The Official People Ignoring Protests Against "Black on Black Crime" Unappreciation Thread

The Amerikkkan Idol

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More blacks are killed by black people than white police every year, this is ridiculous we need to tackle the issue of black on black crime to make our communities better for future generations.

:why: nikka did you even read the thread?

It's basic stats. Something which is used in the IP routing that enables us to post on the Internet and underlies any self-correcting transmission protocol.
:why:
 

The Amerikkkan Idol

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Hundreds march down Michigan Avenue to honor gun violence victims
Written By BY MITCH DUDEK and TINA SFONDELES Posted: 12/31/2015, 02
Chicago Sun-Times newsletters.


PROTEST-010116-08_58369565.jpg
Community activist Lamon Reccord protests with the Rev. Michael Pfleger and the Rev. Jesse Jackson along the Magnificent Mile on Thursday, Dec. 31, 2015. | Ashlee Rezin/For the Sun-Times
In a scene that’s becoming ordinary, hundreds of protesters marched on Michigan Avenue on Thursday morning calling for police accountability and an end to gun violence.

After marching on the Magnificent Mile, a smaller group of about 100 flooded the hallway outside Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s fifth-floor office at City Hall about 1 p.m. and called for his ouster.

An even smaller group of about 50 people popped up about 3 p.m. in the bustling lobby of the Hyatt Regency Hotel ahead of Chi-Town Rising — a New Year’s Eve event featuring a midnight performance by the band Chicago.

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Demonstrators chanted and staged a die-in for about five minutes before police and hotel security kicked them out.

“On to the mayor’s house,” Ja’Mal Green, a protest leader, told the pack as they walked from the Hyatt to the CTA Brown Line to head north to Emanuel’s Ravenswood home. Police said two males were arrested outside the mayor’s house on Thursday evening, and charges were pending.

It was the third straight day protesters demonstrated outside Emanuel’s home. Green, 20, said the tactic would be repeated for 16 consecutive days — one for each time Laquan McDonald was shot by Chicago Police Officer Jason Van Dyke.



The shooting and subsequent video sparked the protest movement, as well as first-degree murder charges against Van Dyke, who pleaded not guilty this week in an arraignment hearing.

Rev. Michael Pfleger of St. Sabina and the Rev. Jesse Jackson led the peaceful Mag Mile march on Thursday to remember an estimated 442 killed by gun violence in Chicago this year.

Amirius Clinton marched down Michigan Avenue with Quintonio LeGrier on his mind.

Clinton is a junior at Northern Illinois University, where LeGrier attended. He joined dozens of other NIU students who came out to remember the 19-year-old who was gunned down by police on Saturday.

“It’s a very sad day. He actually just joined [Black Male Initiative] on campus. He was on the chess team. He had some issues, but, you know, that still didn’t give them the right to kill. He was trying to better himself. At the end of the day, that’s what we all want to do. We go off to college and we go home, and we get killed by the people who are supposed to protect us,” said Clinton, 21.

At Chicago and Michigan, the group staged a die-in.

“No business as usual while people are dying,” Pfleger told the group before they formed a circle on the street.

Jackson, 75, took a seat on the cold pavement alongside protesters.

Velinda Simpson also attended the march. She is mourning the death of her 36-year-old son, Ashton Simpson, who was killed Sept. 13 near 83rd and Wood. She said his death was during a rash of gang retaliation shootings that month.

“He was in the wrong place at the wrong time. He was a family man, three kids, a long-term marriage. He was not involved in the gangs at all,” Velinda Simpson said.

The group ended the march with a chant: “We need peace in 2016. We need jobs in 2016. We need resources in 2016. And we need change in 2016.”

