Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

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'Gauteng best province to live in'
December 30 2014 at 08:28am
By Angelique Serrao Comment on this story
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INDEPENDENT MEDIAGauteng has the best economy and education of all the provinces, according to a report by the SA Institute for Race Relations. File photo: Motshwari Mofokeng
Johannesburg - Gauteng has the best economy and education of all the provinces in the country.

This is according to a report published by the SA Institute for Race Relations (SAIRR).

“The key finding is that, on aggregate, Gauteng is the best province in South Africa to live in, followed, in descending order, by the Western Cape, Limpopo, Mpumalanga, the Free State, North West and the Northern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape,” said the report’s author, Thuthukani Ndebele.

The report, published by the SAIRR’s FastFacts newsletter, which assessed the nine provinces in the country, found that only Gauteng and the Western Cape were economically viable units in the sense that they account for larger shares of the country’s GDP than they do of the total population.

Economic rankings, built on indicators ranging from economic growth rates to unemployment levels, saw Gauteng leading with a score of 92 out of a possible 100, followed by the Western Cape with 78. The Eastern Cape brought up the rear with a score of 18.

Gauteng contributed 33.8 percent to the national GDP and KwaZulu-Natal 16 percent, followed by the Western Cape at 13.7 percent.

Social rankings looked at issues such as malnutrition levels and matric pass rates. These put Western Cape first and Eastern Cape last.

As far as health rankings, which included issues such as diarrhoea levels and the proportions of HIV-positive women attending antenatal clinics went, the Western Cape is placed first, followed by Gauteng.

KwaZulu-Natal came in last.

Education rankings analysed early childhood enrolment and the proportion of adults with a degree. Here, the rankings saw Gauteng come out tops with a score of 92, followed by the Western Cape with 86.

The Eastern Cape, North West, Mpumalanga and the Northern Cape were tied last at 32.

Service delivery rankings drew on data ranging from access to piped water to the presence of regular refuse removal services.

The Western Cape led the service delivery standings while its neighbour, the Eastern Cape, once again fared the worst.

Giving a very different picture were crime rankings that looked at crimes such as murder, robbery and assault rates.

Limpopo emerged as the safest province overall while the Western Cape was adjudged the most dangerous.

angelique.serrao@inl.co.za
 

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Ethiopia: Booming business, underpaid workers

Low wages have attracted foreign players to the poor African country, but labourers are hoping for better salaries.

Simona FoltynLast updated: 29 Dec 2014 11:22
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Within a few years foreign companies have helped build up Ethiopia's nascent industry [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia - Lunch break is over at the Huajian shoe factory and workers assemble in perfectly aligned two-row formations, march, salute, and return back to their work stations.
"Our factory is a bit like a military organisation. The labour here is not highly educated so we have to use a very simple way to communicate and organise them," said Nara Zhou, Huajian's spokeswoman, as she walks through the aisles of the large factory hall.
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Nara Zhou [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]
Red banners with writing in Chinese, Amharic and English hang from the ceiling, bearing lofty slogans such as "China-Africa friendly and harmonious enterprise, to win honour for the country", and "High level of democracy".
They are excerpts of speeches given by the company's president, Zhang Hua Rong, a former military officer who established Huajian's operation in Ethiopia in 2012, Zhou explained.
Within a few years, foreign companies such as Huajian have helped build up Ethiopia's nascent footwear industry from scratch.
Today, the company employs about 3,000 workers in Ethiopia and generates $20m worth of exports by producing shoes for international brands such as Guess, Naturalizer and Toms destined for US and European markets.
With a growing number of brands such as H&M starting to source from Ethiopia and existing companies ramping up production capacity, the three percent of Ethiopia's exports that came from textiles and leather in 2013 may well double in the next couple of years, according to government estimates.
Cheaper than Asia
Rising production costs in Asia are the key drivers prompting manufacturers such as Huajian to look for alternative production sites. Ethiopia seems to be ticking many of the boxes for investors: abundant cheap labour, no tariffs, and a stable political environment.

