15+ Years of US's Proxy Occupation of Haiti: US Sponsored Coup d’Etat. The Destabilization of Haiti

loyola llothta

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AMY GOODMAN: We return to our interview on Haiti with independent journalist Anthony Fenton, co-author of the book, Canada in Haiti: Waging War on the Poor Majority.

AMY GOODMAN: Anthony Fenton, one of the people that you have written and talked about is Ira Lowenthal. I remember him from, well, more than a decade ago in the midst of the first coup against President Aristide in 1991 to ’94, working for USAID in-country in Haiti. What is his role today?

ANTHONY FENTON: Well, after the coup, Ira Lowenthal reentered Haiti. Now, he had had to leave, I believe, in 2002, because he was getting too hot. He was up to some activities that were being scrutinized by the Haitian government. Now, he joined and helped create the Haiti Democracy Project in 2002, in late 2002, and then he supported the emergence of the Group of 184 shortly thereafter, which is basically the Haitian version of the Haiti Democracy Project. I mentioned the Boulos family. Rudolph Boulos is a board member, founding board member of the Haiti Democracy Project, as well, and he’s actually running for Senate in the area of Haiti where they plan to develop free-trade zones and open up a whole swath of sweatshops.

But Ira Lowenthal, he was working for the Americas Development Foundation, which is one of the key organizations implementing these so-called Democracy Enhancement projects prior to the coup. After the coup, he had a brief stint with them, and then he moved on to this other organization called the United Nations Office for Project Services. Now, it’s a very interesting organization that does reconstruction work, and they’re working — they’re called the self-financing arm or management services arm of the United Nations, very obscure and little known, but Ira Lowenthal became the director of this organization in Haiti just after the coup, and he helped set up registration centers for the elections, and he’s played an integral role in the sort of infrastructure of carrying out this election process.

Now, he stepped down as director of UNOPS, and UNOPS currently gets a $3 million contract from USAID to work and funnel money to the political parties — the “approved” political parties, most of which happen to comprise the former political opposition to Aristide, the Democratic Convergence. Now Ira Lowenthal is a key consultant for UNOPS today, and in fact, there’s a Canadian by the name of Jean-Francois Laurent, who directs the UNOPS activities in Haiti. But Ira Lowenthal, anyone I speak to, everyone speaks glowingly of him in the democracy promotion community. He’s an old hand there, as you’ve said. He had links to the Boulos family back in the previous coup period, and, of course, the Boulos family is said to have had relations with FRAPH, the paramilitary organization set up by the C.I.A. in order to destroy the popular movement at that time.

Now the Boulos family again, it has been widely reported that they may be linked along with the Apaids to death squad activity in Cite Soleil, anti-Lavalas gangs that are designed to destroy the popular support for the calls of demanding the return of Aristide or demanding the right to vote for the candidate of choice, now Rene Preval. But Ira Lowenthal has played an instrumental role. In fact, every week this organization, UNOPS, to give you an example of the sort of familial relations there, they meet with the I.R.I., the N.D.I., with USAID, and with I.F.E.S, which is linked to the I.R.I. The chairman of I.F.E.S. is a former Reagan advisor and a Bush appointee as U.N. ambassador just before the 9/11 attacks in 2001, William Hybl.

So you see this family meeting on a weekly basis, coordinating their activities. They’re funneling millions of dollars to the political parties, by way of giving them credits for TV advertising, for pamphlets, for t-shirts and all sorts of other activities. And, of course, this is all geared towards — they’re hoping, I think, right now, that there will be a run-off election, sort of like there was in Liberia, where the International Republican Institute and these other organizations played a central role, as well, because if there’s a run-off election — and it’s possible that one of their rightwing candidates, perhaps such as Marc Bazin, who’s running under the Lavalas name today, but of course was a World Bank candidate that Aristide beat in a landslide in 1990 — they’re hoping that one of these candidates, maybe it’ll be Henri Baker, will be able to win in a run-off.