 

The Amerikkkan Idol

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Time to up this thread

Anti-violence protest outside mayor's home





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<iframe width="476" height="267" src="http://abc7chicago.com/video/embed/?pid=1667715" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>
Families who have lost loved ones to gun violence in Chicago in 2016, along with faith and community leaders, are holding a protest outside Mayor Rahm Emanuel's house. (WLS)


By Eric Horng
Wednesday, December 21, 2016 10:36PM
CHICAGO (WLS) --
Families who have lost loved ones to gun violence in Chicago in 2016, along with faith and community leaders, held a protest outside Mayor Rahm Emanuel's house Wednesday evening. They said the mayor's policies are contributing to the out-of-control violence the city has seen this year.

Before arriving, demonstrators gathered at a nearby community center where several people spoke. They then held a march through the mayor's neighborhood, carrying candles and symbolic coffins.

The protesters said gangs and illegal guns aren't solely to blame for the soaring violence. There have been more than 730 murders in Chicago this year.

They blame the mayor for closing mental health clinics, cutting school budgets, a lack of public housing and for refusing to allow for an elected civilian body to oversee the police department.

"He's got to come down from his ivory tower and begin to face the people because your city is hurting," said Arewa Karen Winters.

"The mayor has not done anything. Our leaders have not done anything. They blame us, they say they need to vote. We vote, a lot of us do vote. They say we need to be in the campaigns, they give us the runaround," said Camiella Williams.

In an op-ed in USA Today, Chicago Police Superintendent Eddie Johnson wrote, "The mayor is driving economic opportunities in our most struggling neighborhoods. He is also investing $36 million over the next three years to make mentoring universal for young men in our 20 most violent neighborhoods ... But at the end of the day, our violence problem is an illegal gun problem."

It's unclear if the mayor is home to see these demonstrators. ABC7 reached out to a spokesperson from for the mayor requesting comment, but have not yet heard back.
 

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The unemployment rate is 4% in population A.
The unemployment rate is 99% in population B.

That.is.all.
 

The Amerikkkan Idol

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Great article about how not only do Black people not ignore Black on Black crime, we actually are HARDER on each other than White people are one their folks

'Demolish that lie': James Forman Jr takes on Black Lives Matter backlash
The son of a prominent civil rights leader argues in a new book, Locking Up Our Own, that the ‘black on black crime’ trope is based on a false premise – and lays much of the blame for America’s carceral crisis at the feet of the political class



‘In terms of addressing crime issues in the black community, the dominant political class has historically refused to endorse the full slate of reforms along lines of education, economic security, housing, etc, necessary to address the root causes.’ Photograph: Alamy
JamiesLahertyL.png

Jamiles Lartey


@JamilesLartey

Saturday 29 April 2017 07.00 EDT Last modified on Monday 1 May 2017 10.06 EDT

In the conservative backlash to the Black Lives Matter movement, deflection to “black on black” crime has become a meme. Why, op-eds and pundits sputter, does the black community get so riled about police violence and yet remain silent about the gun and drug crime that savages so many of its own?

James Forman Jr, son of civil rights leader James Forman Sr, knew from his time as a public defender in Washington DC that such broadsides are patently wrong. In his new book, Locking Up Our Own, he goes beyond the broader argument – that it’s reasonable to expect more from sworn law enforcement than from street criminals – to make clear that the charge is simply wrong on face value too.

“I think of it as a 239-page rebuttal to the claim that black people and their elected leaders only care about crime when it’s [committed by] the police,” Forman told the Guardian. “If there’s one thing that I hope the book does, it’s demolish that lie.”


His book sets up camp, however, on a deeply uncomfortable truth. Over the past half-century, in moments when black leadership has had the power to direct policy, such leaders have reliably chosen to embrace the types of “tough on crime” tactics that have led the US to becoming the most carceral nation in the world. For the most part, such leaders did so with the broad support of constituents seeking safety from the urban crises that colored the second half of the 20th century.

“The words and deeds of … black law enforcement officials and politicians,” Forman writes, “so often overlooked in the histories of the war on drugs, are crucial to explaining why and how the war developed as it did in American cities.”

