Essential "The Real Truth Is Wall Street Regulates Congress": The Offical Bernie Sanders CircleJerk Thread

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African-Americans putting their faith in the hand of Caucasians. Things never change.
 

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For those of us interested in how the left prioritizes its various radicalisms, Sanders’s answer is illuminating. The spectacle of a socialist candidate opposing reparations as “divisive” (there are few political labels more divisive in the minds of Americans than socialist) is only rivaled by the implausibility of Sanders posing as a pragmatist. Sanders says the chance of getting reparations through Congress is “nil,” a correct observation which could just as well apply to much of the Vermont senator’s own platform. The chances of a President Sanders coaxing a Republican Congress to pass a $1 trillion jobs and infrastructure bill are also nil. Considering Sanders’s proposal for single-payer health care, Paul Krugman asks, “Is there any realistic prospect that a drastic overhaul could be enacted any time soon—say, in the next eight years? No.”
 

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For those of us interested in how the left prioritizes its various radicalisms, Sanders’s answer is illuminating. The spectacle of a socialist candidate opposing reparations as “divisive” (there are few political labels more divisive in the minds of Americans than socialist) is only rivaled by the implausibility of Sanders posing as a pragmatist. Sanders says the chance of getting reparations through Congress is “nil,” a correct observation which could just as well apply to much of the Vermont senator’s own platform. The chances of a President Sanders coaxing a Republican Congress to pass a $1 trillion jobs and infrastructure bill are also nil. Considering Sanders’s proposal for single-payer health care, Paul Krugman asks, “Is there any realistic prospect that a drastic overhaul could be enacted any time soon—say, in the next eight years? No.”
There's no comparison between reparations and his other policies.
The way people try to make it so is absurd.
 
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I don't know if it's my stannery, but I'm really feeling like Tuesday is gonna be a great day bruhs.

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StatUS

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Is there anyone out in Florida or North Carolina that can give us some kind of hope at taking those too?

I hope the Bernie ads on criminal justice reform and his civil rights shyt as well as the Immokalee ad that is so :banderas: are changing minds out there.
NC is open I think so he has a shot.

Florida is closed so I don't know but Bernie has a larger support base building these past few weeks than he had before.
 

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Can America go socialist?

Can America go socialist?
March 8, 2016
Where did all the socialists come from? Opinion polls show a surge in the number of people who identify with socialism, or who at least have a more positive view of socialism than capitalism. The primary reason, of course, is the Bernie Sanders campaign, but there are other factors to explain why socialism is in the air. Bhaskar Sunkara, the editor of Jacobin magazine, and Alan Maass, the editor of SocialistWorker.org, discussed what it all means for the left and the struggle ahead.

Montage-for-Can-America-Go-Socialist2.jpg


Alan
In our last print edition, we put the headline "Socialism in the air" on the cover of Socialist Worker, and it's remarkable how apt that phrase was for describing the past few months--the opinion polls showing a further shift, especially among young people, in those who say they look more favorably on socialism than capitalism; Merriam-Webster announcing that "socialism" was the most frequently looked-up word last year.

And this is taking place in the most violently anti-communist of industrialized societies, so this phenomenon must have deep roots--in the growing inequality and deteriorating living conditions for the majority during the era of neoliberalism, the economic and political instability in the aftermath of the Great Recession.

We've seen expressions of the same kind of sentiment before--for example, Occupy Wall Street's popularization of the reality of class struggle with the 1 Percent versus 99 Percent slogan. But the Bernie Sanders campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination has done more than anything else to bring the discussion of socialism into the mainstream.

Both our publications have their criticisms of Sanders and his political positions and strategies, but you have to hand it to the guy for continuing to embrace the socialist label even after his popularity started to grow and he started to threaten the frontrunner status of Hillary Clinton.

As the primaries go on, it's going to become more clear to the people energized by Sanders' message that the odds are overwhelmingly against him winning the nomination of the Democratic Party. But even so, I don't think the interest in socialist ideas is going away. So what do socialists have to say to this new generation of people identifying with socialism, however it's defined, as an alternative to injustice and poverty?

Bhaskar
I think we need to make sure that people know we are supportive of the things that they want. So even though we have our criticisms of Sanders' program and we think it doesn't go far enough--and without a doubt, most socialists in this country also recognize that Sanders' stances on foreign policy and other issues leave something to be desired--the core of his program is a broad social-democratic one that we support as immediate demands.

