DaRealness
I think very deeply
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In 2021, we are told, the Labour leader was visited at home by one of his predecessors, Ed Miliband, and Tony Blairās old flatmate, Charlie Falconer, who presented him with a handful of challenges: āAre you left? Are you right? Are you middle? Why should we be in power?ā No answers seemed to be forthcoming: the problem, among others, was that Starmer was āa leader who did not much like politicsā. This revelation explains the other defining feature of his time at the top: the fact that, as Maguire and Pogrund tell it, Starmer has taken his most basic political orders from a coterie ā or āprojectā ā centred on his all-powerful strategist and mentor Morgan McSweeney.
In that sense, the directionless mess the government has fallen into has two interlocking causes. Having cunningly manoeuvred Labour to victory, Starmerās advisers have apparently failed to supply him with a coherent governing script, exposing his lack of politics, and leaving him panicked. Onlookers sense this as a matter of instinct: his approval ratings, for what they are worth, have lately registered numbers even worse than Rishi Sunakās low point.
Reboots and relaunches now seem to arrive on an almost weekly basis: the latest is all about being ādisruptorsā, and delivering shocks and surprises that may not actually be shocking or surprising at all. Last week, Labour launched online adverts seemingly purposely created to look like Reform UK propaganda, complete with such slogans as āLabour hits 5-year high in migrant removalsā ā the kind of flimsy posturing that surely makes it look like Nigel Farage is dictating the political weather, and encourages even more people to support him.
At the same time, the kind of moves that might substantially weaken Reform UKās insurgency in old Labour heartlands seem to be off limits. Angela Rayner today talked up Labourās determination to meet its target of building 1.5m new homes, but who sees any signs of that? And amid plans to drastically develop the corridor between Oxford and Cambridge and build a third runway at Heathrow ā eventually ā what of the seemingly flatlining prospects of the old coalfields and manufacturing centres where Farage and his party may soon clean up?
Which, once we are past a work and pensions secretary claiming that many people on sickness and incapacity benefits are ātaking the mickeyā while her department threatens cruel cuts, brings us to the current defining feature of Starmerism. The governmentās re-energised belief in economic growth at all costs is exactly what people with precious few substantial ideas would pick as their chosen cause.
And a tl;dr provided by RecapioGPTMonomaniacal growthism is also making Starmerās administration sound discomfitingly weird, something highlighted by a quote from a government spokesperson included in a recent run of stories about the UKās childhood mental health crisis: āWe are committed to raising the healthiest generation of children ever and recognise the importance of this to our number one mission ā economic growth.ā The tone suggests one of Stalinās five-year plans being fronted by Alan Partridge.![]()
In a surprise announcement, Starmer unveiled the biggest increase in defence spending since the end of the cold war, with the budget rising to 2.5% of GDP by 2027 ā three years earlier than planned ā and an ambition to eventually reach 3%.