But there’s also the terror card that they’re holding over their heads. The paramilitaries that entered in 2004 like Guy Philippe. Other well known NARCO traffickers, the nephew of the current Prime Minister, Gerard Latortue, his name is Youri Latortue, the mere mention of his name in Haiti, strikes the fear in the people’s eyes when you speak to them, and this person is running for senate in the Artibonite region. And the possibility of a violent intervention in this election process is in the background, and it looms, and people like Ira Lowenthal and these other organizations, the N.E.D., they are well aware of this, and so it will be interesting to see how it plays out.

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loyola llothta

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AMY GOODMAN: And the role, Anthony Fenton — you’re speaking to us from Vancouver, Canada, in the midst of your own elections — of Canada and the current candidates in the coup of 2004, as well as what you understand is the U.S. role that forced Aristide out?

ANTHONY FENTON: Well, indeed, Canada in September hosted a meeting with members of Haiti’s private sector with that think tank that I mentioned earlier that’s getting N.E.D. funding, FOCAL, the Foundation for the Americas. Reginald Boulos, one of the long-time elites who supported this U.S. vision for Haiti and has long-standing ties to Washington, he was invited to this meeting. And what you were seeing is Canada supporting whole-heartedly. In fact, Roger Noriega, former Secretary of State for the western hemisphere, came to Canada just after the coup with Adolfo Franco from USAID. Franco, incidentally, has refused to be interviewed on the question of USAID’s activities on the democracy promotion side in Haiti recently. But they came to Canada just after the coup with the intention of asking Canada to play a leadership role in Haiti, and Canada quickly acquiesced.

In fact, when I was in Haiti in September with a couple of other Canadian journalists, we interviewed a top-level Canadian diplomat, and he was boasting how finally in Haiti there’s a government that’s being ruled by the transnational elite in the private sector and civil society. And Canada’s job is to stand on the frontlines diplomatically, politically, and they’re also helping out militarily, and on the intelligence side, to prop up this illegitimate regime that was installed by the United States, that was imported from Florida and installed — imposed on the Haitian people. And so Canada is playing an increasing role and they are expecting to play — in fact, this high level diplomat told us Canada is sort of like earning its stripes in Haiti, because there is going to be a coming transition, and he mentioned Cuba specifically, and of course, strategically where Haiti is situated — the State Department in 2005 listed Haiti and Colombia as the two primary strategic states — so it’s very important that they take control of Haiti.

There is a Dominican Republic interest there, as well. They are possibly establishing military bases there. The U.S. has for a long time dictated the Dominican military’s policies for the region, and the Canadian government here, what we’re seeing, is under the liberal government that is about, it appears, to lose power to a neo-conservative electoral coup, if you will, led by Canada’s Conservative Party and Stephen Harper, who is a well-known admirer of George Bush. Canada, the liberal government, initiated a rightwing shift over the past decade, that we’ve seen a new role for Canada in the Americas. In fact, this high-level diplomat referred to the destiny of Canada and the Americas being fulfilled through their role in Haiti today.

AMY GOODMAN: Anthony Fenton is our guest. He’s speaking to us from Vancouver, Canada. And the proof of the involvement of the U.S. government in the coup that forced out President Aristide February 29th, 2004?

ANTHONY FENTON: Well, in 2003 there was a meeting held in Ottawa called the Ottawa Initiative on Haiti. At the time, it was a secret high level round table that did not involve any Haitians, although it was a meeting that was designed to discuss the future of Haiti. It was leaked by the host of that meeting, a Canadian Member of Parliament named Denis Paradis, to a Quebec magazine, that the possibility of removing Aristide and installing a U.N.-style trusteeship was discussed. This was quickly glossed over, and the Canadian government retracted that this was discussed, but after the coup I submitted a Freedom of Information Act request and did receive some of the documents, which seem to corroborate what was leaked at the time, that there were high-level meetings being held not only in Ottawa, but other follow-up meetings, I understand, in Washington and in El Salvador that planned the overthrow of Aristide on the diplomatic side.

