they were easy prey for pests and disease. Ford abandoned the project after just a few years, without producing any rubber for those tires back in the United States.

Trumps of both the tropics and temperate zones have assaulted in various ways what is often called the international order, and the assault has been destructive. But that order, important as it is, does not offer an effective means of global governance when it comes to planetary patrimony such as the Brazilian rainforest, which history and line-drawing have placed under the control of a single government. Unfortunately, Bolsonaro answers politically not to the planet or to all its current and future inhabitants, but rather to a far smaller political base that his populist rhetoric sufficiently swayed to win him the presidency.

The “butterfly in Brazil” concept comes from the branch of mathematics known as chaos theory and concerns how small changes in initial conditions can lead to much larger systemic effects. The idea is that a butterfly flapping its wings in Brazil could be part of what leads to a tornado in Texas. Bolsonaro in Brazil threatens to have climatic effects far worse than one tornado in Texas.

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Featured image is from Wikimedia Commons

The original source of this article is LobeLog
Copyright © Paul R. Pillar, LobeLog, 2019
 

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Britain’s Foreign Policy Meddling in Venezuela, Supportive of Washington’s Aggressive Stance

By Nina Cross

January 06, 2019



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A wide-scale Washington-driven aggression against Venezuela is underway, imperialist and anti-democratic at its core, and it has the full backing of the British government. British meddling in Venezuela is packaged in human rights and democracy rhetoric, the same way it was in aggressions against Iraq, Libya and Syria, but behind it the real agenda is not hard to spot.

The British Foreign Office funds the Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD), a British government think tank, ‘dedicated to supporting democracy around the world’to work inside the Venezuelan parliament. The WFD claims it works to support the National Assembly’s ‘Modernisation Committee,’ and paints a picture of being unbiased, democratic and disinterested in party ideology

“…Westminster Foundation for Democracy works with all political parties on the National Modernisation Committee in the National Assembly of Venezuela and the parliamentary staff that support it.”

However, the Modernisation Committee, is made up of members from the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), a coalition of members from right-wing opposition parties. The MUD was created to challenge the Chavez government and the Bolivarian revolution. It consists of First Justice, whose leader, Julio Borges, is living in self-exile in Colombia under the protection of the right-wing government of Ivan Duque, and is accused of authoring the assassination attempt on President Maduro in August last year. It consists also of the far-right Popular Will party that has seen various members of its leadership arrested or self-exiled, accused of acts of terrorism carried out during violent protests against the government. These are the parties assisted by the UK Foreign Office in Venezuela, deliberately engaged because they aim not just to undermine, but overthrow the Venezuelan government. To explain its operations in the Venezuelan parliament, the Westminster Foundation for Democracy insinuates it is there to help mend the rift between the Venezuelan government and the people

“Following the 2015 Parliamentary elections in Venezuela, political polarisation increased and led to a deadlock that has eroded the public’s trust in politics during a time of deep economic crisis, hyperinflation and episodes of violence against the civil population.”

It then encourages the notion that it is working in collaboration with the government by claiming to work with all sides of the ‘political divide’

WFD works on a cross-party basis, seeking to engage all sides of the political divide while supporting democratic institutions in the country.

The WFD claims to do this in a number of ways

“…legislation, inclusion, representation, public budget, oversight and parliamentary administration. Implementation of recommendations for each area is currently underway.”

This would suggest that the elected government, the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV), accused by the Foreign Office of violent repressive activity against its own people, and a target of UK sanctions, has invited the Foreign Office into its heart to help produce its own legislation.

A look through the legislation by the National Assembly shows how unlikely this is. The National Assembly systematically and methodically produces documentation to attack the Maduro government almost on a weekly basis. This is because the National Assembly is in most part, made up of opposition seats won in the 2015 parliamentary elections. Since 2016 it has had little power as it has been held in contempt of court for swearing in legislators under investigation for voter fraud. A political gridlock followed, which resulted in Maduro invoking a Constituent Assembly in 2017 to produce a functioning legislative body, and a new constitution. He did this in accordance with the 1999 Constitution, announcing it would resolve violent anti-government protests by unifying all sections of society. The opposition then boycotted the elections, claiming the invoking of a Constituent Assembly was illegal, despite advocating for one in 2014. The opposition incited violent protests at polls during which a number of people died, including an election candidate. Delegates were voted in and the Constituent Assembly was formed in what has been described by some as the mobilising of the population against rising fascism.