Now a professor at Yale Law School, Forman has Washington in his sights. The city was known, at various point through the century, as both “Chocolate City” and “America’s murder capital”. Forman worked there as a public defender for six years in the 1990s, at the tail end of its most violent years.

What was going on? How did a majority-black jurisdiction end up incarcerating so many of its own?

James Forman Jr
He opens with a question that gnawed at him as he argued in front of black judges and juries, against black prosecutors and for black clients who were, in many cases, arrested by black officers in a city that was about 70% black:


“What was going on? How did a majority-black jurisdiction end up incarcerating so many of its own?”


In many cases, what was being handed down was the type of hardline answer to crime usually placed solely at the feet of conservatives like Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan. But in Washington, for example, it was a black electorate and leadership that killed a 1975 bill to decriminalize marijuana.


“This was not a story in which a white majority, acting out of indifference or hostility to black lives, imposed tough criminal penalties that disproportionately burdened a black minority,” Forman writes.


“Quite the opposite: the leaders of the decriminalization effort were white and … it was blacks who killed marijuana decriminalization in DC.”


In the 1980s, this trend toward punitive justice continued. A 1982 ballot initiative to enact harsh mandatory minimum sentences for violent criminals passed in a landslide, with more support in black and poor districts than in their whiter and more affluent equivalents.

There was broad support, in Washington and elsewhere, for tough penalties for gun crime and the distribution of hard drugs.

For PCP dealers, said the Los Angeles Sentinel, a prominent black newspaper, in 1980, “no punishment was too harsh”. Such dealers deserved to be “tarred and feathered, burned at the stake, castrated, and any other horrendous thing which can be imagined”, editors opined. The column was signed: “The Los Angeles Sentinel and the rest of the Black Community”.

The reasons for such attitudes are many, but Forman finds explanations more interesting than simple moral panic. To some extent, such draconian policy could be traced to the chaste sobriety that nationalism – such as the pro-black nationalism that was ascending at the time – tends to bring in tow.

Forman quotes from a speech by Kwame Ture, formerly known as Stokely Carmichael, in 1970: “Fighting against drugs is revolutionary because drugs are a trick of the oppressor.”

Forman also suggests such hardline policies were in part a reaction to historic underpolicing of black communities. “For 400 years black lives are never protected,” he said, adding that black leadership, when finally achieved, was then “bound and determined to do something different which produced this kind of extra vigilance”.

In his book, Forman writes: “To many African American observers, the revolving door” by which criminals would be punished lightly and let go “was discriminatory”.

“It spun fastest for the criminals who victimized blacks.”

‘To say it’s a fraught topic is correct’
The book is long on disclaimers, seeking to avoid claims of victim blaming or anything similar. Forman is clear: everything he outlines happened or is happening under the macrocosm of white supremacy, which imposes the reality that fosters crime and the constraints that winnow down possible responses.

He acknowledges that his unique pedigree, via his father and his career as a public defender, may have offered him some degree of cover.

“To say it’s a fraught topic is correct and I was very conscious the entire time of potential missteps,” he said.

In his text, Forman seeks to ensure that readers understand his perspective. He relays one story, from his time as a public defender, in which a prosecutor refused to offer one of his clients drug treatment in lieu of a jail sentence because she had been admitted to such a program before, on a prior charge.

“And yet,” he writes, “our system never treated the failure of prison as a reason not to try more prison.”

It’s bona fides like that which give Forman license to complicate our memory of the “war on drugs”, and to issue the following warning: “In terms of addressing crime issues in the black community, the dominant political class has historically refused to endorse the full slate of reforms along lines of education, economic security, housing, etc, necessary to address the root causes.

“But if the ‘quarter loaf’ is going to be law enforcement, it’s better to have no loaf. For black people in America, we can’t make this mistake again.
 

BIXBY

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fukk this c00n :pacspit:


CACs are 100% the problem ... when will these niqqas learn?!:birdman:
 

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Let's be serious, people who use this deflection don't care about either situation. and besides, protesting cops hasn't worked out yet, so how will protesting criminals work?
 
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