The Organization of American States was involved. And the then Assistant Secretary General of the O.A.S., Luigi Einaudi, who famously said on the eve of Haiti’s independence, 'The problem with Haiti is that the international community is so screwed up and divided that we're actually allowing Haitians to run Haiti.’ It’s people like this and sentiments like this that informed these sorts of meetings that took place before the coup, and, you know, the writing was on the wall for Aristide when he was elected in November of 2000. We saw the opposition boycott the elections. The Gallup polls indicated a landslide victory for Aristide, and again we return to the point made by the N.E.D. program officer, it was simply the case that, from the perspective of the United States, Canada, and France, and the European Union, the primary backers of this coup d’etat, that Aristide was consolidating power, that the Lavalas Party, in particular, and that the popular movement was emerging and was taking root, and that is what had to be overthrown and stopped in its tracks, and that’s what we’re seeing happen today.

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AMY GOODMAN: Very quickly, Anthony Fenton, on the issue of what is happening in the Cite Soleil with the killings of innocent residents there, also the killings of U.N. forces there, recently you had Reginald Boulos and Andy Apaid, well known anti-Lavalas leaders, holding a major protest, calling for a crackdown on Cite Soleil. Can you talk about that?

ANTHONY FENTON: Yeah, again, this — I read that as a provocation. They’ve been — if you go back to summer of 2005, there was a kidnapping spree, as the The New York Times and the L.A. Times reported it, that was used as a pretext to demand that the U.N. go into Cite Soleil and root out the so-called chimeres, the so-called bandits, the so-called terrorists. Now, I learned through sources inside the prime minister’s office in Haiti and through other sources that, again, Youri Latortue, the nephew of Gerard Latortue, was involved in this kidnapping spree, that he was carrying out and overseeing a kidnapping ring of his own that was used as a pretext to go into these neighborhoods and commit massacres. And on July 6th, it’s been well reported and well documented that a massacre did take place, and it was carried out by the United Nations. It buckled to the pressure that was being exerted on it by the likes of Reginald Boulos and other members of the elite, like Andy Apaid.

And so I see, I think, from what I can tell, this is being replayed, and the kidnapping spree — it’s possible that these assaults on the so-called peacekeepers, the Jordanians who have played one of the more repressive roles in Cite Soleil, that that is another provocation that is intended to pressure the U.N. forces to go into Cite Soleil and fire arbitrarily, as they’ve been doing repeatedly. You know, within the past few days a number of people have been killed in Cite Soleil, even since that demonstration. Canadian journalists who are there right now, Aaron Lakoff and Leslie Bagg, reported on how four people in Cite Soleil have been killed.

And the U.N. knows that they can’t go into Cite Soleil and conduct these operations without killing civilians, and yet people like Reginald Boulos don’t seem to mind if civilians get killed. It’s just collateral damage, and he’s said that he is willing to create a fund to assist the victims of Cite Soleil. When we interviewed Mr. Boulos in September, he referred to himself as Mr. Cite Soleil. So, he has a vested interest in putting down this popular movement that’s calling for Aristide’s return or calling for free and fair elections that would see Rene Preval win in a likely landslide.

AMY GOODMAN: Independent journalist Anthony Fenton, co-author of the book Canada in Haiti: Waging War on the Poor Majority. Haitian elections are February 7. Canadian elections are today.

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After the 2004 US-Canada-France coup against Aristide, students were driven off campus and the buildings were seized and transformed into military barracks for US and UN occupation forces. They were able to finish their studies in #Cuba thanks to Castro who took them in. #Haiti
 

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2007 article on ex brazil president @For Da Bag

President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

Time for Lula to Stop Doing Bush’s Dirty Work in Haiti
by BEN TERRALL

When Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, better known as “Lula”, visits Washington on March 31, he will likely spend most of his time with President Bush discussing ethanol, a relatively safe subject for the two leaders. Earlier this month, Brazil and the United States, the world’s two top ethanol producers, announced the creation of an international forum to help turn biofuels into a globally traded commodity. Brazil, unlike the U.S., has spent thirty years developing its ethanol technology, and is producing a surplus of a sugar-based version of that fuel.