Therefore, the narrative that the British Foreign Office is supporting the Venezuelan government in mending rifts with its own people through legislation, or any other activity within the Venezuelan National Assembly, does not hold water. It is more likely that the Foreign Office is working to enable right-wing parties and fascists to overthrow the Venezuelan government. It is not known to what extent National Assembly documentation content is influenced by the Foreign Office, but a collaboration with such authors of anti-Maduro publications is a useful tool.

The Westminster Foundation for Democracy’s credibility that it is helping to re-establish the trust between the Venezuelan government and its people, is dependent on the narrative that Venezuela has a failing democracy with corrupt elections. To this end, the UK government has continued to discredit elections in Venezuela, backed by British mainstream media to drive the ‘rigged’ narrative, despite recognition by international inspecting bodies of fair and proper electoral practice. It has used this narrative as a pretext to further destabilise the country through sanctions, in alliance with the EU and the Trump administration, all stakeholders in a regime change in Venezuela.

To validate its role, Westminster Foundation for Democracy uses academic ‘experts on democracy’ to produce strategy frameworks for ‘fragile countries’ such as Venezuela. Rubber-stamping with Oxbridge insignia continues to be a practice for manufacturing approval for government intervention, whether it is through the self-promoting antics of theorists selling strategy for commercial reasons or the co-opting of the impressionable and idealistic young onto the fake human rights platforms of the British government and its US ally as they deliver democracy overseas. Such was the purpose of the visit by Luis Almagro, head of the Organisation of American States (OAS), to Oxford University last year.





The OAS is heavily funded by the USand is considered by the Venezuelan government to be a mouthpiece for Washington. The head of the OAS, Luis Almagro, is vehemently opposed to the Maduro government, and has supported US and EU sanctions. He has also given his support for a military coup in Venezuela.

But theWestminster Foundation for Democracy and establishment academic strategists are just a small part of the multimillion-pound military, business and intelligence machine that ‘innovates’ for democracy in Venezuela, much of which is connected through Chatham House.

It is theSister institute to the influential US foreign policy think tank, the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), where America’s imperialists and militarists network, and many US foreign policies are grown. Chatham House has its own imperialists and receives funds from the British Foreign Office, the Home Office, the Department of International Development, the Cabinet Office and the Ministry of Defence, demonstrating its value as a think tank tool for policymaking and intelligence matters.

Chatham House and the CFR attract the same calibre of imperialist. While Richard Haass was advising Colin Powell going to war on Iraq in 2003, British chief advisor David Manning was doing the same for Tony Blair. Haass went on to become director of CFR while Manning is a senior advisor at Chatham House. But as well as being a natural home for regime change strategists, these think thanks are where the oil, gas and weapons industries network, as David Manning’s comments to Condoleeza Rice three months before the invasion of Iraq show

“It would be inappropriate for HMG [Her Majesty’s government] to enter into discussions about any future carve-up of the Iraqi oil industry. Nonetheless it is essential that our [British] companies are given access to a level playing field in this and other sectors.”

Manning went on to become a director of the weapons manufacturer Lockheed Martin, that profited from the Iraq war. He also became the director of BG oil, taken over by Shell in 2016 in a multibillion-pound deal.



Tory MP Alan Duncan, who spoke at a closed meeting at Chatham House on Venezuela in October 2018, is another regime change tactician. For years Duncan worked as a consultant in oil, with links to Vitol, a corporate member of Chatham House. In 2011 Duncan’s oil contacts became useful in the overthrow of Libyan leader, Muammar Gaddafi, when Duncan was Minister for the Department of International Development (DfID). The Guardian reported

“The government has admitted that the international development minister, Alan Duncan, took part in meetings between officials operating a Whitehall cell to control the Libyan oil market and Vitol – a company for which Duncan has previously acted as a consultant.”

“The “Libyan oil cell” involved a group of officials working in the Foreign Office since May waging a quiet campaign against Muammar Gaddafi’s regime by controlling the flow of oil in the country.”
 

