1940s-1970s Black American Life (PICS)

BelowTheMasonDixon

BelowTheMasonDixon

Veteran
Joined
Jun 11, 2013
Messages
40,592
Reputation
6,155
Daps
107,705
Reppin
Birmingham, Alabama
*********** said:
Threads like this is making me realize how far we have fallen off. Good thing we got technology to fill that void.
Click to expand...

We've fallen off huh.

Crime rates was way higher in the 70's and 80's bruh.

And as for all those take to the street to riot ass cats that post on the coli. Interesting fact about how us rioting always seemts to hurt us more than them

How the 1960s' Riots Hurt African-Americans
"The riots had economically significant negative effects on blacks' income and employment. Further, those effects may have been larger in the long run - from 1960 to 1980 - than in the short run - from 1960 to 1970."

"The riots significantly depressed the median value of black-owned property between 1960 and 1970, with little or no rebound in the 1970s."

Social scientists have studied the causes of the riots for a long time. Now two NBER papers by William Collins and Robert Margo instead examine the economic impact of the riots on African Americans and on the cities where they took place. In the first paper, The Labor Market Effects of the 1960s Riots (NBER Working Paper No. 10243), they find that the riots had economically significant negative effects on blacks' income and employment. Further, those effects may have been larger in the long run - from 1960 to 1980 - than in the short run - from 1960 to 1970.

Until 1975, the racial gap in average earnings among full-time male workers in the United States narrowed. There were periods of sharp convergence, as in the 1940s, alternating with periods of relative stasis, as in the 1950s and early 1960s. After 1970, racial convergence in earnings slowed markedly, in part because many low-wage black males were no longer engaged in full-time work, the authors note. The proportion of blacks living in high-poverty urban neighborhoods increased as well, and residential segregation led to increasingly poor socioeconomic outcomes among young blacks. In this context, Collins and Margo attempt to detect whether the riots contributed to a downward economic spiral that hurt employment opportunities, incomes, and property values.

Although they characterize their baseline estimates as "tentative," Collins and Margo find a relative decline in median black family income of approximately 9 percent in cities that experienced severe riots relative to those that did not, controlling for several other relevant city characteristics. There is also some evidence of an adverse effect on adult male employment rates, particularly in the 1970s. Between 1960 and 1980, severe riot cities had relative declines in male employment rates of 4 to 7 percentage points. Individual-level data for the 1970s suggests that this decline was especially large for men under the age of 30.

In the second paper, The Economic Aftermath of the 1960s Riots: Evidence from Property Values (NBER Working Paper No. 10493), Margo and Collins investigate the influence of riots on central city residential property values, especially black-owned properties. They find that the riots significantly depressed the median value of black-owned property between 1960 and 1970, with little or no rebound in the 1970s. The baseline estimates for severe-riot cities relative to small-or-no-riot cities range from approximately 14 to 20 percent for black-owned properties, and from 6 to 10 percent for all central-city residential properties. Household-level data for the 1970s indicate that the racial gap in property values widened substantially in riot-afflicted cities relative to others.

The exact mechanisms through which the riots affected economic activity over a long period of time are difficult to identify, but a large number of potentially reinforcing channels exist. Property risk might seem higher in central city neighborhoods than before the riots, causing insurance premiums to rise; taxes for income redistribution or more police and fire protection might increase, and municipal bonds may be more difficult to place; retail outlets might close; businesses and employment opportunities might relocate; middle and higher income households might move away; burned out buildings might be an eyesore; and so on. These damaging aspects of riots, the authors find, apparently outweighed outside assistance directed toward the riot areas in the wake of the disturbances.
 
J

Jone2three45

Supporter
Joined
Jun 22, 2012
Messages
12,482
Reputation
2,130
Daps
21,112
BelowTheMasonDixon said:
We've fallen off huh.

Crime rates was way higher in the 70's and 80's bruh.

And as for all those take to the street to riot ass cats that post on the coli. Interesting fact about how us rioting always seemts to hurt us more than them

How the 1960s' Riots Hurt African-Americans
"The riots had economically significant negative effects on blacks' income and employment. Further, those effects may have been larger in the long run - from 1960 to 1980 - than in the short run - from 1960 to 1970."