Lula has been criticized for following the Bush Administration on foreign trade policy, but he may be in even more hot water for following Bush on a foreign military adventure. When President Lula relieved U.S. Marines in Haiti by having Brazil take the lead of the UN peacekeeping mission (MINUSTAH) in early 2004, he got Bush, whose troops were spread thin, out of a tight spot. Lula also earned brownie points for Brazil’s bid for a permanent seat on a potentially-expanded UN Security Council.

But all this came at a price. MINUSTAH was the only UN peacekeeping mission in history deployed without a peace agreement. It’s true purpose was to consolidate the February 29, 2004 coup against the democratically-elected government of Jean-Bertrand Aristide. This genesis put MINUSTAH in a quandary from the beginning. In order to fulfill its mission of supporting the illegitimate, unpopular and brutal Interim Government of Haiti (led by a Bush supporter flown in from Florida), MINUSTAH was forced to join the dictatorship’s attacks on poor neighborhoods that would never accept the overthrow of their democracy.

In August 2006, the British Medical Journal The Lancet published a mortality study that concluded 8,000 people were killed in the first twenty-two months of the coup. In almost half of the reported deaths, the perpetrators were identified as security agents of the coup government, former soldiers or armed anti-Lavalas groups. No murders were attributed to Lavalas members. Although the government and its paramilitary allies did the lion’s share of the killings, MINUSTAH participated as well. In a July 6, 2005 raid, MINUSTAH soldiers shot 22,000 bullets (by the UN’s own count) into the thin walls of the poor Cite Soleil neighborhood. Up to sixty civilians were killed, dozens more wounded, but none received help from the “peacekeepers.”

Although a democratic government was inaugurated last May, MINUSTAH continues to kill civilians. In the early morning of December 22, 2006, 400 Brazilian-led MINUSTAH troops in armored vehicles carried out a massive assault on the Bois Neuf and Drouillard districts of Cite Soleil in Port-au-Prince. The military operation, which claimed the lives of dozens of area residents, took place near the site of the July, 2005 raid.

“They came here to terrorize the population,” resident Rose Martel told Reuters, referring to UN troops and police. “I don’t think they really killed any bandits, unless they consider all of us as bandits.”

The president of the Human Rights Commission of the Haitian Senate described the operation as “a crime against humanity.” The Bureau des Avocats Internationaux, a Haitian human rights group, documented more than twenty killed, including children and elderly.

Once again, the UN showed little interest in its “collateral damage.” UN spokesperson Sophie De la Combe could not offer information on Haitians killed or wounded, just that “no one was killed on our side.”

When journalists and human rights groups asked MINUSTAH head Edmond Mulet about the killings, he attacked the messengers, writing, “I am appalled to see how some people support criminal, violent, human-rights violation activities in Haiti and oppose the rule of law. Gangsters, killers, kidnappers, rapist [sic] of young girls should and will be brought to justice.”

But if the UN operation was intended to uphold the rule of law or bringing alleged criminals to justice, there should have been valid warrants authorizing MINUSTAH and the PNH to make arrests, as required by Haiti’s constitution and international law. Mulet presented no indication of such warrants, or any evidence that the victims, including an elderly man killed while en route to work and a pregnant woman who lost her fetus, were gangsters, killers, kidnappers or rapists.

Human rights activist Seth Donnelly, who investigated the July 6, 2005 Cite Soleil assault, told me, “Mulet’s [statement] echoes the response I received when I interviewed Lt. Augusto Heleno and Colonel Moraneau just days after the July 6 massacre. They told me that a handful of ‘bandits’ had been killed and that the UN fired only after they had been fired upon. These statements were contradicted by evidence provided by Doctors Without Borders staff at the hospital that treated the July 6 victims. The MINUSTAH claims were also contradicted by eyewitness testimony we gathered in affidavits. Among the survivors we spoke to was a young woman who also lost her baby and a father who witnessed the killing of his wife and two young children.”