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Interviewed in 2016 at a House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee inquiry on how the UK invasion led to a failed Libyan state, Duncan distanced himself from the operations in Libya and diminished his role. There was no mention of his involvement with a cell engineering passage of oil to jihadists, and the misery inflicted by the UK government on Libya was put down to staffing issues at the Home Office and tribal wars, NATO’s military adventurism and funding of Islamist groups vying for power forgotten. However, in 2011 the Telegraph described the transport of oil to jihadist ‘rebels’ as ‘vital’

“Supplies of diesel, petrol and fuel kept creaking power stations under rebel control from grinding to a halt and ultimately proved vital to efforts to overthrow Gadaffi. The trade was even more audacious because the rebels had no means of paying up front so Vitol agreed to provide it on credit.”

This suggests that Duncan’s role in regime change in Libya was more significant than suggested in the inquiry. Now, as Minister for the Americas, Duncan has turned his attention to Venezuela. Vitol, meanwhile, under the chairmanship of Ian Taylor, Duncan’s friend and Tory sponsor, has been named in corruption cases in Venezuela and Brazil.

Through his Chatham House speech, Duncan has indicated his allegiances to oil networks remain firm, music to the ears of Shell Oil, looking to resolve its current problems in Venezuela

“We cannot talk about Venezuela without understanding the central role played by oil since the early 20th Century, I speak as a former oil trader myself.”

“The revival of the oil industry will be an essential element in any recovery, and I can imagine that British companies like Shell and BP, will want to be part of it.”

His comments take us back to the rape of Libya, but also to the planned carving up of Iraq. It is clear that Duncan would reprise his role; he has the connections, the resources, the knowledge and the experience in how to use oil networks to overthrow governments. He has the British mainstream press behind him, as it was behind Cameron for the NATO bombing of Libya, providing fake human rights abuse narratives as shown in the Parliamentary inquiry report.

Duncan’s comments on sanctions against Venezuela make it clear that the UK will stick to this same strategy, as used in Iraq and Syria, where the catastrophic effects from sanctions have been seen. No end of suffering through sanctions will deter the British government from its geopolitical goals. It has shown its commitment to back Washington’s goal to overthrow Maduro and destroy the Bolivarian revolution. The UK’s refusal to return Venezuela’s gold, held at the Bank of England, a much-needed resource for the struggling Venezuelan economy, is further proof.

Meanwhile, unlike most concerned that a far-right president has come to power in Brazil, Duncan, so concerned about democracy in Venezuela, has welcomed Bolsonaro. In a recent meeting at the House of Commons, Duncan, in his role as Minister for the Americas, was asked

“What assessment he has made of potential risks to (a) democratic institutions, (b) the rule of law, (c) freedom of the press and (d) human rights in Brazil as a result of the election of Jair Bolsonaro as that country’s President.”

In answer, Duncan had seen no reason to make assessments

“Brazil is Latin America’s largest democracy. It has strong institutions to guarantee the rule of law, freedom of the press and human rights with the clear separation of powers protected by the constitution. This has not been changed by the election of Jair Bolsonaro. We will continue to monitor the situation closely.”






Duncan is likely to be engineering an alliance with Bolsonaro’s government, far-right ideology overlooked, with the aim of regime change in Venezuela.

As well as pushing sanctions, and pursuing diplomatic alliances, Duncan has also promoted the Lima Group as a mechanism for regional intervention. The Lima Group was created with the sole purpose of attacking the Venezuelan Constituent Assembly and is made up of a coalition of Washington’s Latin American allies. It is a US asset with no legitimacy for interfering in the internal politics of an individual sovereign nation

“We are fully behind the Lima Group of countries in their efforts to seek a regional solution to the crisis.”

This is a strategy also promoted by Washinton via the CFR

“…there are some efforts the United States could make in a supporting role to the Lima Group. Colombia has called for a reconstruction plan for Venezuela; the United States should encourage a Latin American conference to develop that plan with clear U.S. commitments.”

Ironically, the recent spotlight on Duncan over FO funding of the Integrity Initiative designed to ‘counter Russian disinformation’ reveals the hypocrisy and fake agenda of the British government, that works to overthrow democratically elected governments while claiming it will not tolerate political interference on its own territory. Were the Venezuelan government to fund activities inside Westminster aimed at overthrowing Theresa May’s government, it would be viewed with outrage. Yet the Foreign Office appears entitled in its plotting against Venezuela’s elected government. This same culture of entitlement is apparent in the Integrity Initiative operations, where the discrediting of the democratically elected leader of British government opposition, is designed to undermine his threat to the British establishment. These growing and more frequent attacks on democracy by Britain’s elite, expose a self-serving class and network who think they can carve up and profit from whatever group, land, or resource they feel entitled to, whatever the cost to any population, whether at home or in Venezuela.