"The riots significantly depressed the median value of black-owned property between 1960 and 1970, with little or no rebound in the 1970s."

Social scientists have studied the causes of the riots for a long time. Now two NBER papers by William Collins and Robert Margo instead examine the economic impact of the riots on African Americans and on the cities where they took place. In the first paper, The Labor Market Effects of the 1960s Riots (NBER Working Paper No. 10243), they find that the riots had economically significant negative effects on blacks' income and employment. Further, those effects may have been larger in the long run - from 1960 to 1980 - than in the short run - from 1960 to 1970.

Until 1975, the racial gap in average earnings among full-time male workers in the United States narrowed. There were periods of sharp convergence, as in the 1940s, alternating with periods of relative stasis, as in the 1950s and early 1960s. After 1970, racial convergence in earnings slowed markedly, in part because many low-wage black males were no longer engaged in full-time work, the authors note. The proportion of blacks living in high-poverty urban neighborhoods increased as well, and residential segregation led to increasingly poor socioeconomic outcomes among young blacks. In this context, Collins and Margo attempt to detect whether the riots contributed to a downward economic spiral that hurt employment opportunities, incomes, and property values.

Although they characterize their baseline estimates as "tentative," Collins and Margo find a relative decline in median black family income of approximately 9 percent in cities that experienced severe riots relative to those that did not, controlling for several other relevant city characteristics. There is also some evidence of an adverse effect on adult male employment rates, particularly in the 1970s. Between 1960 and 1980, severe riot cities had relative declines in male employment rates of 4 to 7 percentage points. Individual-level data for the 1970s suggests that this decline was especially large for men under the age of 30.

In the second paper, The Economic Aftermath of the 1960s Riots: Evidence from Property Values (NBER Working Paper No. 10493), Margo and Collins investigate the influence of riots on central city residential property values, especially black-owned properties. They find that the riots significantly depressed the median value of black-owned property between 1960 and 1970, with little or no rebound in the 1970s. The baseline estimates for severe-riot cities relative to small-or-no-riot cities range from approximately 14 to 20 percent for black-owned properties, and from 6 to 10 percent for all central-city residential properties. Household-level data for the 1970s indicate that the racial gap in property values widened substantially in riot-afflicted cities relative to others.

The exact mechanisms through which the riots affected economic activity over a long period of time are difficult to identify, but a large number of potentially reinforcing channels exist. Property risk might seem higher in central city neighborhoods than before the riots, causing insurance premiums to rise; taxes for income redistribution or more police and fire protection might increase, and municipal bonds may be more difficult to place; retail outlets might close; businesses and employment opportunities might relocate; middle and higher income households might move away; burned out buildings might be an eyesore; and so on. These damaging aspects of riots, the authors find, apparently outweighed outside assistance directed toward the riot areas in the wake of the disturbances.
Click to expand...

Crime rate is not even the surface of our problems, brother.
 
Michael's Black Son

Michael's Black Son

Blanket Jackson
Supporter
Joined
Sep 30, 2013
Messages
52,316
Reputation
15,159
Daps
230,055
Reppin
New York City & Neverland Ranch
i had to do it brehs

131227010252726581.jpg
 
BelowTheMasonDixon

BelowTheMasonDixon

Veteran
Joined
Jun 11, 2013
Messages
40,592
Reputation
6,155
Daps
107,705
Reppin
Birmingham, Alabama
*********** said:
What power? We don't own or control anything. What money? Our community is one of the largest consumers in America. We give other groups our money before even thinking about spending it in our communities. Crime rate is down yes, but that still does not change that fact that the system is still filled with blacks.

When I look at those pictures,
I see culture. I see a family. I see people working together. I see ownership dude, producers and consumers by us for us. So if you disagree with what I said, fine. I agree with your stats But you cannot tell me that us as a community have made some bad decisions whether made by us or forced on us by other groups.

Also, post the link to the article you quoted breh! I want to know who wrote it.
Click to expand...

http://www.nber.org/papers/w10243.pdf
 
You must log in or register to reply here.
Top