In early January, Brazilian Major General Carlos Alberto Dos Santos became the fourth commander of the UN force in Haiti (consisting of 8,360 total uniformed personnel, as of 30 November 2006). Dos Santos said, ‘We are going to work in the same way as we have worked before. Nothing has changed about our mission or our obligations.’ Since Dos Santos made that commitment, UN military operations have killed seven-year-old Stephanie Lubin, four-year-old Alexandra Lubin, and nine-year-old Boadley Bewence Germain, all guilty of living in the crossroads of George W. Bush’s foreign policy.

More and more Brazilians are appalled at their country’s role in MINUSTAH. On February 7 of this year, 6,000 protestors, mostly youth, marched through Rio de Janeiro’s city center to demand the immediate withdrawal of Brazil’s troops from Haiti. By continuing to do Bush’s dirty work in Haiti, Lula has tied his country’s destiny to a sinking ship. Before it is too late, he needs to join the rest of the world in recognizing that the Bush Administration’s policies of global dominance are both morally wrong and unlikely to bring positive results

Link:
Time for Lula to Stop Doing Bush’s Dirty Work in Haiti
 

loyola llothta

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A very, very uncomfortable conversation the cheerleading left is going to have to reckon with is the atrocities committed in Haiti, under Lula's administration, on behalf of the Bush regime.

I mean great, an alternative to Bolsonaro, but ya mans got even more blood on his hands.
 

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loyola llothta

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21 November 2004

Kosovo Liberation Army helps establish “Protectorate” in Haiti
By Anthony Fenton


“No decision has yet been taken, but in French diplomatic circles…they say that there has been talk of a sort of guardianship! as in Kosovo… Even if the United Nations doesn’t want this kind of intervention leading to military occupation, this might be inevitable until elections are organized.”


Michel Vastel quoted in Haiti-Progres,March 5, 2003.



In the almost nine months since Aristide was overthrown, this piece of ‘foreshadowing’ by Quebec reporter Michel Vastel has resurfaced many times. Like the desire for genuine democracy in Haiti, it just won’t seem to go away.

Recent findings indicate that the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) is employing suspected war criminals from the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in Haiti. The KLA is best known as a terrorist organization with ties to the CIA, US State Department, and narco-trafficking. This news was recently reported on by Flashpoints Radio’s Kevin Pina:

“All you have to do is look at their (USAID’s) September document, which is published on their website, for the “Office of Transition Initiatives,” (OTI) and what you will see in that document is that USAID is paying three consultants to help consult for the integration of the former brutal military into the current Haitian police force. And who are those three consultants? Those three consultants are members of the Kosovo Liberation Army.”(Flashpoints interview, November 19, 2004, www.flashpoints.net )

In a separate interview, Pina states that a “source close to the U.S. embassy confirmed that there are three members of the KLA on the ground in Haiti.”(1)

That they are employing KLA “training and management specialists” is stated explicitly in the USAID-OTI report cited by Pina:

“OTI continues to work closely with the U.S. Embassy and IOM to develop options for a reintegration program for former combatants. Training and management specialists of the Kosovo Protection Corps, a civilian response unit consisting primarily of former Kosovo Liberation Army members, have been brought to Haiti to assess how the Kosovo model might be applied there. OTI and IOM have also closely followed the negotiations between the former military and the IgoH (Interim Government of Haiti).”

Several news reports have indicated that members of the former army have already begun integration into the Haitian National Police. Other reports have described how former military have been seen collaborating with the United Nations in ex-military controlled areas in Northern Haiti and elsewhere.