Source:

The original source of this article is Global Research
Copyright © Nina Cross, Global Research, 2019
 

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The Plantation Called Haiti: Feudal Pillage Masking as Humanitarian Aid
January 13, 2019

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“For whose entertainment shall we sing our agony? In what hopes? That the destroyers, aspiring to extinguish us, will suffer conciliatory remorse at the sight of their own fantastic success?” – Ayi Kwei Armah, from the book “Two Thousand Seasons”

The champagne bottles were popping at the U.N. for the pledging session’s success – $5 billion, $10 billion pledged for the future. Whose future? What Haitians in Haiti need is a hoe, a tractor, some lifting equipment, so they might not have to use their bare hands to dig out the corpses still under the rubble over three months after the earthquake. Just a hoe, a tractor – we’ll do the work.

But no, the Internationals are going to give us $5 billion later. Be happy. Wait for it as you die inside because your daughter, son, wife, mother, father, cousin and friends are still dead under the rubble and no one will help you lift up the cement blocks and steel cables so you might bury them.

Yep, you have no food, no water, no medical treatment, no job to go to, no shelter today, but don’t worry. The Washington Post assures you, “The international community pledged $5.3 billion for earthquake-shattered Haiti over the next two years, launching an ambitious effort not just to rebuild the hemisphere’s poorest nation but also to transform it into a modern state.” (“$5.3 billion pledged over 2 years at U.N. conference for Haiti reconstruction.”)

For $5.3 to $10 billion in earthquake reconstruction funds not yet collected, the Preval government “agreed” that an Interim Commission for the Reconstruction of Haiti (HRIC), composed of 13 foreigners and seven Haitians, will approve disbursements for rebuilding projects. The World Bank will hold collected donor funds and distribute said funds to “Haiti” rebuilding projects it deems worthy. Then, another group of non-Haitians will supervise the Haitian government’s implementation of the projects the World Bank strategists think worthy.

So, while the United States, the largest shareholder in the World Bank, openly secures its domination of Haiti, tramples on Haitian sovereignty with the added benefit of having the out that the Haitian government – not them, not their NGOs – failed in its implementation of projects.

While that little understanding was being thoroughly fastened down at the U.N. donor meeting, right then at Fort National, Haiti, the people are just walking over corpses and digging on the spot they find them to bury them. Others are burning the remains they find so that the stench and airborne disease won’t kill the living.

But don’t worry. Remember, Papa and Mama Clinton care, the U.N. cares, Preval cares because at the U.N. donor session, the $5.3 billion amount “exceeded by more than $1 billion the goal set ahead of a conference co-sponsored by the United Nations and the U.S. government. In all, countries, development banks and nongovernmental groups pledged nearly $10 billion for Haiti in years to come,” reports the Washington Post.

In years to come …

What is needed now is to finish extracting and burying the remaining dead, nurture the living, find a job to survive, get shelter from the elements and coming rains and hurricanes, medical treatment, food, water and get rid of the foreign experts who say their country is financing the Haitian government budget and therefore they are the ones to represent the people of Haiti. Meanwhile Sen. Dodd of Connecticut and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee are not going to these rulers of Haiti for the failure of the so-called Haitian government but asking for more foreigners like them to take charge despite the Internationals’ six-year dismal failures in Haiti.

Besides, what can the people under water-logged tarps and tents do with the abstract $5.3 billion pledged by these Internationals? A backhoe, tractor, some seeds to plant food and fruit trees, some electricity, in-Haiti production of all daily necessities, shelter, sanitation, a wheelchair, a prosthetic limb to replace the one cut off by the quake’s ravages, a safe place to live, food, running water, antibiotics, some compassion and a living wage job to keep one from thinking about the loss of one’s everything would be helpful. Like now, perchance? Using not foreign resources, but Haiti’s gold, petrol, iridium, uranium, bauxite, limestone and the expertise of Haitians from the U.S., Canada, France, Latin America or the Caribbean who are willing to VOLUNTEER their time and transfer their skills to native Haitians for the nation’s good – to build Haitian capacity, not NGO capacity in Haiti.