I think that it's important when we are engaging with this set of Sanders supporters to make sure that people don't see us as outsiders secretly pursuing our own agenda--that people understand the things we are for in the short term are the same things that Sanders is for: reinvigorating the power of American workers and pushing for broad demands that will strengthen the power of labor relative to the power of capital.

We go further in believing that such reforms would create the conditions not only to sustain them, but to lead to greater transformations in the future-- whereas Sanders' vision, though it's hard to say exactly what it is, might end with a kind of Scandinavian-style welfare state.

So I think we start there, and through engagement with new struggles for these immediate demands, we can build organic connections with these people, and not only articulate a vision of a greater transformation to fight for in the future, but create something sustainable that fulfills the democratic aspirations of these people.

But in fact, the way forward involves fighting a dual battle--not only against what Sanders likes to call the billionaire class, but against a lot of the agents of the Democratic Party. And those agents will include not only the most conservative elements of the party, but some of the forces of official reformism among the Democrats, including sections of the trade union bureaucracy, segments of the left groupings in Congress, and so on.

That struggles and demands for even limited reforms will come into conflict with these forces is something that a lot of Sanders supporters don't understand. One of the advantages of the Sanders campaign is that there has been a polarization against Hillary Clinton and the wing of the party she represents. But I don't think that many Sanders supporters understand this goes beyond the Clinton dynasty--it goes to the very root and structure of the Democratic Party.

Alan
I think that process of education is going to have to take place on many levels. For example, the opinion polls tell us that more and more people are identifying with socialism, or at least preferring socialism over capitalism, at a point when the meaning of the term is more distant than ever from any living reality.

When I was becoming a radical and first learning about socialism, it was the 1980s, and the Stalinist regimes still existed in Russia and Eastern Europe, not to mention China. There was always a tradition of socialists that rejected these top-down, undemocratic societies, but when we were asked about our vision of socialism, we were immediately confronted with explaining why it had nothing to do with what existed in the USSR or China.

It's enormously positive that socialists don't have that albatross hanging around our necks. It was one of the most powerful ideological weapons for the ruling class of this society--to point at Russia and say: Look, if you try to change things, if you have a revolution, that's what happens. The downfall of Stalinism made it easier to champion a genuine socialist vision of a society based on democracy and solidarity.

But it's also true that for most people--including those excited by Sanders who are saying that if he's a socialist, then they are, too--the understanding of what the socialist tradition stands for has become more vague.

I was thinking that one place to start defining socialism for this new generation is an essay that was first published 50 years old this year: Hal Draper's The Two Souls of Socialism. Draper goes back to the time of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels to show that there has always been a divide between what he calls "socialism from above" and "socialism from below."

At that time, the height of the Cold War between the U.S. and USSR, "socialism from above" was represented very immediately by the Stalinism of Russia and its satellites. But Draper was also challenging the identification of socialism with the countries of Europe where social-democratic governments had come to power based on a program of social reforms that seem extraordinary now from the vantage point of neoliberalism, but clearly had their limitations.

Draper's theme in Two Souls was to contrast these different societies with how Marx and the Marxist tradition talked about socialism--most importantly, with the idea that socialism had to be the self-emancipation of the working class. In that vision, socialism from below is about mass democracy and mass participation of the majority of people in making a new society.

This is something that can be lost if the idea of socialism is reduced to the question of Bernie Sanders running for president. I think one of the things socialists can do to engage with the people who are gravitating toward the idea of socialism is to point back to a tradition that has always embraced the ideas of democracy, of freedom and of solidarity as the most basic principles of socialism.

...

Bhaskar
Right. I think it's important to not fall into the trap of glibly saying that Sanders' program isn't much to the left of where mainstream American liberalism was in the 1960s or even some elements of European social democracy are today. Because today, the context of the Sanders campaign is that capitalists aren't willing to accept an expansion of the welfare state. So Sanders' demands take on a much more radical character in this era.

This should remind us that if the movement around Sanders grows, then it will encounter real limits to what it can accomplish through the means Sanders is using to try to bring about change. That will either lead to some degree of disillusionment and a rejection of politics for a lot of people who were engaged by Sanders--or it could lead to further radicalization.