The connection between the KLA, the United States – in particular U.S. Ambassador to Haiti James Foley and Haiti’s paramilitaries/former military – is not new. In an article published the day Aristide was ousted by the U.S., Canada, and France-backed coup, Ottawa Professor Michel Chossudovsky effectively predicted the scenario that we are now seeing played out today. Chossudovsky first describes the KLA in Kosovo:

“The KLA had been involved in similar targeted political assassinations and killings of civilians, in the months leading up to the 1999 NATO invasion as well as in its aftermath. Following the NATO led invasion and occupation of Kosovo, the KLA was transformed into the Kosovo Protection Force (KPF) under UN auspices. Rather than being disarmed to prevent the massacres of civilians, a terrorist organization with links to organized crime and the Balkans drug trade, was granted a legitimate political status.”

Chossudovsky also points out the connection between James Foley (appointed ambassador to Haiti in September, 2003) and the KLA:

“At the time of the Kosovo war, the current ambassador to Haiti James Foley was in charge of State Department briefings, working closely with his NATO counterpart in Brussels, Jamie Shea. Barely two months before the onslaught of the NATO led war on 24 March 1999, James Foley had called for the “transformation” of the KLA into a respectable political organization:


“We want to develop a good relationship with them (the KLA) as they transform themselves into a politically-oriented organization,’ ..`(W)e believe that we have a lot of advice and a lot of help that we can provide to them if they become precisely the kind of political actor we would like to see them become… “If we can help them and they want us to help them in that effort of transformation, I think it’s nothing that anybody can argue with..’ (quoted in the New York Times, 2 February 1999)”

As we consider the connection between this context and that of the paramilitaries-cum-“liberators” in Haiti, led by Guy Philippe and Jodel Chamblain, some further KLA context is essential. Writes Chossudovsky:

“The US State Department’s position as conveyed in Foley’s statement was that the KLA would “not be allowed to continue as a military force but would have the chance to move forward in their quest for self government under a ‘different context'” meaning the inauguration of a de facto “narco-democracy” under NATO protection.”

link:
Kosovo Liberation Army helps establish "Protectorate" in Haiti - Global Research
 

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It’s also important to note how Ambassador Foley is perceived by Haitians. A Haitian lawyer who “asked not to be named” told the Ecumenical Program in Central America and the Caribbean’s delegation

“What I see now is we’re going right into a dictatorship. U.S. Ambassador Foley is the real President of Haiti! Each day I get more and more scared. It’s the rewriting of 1915.”(2)



The closest visible emulation of the “Kosovo Model’ in Haiti, then, has been through formation of Guy Philippe’s political party, National Reconstruction Front (FRN).


Philippe has stated that his main priority if elected president would be to officially reconstitute the Haitian army: “This would be a professional army , not the one we had,” he says, reasoning that “(y)ou can’t have foreigners invest without security.” USAID, in their most recent October report , provide some early campaigning for Philippe when they state “Many Haitians feel U.N. peacekeepers are doing little to halt the violence and want the interim government to formally reinstate the army Aristide disbanded ten years ago.” Never mind that this statement contradicts the internationally recognized consensus in Haiti that Aristide’s disbanding of the military was universally supported.(3)

Philippe, it has been thoroughly established, has strong ties to the “political opposition” Democratic Convergence, who “boycotted” the 2000 presidential elections that elected Aristide in a landslide and proceeded – with the assistance of the National Endowment for Democracy financed International Republican Institute – to destabilize Aristide and his Lavalas government. One of the strongest established links has been that between Philippe and self-styled “intellectual author” of the February coup, Paul Arcelin, former Montreal Professor and brother-in-law of former Canadian Member of Parliament Nicole Roy-Arcelin. Arcelin also has ties to Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Pierre Pettigrew.