But alas, the West dreams of riding the world economic recession and political dangers for themselves on the backs of Haiti’s dead to the tune of the $5.3, $10 billion do-gooder image they’ve siphoned off for themselves. Officialdom’s policymakers dream of doing more of what they’ve done in Haiti these last nightmarish six years and of using the earthquake windfalls to build tourist enclaves and waterfront casinos in Site Soley and Fort National and throwing out the Black Haitian majority as was done in New Orleans.

So why bother against these dreams of the BlackBerry-smartphone contingent? Against the NGOs’ useless waste of money, their setting up projects where no Haitians participate, justifying their jobs by holding meetings upon meetings with the people in the camps but with no follow-up except their trophy reports, press releases and conferences to show direct connection to justify their existence?
 

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Ignoring Haiti’s natural resources

Haiti’s Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive and a consortium of well-known Haitian figures, such as Reginald Boulos, worked on a document concerning the economic future of Haiti. The text does not explore the amazing opportunities offered by the exploitation of Haiti’s mining and oil resources, nor does it mentioned any of the serious studies done on the subject. Instead, it presents agriculture as the main alternative to resolve Haiti’s problems.

By ignoring the question of Haiti’s natural resources, it is as if the message was: There will be looting, pillage. But we will give you a little piece of bread.

Haiti has oil, iridium, uranium, copper, coal, limestone, the purest marble and, in terms of its gold, “10 million dollars have been invested by CFI (the World Bank private sector) in relationship with the IMF for a project worth billions of dollars.” Where is this information measured, factored into these U.N./U.S.-sponsored reconstruction plans and U.N. donor media shows?

Why must Haiti import fuel from the Dominican Republic – and thus the U.S. – instead of domestically producing its own energy? Where are the plans for using green and alternative energy – Haiti’s natural assets – its dry, un-arable, unusable lands for growing Jathropa for biofuel production; its wind, sea, sun, rivers for ocean heat pumps, solar cookers and panels, hydro-electric, geothermal and for coal energy, which Haiti has in abundance instead of Haiti sending hundreds of millions overseas to BUY fuel?

What’s so new about this International Haiti Plan if it’s not about food sovereignty so the people won’t need foreign big-pharmaceutical “supplements” and vaccines on empty, not to mention aching stomachs from drinking foul water.

According to Lane Wood, who heads a campaign for long-term clean water projects in Haiti, “A U.N. report released in March of 2010 said that dirty water kills more people each year than all forms of violence combined – including war. According to the WHO (World Health Organization), of the 42,000 deaths that occur every week from unsafe water and a lack of basic sanitation, 90 percent are children under 5 years old … (and) 80 percent of all disease is caused by lack of basic sanitation and lack of clean water. There are 4,500 kids that die every day because of the lack of basic sanitation and water … simple diseases like diarrhea.”

But, he said, there are some less obvious impacts of drinking dirty water. For example, dirty water can undermine other humanitarian efforts that money and effort have been poured into, like efforts to control AIDS/HIV in Africa. “They’re going home, they’re taking their medicine with bacteria-filled water, and their bodies are not absorbing the medicine.”

What’s new if this Clinton Haiti Reconstruction Plan is still about dependency – that is, using fertile land not for feeding the ill and starving people but for exporting coffee, avocado, mangoes (for Coca Cola), et al … and continuing to IMPORT food, to import fuel, “medicine” and foreign charity workers – and not about system-wide domestically produced food, clean running water, domestically generated fuel, jobs, education, health care and serious investment in sanitation and communication infrastructure and the energy to support these to help the masses connect into the global economy and have a non-mediated but sovereign voice?

U.S. foreign aid for Haiti is money raised to employ its own corporations, nationals and as funds for buying its own products and dumping them into Haiti – vaccines, seeds, fertilizer, nutritional supplements, pharmaceutical drugs, pesticides, Arkansas rice and food products, imported fuel, and ready-to-eat-meals et al … Why?

The watchword in U.S./Euro imperial geopolitics is pursuing interests, not principles of humane co-existence, charity not solidarity. Haiti is not the poorest country. It’s the most exploited country.

Like always, we’re mostly on our own. Just different Haitians are dying, in jail and being abused and tear-gassed by the U.N. Oceans of our blood have poured and watered the soil upon which Haiti stands.

The Haiti-Cuba health care proposal

For a good example of what real humanitarian help looks like, examine the proposal outlined in the Statement of the Cuban Foreign Minister at the U.N. Donors Meeting on Haiti .