That is where, as small as we are, I think the radical left can make our presence felt--to be able to make an intervention at that point by having political organization and set of ideas that people can turn to, harness and shape.

Alan
That brings up something else I wanted to talk about: the other arenas of struggles and political engagement that we need to focus on as part of rebuilding a socialist movement in this country.

Since Sanders' campaign, Eugene Debs is now the second best-known socialist to run for president. At the turn of the 20th century, he ran as the Socialist Party's candidate five times. He won a million voters as the representative of a thriving socialist movement. But this was also a time that socialism was understood to be about more than elections--above all, it was a force in the working-class movement.

Debs was famous for being on one side of a political debate with revolutionaries who rejected participation in electoral politics--the anarchists and socialists who formed the Industrial Workers of the World, for example. But Debs' own political life was grounded in labor struggles from the time he became a socialist. It shows that elections are just one aspect--and not even the most important one--of a socialist movement.

Now, at the start of the 21st century, we obviously have nothing like the kind of socialist movement that existed in Debs' time--it was much broader and bigger and politically diverse. But I do think it's important to recognize that the Sanders phenomenon, including the way it has re-introduced socialism into everyday discussions, is one face of an ongoing radicalization.

When we talk about what we mean by socialism, Sanders has focused attention on social and political issues where we have an alternative to the status quo--single-payer health care or the corruption of the Washington system, for example. But I think it's also important to talk about what the other faces of the radicalization can tell us about socialism.

I live in Chicago, and I wish everyone could have experienced the electrifying effect of the teachers' strike in 2012. Yes, it was a pitched battle of a union against one of the most powerful political figures in the country, Rahm Emanuel, representing austerity and neoliberalism.

But what I remember most is how working-class Chicago came alive. Anyone going to work in the morning would run into a picket line in front of the schools in every part of the city. Then in the afternoon, the streets of downtown were clogged by demonstrations of teachers and parents and students and community members.

And everywhere you went and with everyone you talked to, there were discussions that just didn't come up before: about what the teachers were fighting for, what the community needed, how Emanuel and the city were ready to wreck the schools and everything else. The sense of solidarity and confidence was incredible.

That's just nine days in one city, but it gives you a different sense of what socialism is about: the mass mobilizations and mass actions you read about in history.

Bhaskar
I think you can find those little incubators of, if not what socialism looks like, then the power of collective action. And I think the memory of those moments--of strikes and other extra-parliamentary activity--is more durable and longer lasting than something like a presidential campaign.

There's a lot to be said about that and what it would take to transform society. It's not just a battle of ideas and convincing people that we need more social democracy, but figuring out how to organize people to exert disruptive power, be it through a strike, or disrupting the day-to-day functioning of political parties like the Democratic Party, or shaking up the regular functioning of the trade union movement by sparking rank-and-file activity and militancy.

There's a lot that needs to be said about that vision. Just because I focus at this moment heavily on the Sanders campaign doesn't mean that I think that's the only arena of struggle.

What I do think is that this is a tremendous opportunity, one that won't last forever, for us to reach a whole new segment of people. The problems they face day to day, which they used to understand as their own individual problems of personal pathologies--like its their fault that they're unemployed or facing other hardships--are being explained by Sanders as social problems, and the solution he's proposing is collective action.

This is why I think Sanders isn't just a mere social democrat--he is, if anything, what I like to call a "class-struggle social democrat". He says there is a group of people who benefit from the status quo, and we need to take them on if we are going to achieve any of the collective solutions that he is putting forward.

I think that antagonism is the most promising part of the Sanders campaign, and it points to a level of class consciousness and class organization that we haven't seen expressed in any recent electoral effort in the United States before. It also points to the similarities with the kind of spirit that animates strikes and other extra-parliamentary actions.

Continued....
 

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IS BERNIE'S LATINO WAVE RISING IN FLORIDA?


Downtown Miami is no stranger to celebrity sightings, and based on the commotion, you’d think there was a bona fide A-lister on his way. After all, a busy intersection with fangirl T-shirts and signs inviting drivers to honk for a certain man who could become president actually works at eliciting horn blasts in the traffic-lit night. On this particular night, the man in question is not even scheduled to arrive for another week, but dozens of Latino supporters are already shouting his name — “Bernie! Bernie! Bernie!” — in Florida’s second-biggest city.