Arcelin admitted (Montreal Gazette, March 9th, 2004) days after the coup that he and Philippe had spent at least two years trying to overthrow Aristide. Arcelin was the Democratic Convergence’s Dominican Republic liaison. The Dominican Republic provided the staging ground for the eventual CIA-led coup d’etat by housing, training, and clothing the paramilitaries. Between October 2000 and February 2004, Philippe and fellow paramilitaries staged several armed incursions into the Haitian countryside and areas along the Haiti-DR border, killing several, but always managing to escape authorities. Chossudovsky succinctly draws the KLA-Philippe connection, “For the CIA and the State Department the FLRN and Guy Philippe are to Haiti what the KLA and Hashim Thaci are to Kosovo.”

The way to apply the USAID/Ottawa Initiative on Haiti idea of the “Kosovo Model” was described by Chossudovsky:


“In other words, Washington’s design is “regime change”: topple the Lavalas administration and install a compliant US puppet regime…What is at stake is an eventual power sharing arrangement between the various Opposition groups and the CIA supported Rebels…A bogus (symbolic) disarmament of the Rebels may be contemplated under international supervision, as occurred with the KLA in Kosovo in 2000. The “former terrorists” could then be integrated into the civilian police as well as into the task of “rebuilding” the Haitian Armed forces under US (or UN/RCMP) supervision. What this scenario suggests, is that the Duvalier-era terrorist structures have been restored. A program of civilian killings and political assassinations directed against Lavalas supporter is in fact already underway.”



There has not been, aside from extensive lip service paid to the idea, any disarmament.(4) ‘Sweeps’ of poor neighborhoods known to be the heart of Aristide support in Port au Prince (such as Bel Air, La Saline, Martissant), have yielded hundreds of arbitrary arrests but few arms, as the pro-Aristide resistance has strengthened. Members of the resistance movement have stated that “we will no longer just stand like zombies and let them kill us. We will continue to demand the return of our elected president and we will defend ourselves against them when they come to kill us. We are not animals, we are not bandits and we did not start this killing . They did.”

The killing began the moment Aristide was carted away on the American airplane. The National Lawyers Guildreported that an estimated 1,000 bodies, as according to the director of the State Morgue, had been buried in mass graveswithin one month of the coup. Several other human rights organizations have detailed and documented the targeting of Lavalas supporters, and several of the Lavalas leadership remain imprisoned on groundless (if any) charges. The resistance fighter cited above may be referring specifically to the new wave of violence that began on September 30th, when Haitian police fired into unarmed crowds of demonstrators, killing at least two according to admissions made later by puppet PM Gerard Latortue.

Only two weeks later, Pina reported that


“The General Hospital had to call the Ministry of Health today in order to demand emergency vehicles to remove the more than 600 corpses that have been stockpiled there, that have been coming in from the killing over the last two weeks alone. That’s how much killing that has been going on here in the streets of Haiti that has not been/being reported and has not talked about.”



Meanwhile, mainstream outlets cannot seem to get their numbers straight, frequently omitting officially acknowledged numbers such as those reported on by Pina, and even those reported on by USAID-funded “human rights groups” such as the NCHR. Some mainstream outlets have reported the following :


“At least 170 people have been killed by gunfire in recent violence in Haiti, most of them from slum strongholds of supporters of ousted president Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a human rights group said on Friday….Another 241 people have been wounded by gunshots in violence from Sept. 1 to Oct. 26…”

These numbers alone demonstrate that Aristide supporters are being targeted, with over 400 acknowledged gunshot victims in eight weeks.



As is made clear in the epigraph, talk of reconstituting Haiti’s army along the lines of Kosovo was first leaked out of official circles after the January 2003 Ottawa Initiative on Haiti meeting, hosted by Canada’s secretary of state for Latin America, Denis Paradis.

Where Denis Paradis would later denyhaving planned “regime change” in Haiti, this is really only a matter of semantics, as he frequently employed the term ‘responsibility to protect’ in the context of what needed to be done in Haiti. This doctrine, established by Jean Chretien at the request of UN Secretary General Kofi Annan (5), is tantamount to an official reformalization of imperialism, and is merely a new way to state what in 1902 John Atkinson Hobson described as “trusteeship” as a means of managing the problem of the “lower races.” According to Hobson, “The real issue is whether, and under what circumstances, it is justifiable for Western nations to use compulsory government for the control and education in the arts of industrial and political civilization of the inhabitants of tropical countries and other so-called lower races.”