Below we post the Haiti-Cuba proposal for building health care in Haiti that considers the needs of the poorest of the poor, Haiti’s realities and is without the unseemly large budget and consumerish waste of the cork-popping champagne fanfare of the U.N./Papa-Mama Clinton media show and pledging session that just took place at the U.N. Donor Conference. It is worthy of all our support.

If only this Haiti-Cuba health care proposal that’s made with the cooperation of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and other countries and humanitarian organizations could be brought into application without the U.S./Euro policymakers’ interference and use of their egotistical NGOs and mercenary military contractors to block it! If only their inhumanity and vulgarity could be held in abeyance while heart sore human beings, living under water-logged tents, old cardboard and wet sheets, people with damaged and inflamed limbs, some also tear-gassed by the U.N. for protesting their conditions – if only their inhumanity and vulgarity could be held in abeyance as Haiti tries to recover from the ravages of the U.S./Euro neoliberalism and despotism that exacerbated a 7.0 earthquake so that it took the lives of over 300,000! (See “How did the Red Cross spend $106 Million Dollars in Haiti?”)

Who in Haiti and in the Diaspora is not soul-tired of the unrelenting U.S./Euro resource war on Haiti masking as humanitarian aid? The Independence Debt Haiti constantly has to pay. (See “The Haitian struggle, the greatest David vs. Goliath battle being played out on this planet.”)

“Haiti has paid its dues,” says Harry Fouche, HLLN Relief Delegation and a former counsul general for Haiti. “Quebec, Paris, Washington owe, not foreign aid to Haiti, but a debt to Haiti,” Fouche insists.

All that’s been taken from Haiti far from slakes insatiable egos, their passion for domination, cultural hegemony, patriarchy, racism and avarice. False charity, false benevolence, false “bringing security to Haiti” doesn’t veil officialdom’s market share impositions and resource wars on independent Black Haiti. Not even barely.

This Cuban proposal for health care ought to be brought into application. Really. And if Haiti’s majority had any say, if Haiti had any sovereignty, if the law, the good, the decent and moral had any teeth in these trying times, there’s no doubt it would be. But the foreigners and their Haitian Blan peyi making more than $500 a day in Haiti from donation funds pilfered from the pain they’ve caused, exacerbated and made worse through their rule in Haiti are not embarrassed at all.

They make more than $500 a day in Haiti happily proclaiming it’s kosher for Haitians to make 38 cents an hour. And through their self-serving defamation and denigration of Haiti’s Black people and always “evil government” or officials, these modern day slave-making Gran Blan, of all the classes and races, make Haiti’s suffering so ordinary, so natural, so explainable, even they don’t see their own vulgarity.

The day these insatiable vampires in Haiti accept to level the social and economic hierarchies they’ve imposed on Black Haiti, especially on Black Haitian women, and come to “help” for the same 38 cents per hour salary their policymakers deem good enough for Haitians is the day the majority in Haiti shall take any of them seriously. Until then, the Haitian Revolution shall continue. Liberty or death.

The souls gone shall add to our strength to continue until we’ve stopped or tied up the Bafyòti (black collaborator), Mundele (white colonist/imperialist) and all their Ndoki (evil forces). “E, e, Mbomba, e, e! Kanga Bafyòti. Kanga Mundele. Kanga Ndòki” is the Bwa Kayiman exhortation that signaled the start of the Haitian Revolution.

In the last six years since Bush’s bicentennial regime change and since the tyrannical NGO industry and U.S./Euro market privateers took over Haiti, what has worked to assuage the vivid ills inflicted on the poor is the direct help Haitians have provided to each other and the Diaspora remittances. Other than that, with some small exceptions from a few small human rights organizations, Haitians may count on the Cuban doctors whose services do not strip them of their sovereignty, equality, humanity and dignity.

Source :

The original source of this article is Global Research
Copyright © Ezili Dantò, Global Research, 2019
 

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Haiti has oil, iridium, uranium, copper, coal, limestone, the purest marble and, in terms of its gold, “10 million dollars have been invested by CFI (the World Bank private sector) in relationship with the IMF for a project worth billions of dollars.” Where is this information measured, factored into these U.N./U.S.-sponsored reconstruction plans and U.N. donor media shows?

:wow:


Good shyt.
 
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