Many political pundits expected the Bernie Sanders campaign bus to be parked next to Vermont’s crickets by now. But the senator from the Green Mountain State has done well enough in recent primaries, including a stunning upset in Michigan, to turn heads — and to keep car horns blaring. Still, Sanders faces severe challenges wooing certain voters and establishment Democrats if he’s to beat Hillary Clinton. His latest strategy: putting the full-court press on Latino voters just ahead of the Florida primary on Tuesday, with its possibly game-changing delegates still up for grabs in spite of an opponent who’s leading in the polls.

This particular pro-Sanders rally is but one example of the surprising affection the Brooklyn-accented septuagenarian has engendered among young Latino voters in different pockets of the country. The Democratic Socialist won Hispanic voters by eight percentage points over Clinton in Nevada’s exit polls, and he carried 10 of the top 15 Latino counties in his Colorado romp. Some of the issues that matter most to Latinos in Florida include low wages, high college debt, immigration concerns and an Affordable Care Act that for many here, has proven unaffordable. “Latinos are a huge influence in South Florida,” says Miami-based entrepreneur Indiana Sanchez, a former Miss Nicaragua who is leading a nonpartisan effort to register disillusioned voters, many of whom are Hispanic. And their importance hasn’t been lost on either Democratic presidential nominee, who most recently tussled over immigration during Wednesday’s debate.

When Hillary Clinton was counting on Latinos to be her firewall, Bernie was counting on them by … talking about the issues that mattered to these communities.

Lucy Flores, a former Nevada congresswoman



Today, Sanders is looking down south after having previously written off Florida as a lost cause. Tuesday was his first event here in his 10-month presidential run, though since then, emboldened by his 1.5-point win in Michigan and the possibility that he could win Florida too, the Vermont senator has been adding events to his schedule. In some ways, the states are virtual carbon copies, demographically speaking. Whites make up roughly 80 percent of the population in both, and African-Americans about 15 percent. But almost a quarter of Floridians also identify as Hispanic or Latino (in Michigan, only about 5 percent do), which can only help Sanders. He needs to keep white supporters and hope that Florida’s African-Americans vote more along the lines of Northern Black voters from Michigan and less like Southern Black voters from South Carolina. If all of that happens, the Sanders campaign — including Latino Outreach Director Arturo Carmona — hopes the Hispanic vote could tip the scales in the senator’s favor.

Team Sanders has been pushing hard in recent days, from airing a national Spanish-language ad on Univision to organizing a last-minute press call to tackle “Latino issues and immigration,” in which Hispanic staffers and surrogates dogpiled on Clinton while arguing that Sanders had shown his support more consistently. “When Hillary Clinton was counting on Latinos to be her firewall, Bernie was counting on them by … talking about the issues that mattered to these communities,” said Lucy Flores, a former Nevada congresswoman and Sanders supporter. Those Hispanic voters who do feel the Bern say his promises of universal Medicare, a $15 minimum wage and free college tuition motivate them: “I want a better future for my son,” says 29-year-old Amy Polanco, mother to an 11-year-old and who plans to support Sanders on Tuesday. “That’s what drives me to vote.”

But while college kids across the nation are swooning for Sanders, “in terms of the larger community, some people still don’t know who Bernie is,” says Victor Nieto, organizer of Cuban-Americans for Bernie. “It worries me.” As it should. Sanders will need Hispanic supporters to show up in droves if he wants a shot to win Florida — a recent Mason-Dixon poll showed that Clinton has more than a 50-point lead with the Hispanic voters in this state. Clinton also still has huge leads with Black voters, who made up 19 percent of the total in that election, the last without a Democratic incumbent. She also has loyalty from Florida’s Jewish voters (despite Sanders being Jewish). Then there are her attacks on his vote against a comprehensive immigration bill in 2007.

For Sanders’ part, he and his staffers argue that his opposition to that bill was joined by a number of prominent Hispanic organizations and the Southern Poverty Law Center. Yet here in Miami, not everyone is a fan of Sanders’ ideology — particularly some Cubans. That’s unlikely to hurt him as much in Tuesday’s primary, but come a general election, it could spell trouble. “My parents fled from Cuba,” says 17-year-old Alner Cabrera, who said he — and 18 of his friends — are voting for Ted Cruz. “We don’t want a socialist in here.”
Is Bernie's Latino Wave Rising in Florida?
 
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