Hobson, like Paradis, was thinking of Haiti when pontificating towards the most efficient and justifiable means of subjugating peoples deemed inferior to the white race:


“If we look to the native social systems of the tropical East, the primitive savagery of Central Africa…or the black republic of Hayti in the present…the lesson seems everywhere the same; it is that there will be no development of the resources of the tropics under native government.” (6)



Equally, both Hobson and Paradis would argue that the “care and education of a “lower race” as a trust” is based on the “friendly motives” of imperial countries.

Where the Kosovo style trusteeship for Haiti was only theoretical in January 2003, it is reaching real fruition by virtue of the most horrific crimes perpetrated against Haiti’s poor majority. Even the mainstream has reported on the more than 30 execution-style killings of Haitian youths, including women caught in the crossfire of UN-supported PNH incursions into poor neighborhoods in recent weeks. With seasoned putschists and terrorists such as USAID and KLA helping the increasingly militarised and UN/RCMP backed Haitian police pacify supporters of democratic principles in Haiti, the world is getting a look at the future of “humanitarian intervention.”

It’s fitting that the Miami Herald has recently opined that “As Haiti descends deeper each day into anarchy, the time has come to consider some form of international protectorate to take temporary control of that beleaguered Caribbean country.” Don Bohning further posits that “As unpalatable as it may be for the vast majority of Haitians, who spent 1915 to 1934 under a U.S. Marine occupation, ceding temporary sovereignty to an international body is one option slowly gathering momentum.” This article as much as any indicates the level of fascistic pontification that will increasingly be allowable, buttressed no doubt by George Bush’s re-election. Haiti’s “protectorate status” would be overseen by “a Brazilian-led regional coalition.”

Obviously Bohning is in denial over the fact that the “anarchy” to which he refers was brought about largely by an internationally imposed economic embargo combined with other tried and true destabilization efforts (eg. The EU’s funding the opposition, NED and IRI’s funding, training the paramilitaries, the ownership of private media by the opposition, etc.) Haiti’s “failure” has always had ready-made justification in the eyes of “white supremacist terrorists”as against the “necessity” of colonial occupation.

These recent discoveries make it clear that when James Foley came to Haiti last September, the CIA’s wheels were in serious motion, and Aristide and democracy’s days were numbered in Haiti. It should surprise no one that Foley should enlist the efforts of his war criminal KLA friends, who proved themselves so valuable to the NATO-led “coalition of the killing” in 1999.(7)

With all of the “trustees” that it can handle, now as much as ever Haiti needs a massive outpouring of international solidarity.

link:Kosovo Liberation Army helps establish "Protectorate" in Haiti - Global Research
 

loyola llothta

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21NOV2004 - Kosovo Liberation Army helps establish “Protectorate” in Haiti

the coup in Haiti was done with the assistance of the KLA who are responsible for political assassinations and killing of civilians in Yugoslavia


“What I see now is we’re going right into a dictatorship. U.S. Ambassador Foley is the real President of Haiti! Each day I get more and more scared. It’s the rewriting of 1915.”




CIA used organized crime and drug money to finance the KLA following the destruction of Yugoslavia, right after Aristide was ousted... KLA leaders were appointed in advisory position in training and managing the new Haitian military

the new Haitian military post-2004 was uniformly anti-guerilla/people's army and carried out brutal repression and confiscated the working class Haitians weapons thousands were killed


Kosovo Liberation Army helps establish


 
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Remembering Fr. Jean-Juste, champion of human rights, Haitian immigrants & refugees, beloved Lavalas leader. Fr. Gerry was imprisoned in Haiti by the 2004 coup govt and later died of leukemia. "The criminals assassinated you but you remain alive forever in the hearts of Lavalas."

 
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