Entry-level salaries in Ethiopia range from $35 to $40 per month, significantly below average Chinese manufacturing wages of $629 per month, a figure reported to have tripled between 2000 and 2010.
In Bangladesh, textile workers are required to earn at least $68 per month, which represents an increase in minimum wages following the deadly collapse of a factory building in April, and criticism of working conditions there.
Ethiopia, however, has no minimum wage except for public servants.
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Aklilu Woldemariam [Simona Foltyn/Al Jazeera]
"We do have a labour law in this country, which is in line with international standards, but the government will not actually intervene in setting the minimum wage," Aklilu Woldemariam, director of investment promotion at Ethiopia's Investment Agency, told Al Jazeera.
The absence of a minimum wage means that market dynamics determine the salaries of factory workers. With urban unemployment at about 18 percent, workers must often accept whatever wage is offered, or have no income at all.
"I am happy I have a job but if I had an option, I wouldn't work for this amount of money and under these conditions," said Meseret Asrat, a 24-year-old employee at Ayka Textiles in the capital Addis Ababa.
Asrat earns $41 per month after the factory's recent wage increase.
Struggle for workers' rights
Despite demands for higher wages and better health and safety standards, Ayka is considered a success story when it comes to workers' rights in Ethiopia.
The country's biggest garment exporter and an employer of 8,000 workers, Ayka is also one of few textile and leather factories to have established a functional trade union. "In the beginning it was difficult to establish the union. The management didn't want the workers to unite and speak with a common voice," said Mesfin Teshome, who leads Ayka's trade union.
Following pressure from Ayka's German client Tchibo and a change in the company's management, the union won a 25-percent wage increase in a collective bargaining agreement negotiated last year. But winning further salary increases remains a challenge, Teshome said, partly because the company's profits are not made public.

Although Ethiopia's constitution guarantees workers the right to associate, most factories, including Huajian, do not have trade unions.
"If the business owners refuse, there is not much we can do," Angesom Gebre Yohannes from the Industrial Federation of Ethiopian Textile, Leather and Garment Worker Trade Unions, told Al Jazeera. "The law is there, but the struggle to implement it is left up to us and the workers."
The union currently employs four full-time staff and lacks the resources and political weight to lobby big businesses, let alone take them to court over alleged violations of wages and working conditions. Often, pressure by foreign clients and consumers is the only way to ensure better conditions for workers.
"Big foreign buyers, like in the case of Tchibo, can have a big contribution towards workers' rights," Yohannes said.
Invest now, worry later?
Between 2010 and 2014, Ethiopia's economy grew at an impressive 10.4 percent annual rate, driven mainly by large public expenditures under the umbrella of an ambitious Growth and Transformation Plan (GTP). The plan seeks to transform Ethiopia into a middle-income country by 2025.
As part of the GTP, selected industries such as textiles and leather with high-growth potential have been prioritised for foreign investment.
It's not a question of if but when the government will approach investors to discuss more corporate social responsibility.

- Dereje Feyissa Dori,International Law and Policy Institute

"This is the formative stage of the manufacturing sector," said Dereje Feyissa Dori, senior adviser and research professor at the International Law and Policy Institute office in Addis Ababa. "Investors are charting into new territories, so there must be something to entice them."
For that reason, the government is sceptical about introducing a minimum wage, which might scare away investors said Dori. Union representatives say monthly wages should be 2,000 birr ($100), twice as high as today's entry-level wages.
Low salaries are often attributed to relatively low productivity and cost of living. But for Ethiopia - a country where 29.6 percent of the population still lives below the poverty line - a shift will be needed if it is to become a middle-income country by 2025, as envisioned by the GTP.
"It's not a question of if but when the government will approach investors to discuss more corporate social responsibility," said Dori.
Trade unions and some business owners say ensuring reasonable wages and working conditions would make the industry more sustainable and avoid disruptions further down the line.
"If the government takes the necessary measures in the beginning, the industry will not be disturbed later on like we see it in the experiences of Far East Asia," Ercan Tukoglu, the general manager of Ayka Textiles, told Al Jazeera.
 

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The Extremo Files
Will Africa Produce the “Next Einstein”?

AIMS’ flagship campus in Cape Town, South Africa. (Image: Flickr/NextEinstein)

There is no shortage of ideas for ways to help African countries rise out of poverty. From big-dollar funds set up to deliver food, water, or medicine to destitute villagers to vociferous calls to leave the continent alone, the subject almost invariably escalates to a shouting match burdened by the specter of colonialism.

But Thierry Zomahoun’s plan represents what may be described as a middle way, leveraging donor dollars in support of a long-term initiative that instills homegrown talent with the skills, confidence, and contacts to improve their communities. Zomahoun is the president and CEO of the African Institute for Mathematical Sciences (AIMS), a growing network of educational and research institutes that hopes to move the continent’s most capable intellectuals into the global spotlight.


There are three formal AIMS undertakings: a master’s degree program in Mathematical Sciences, research, and teacher training. The master’s program offers free tuition to accepted students and trains them in both general principles – problem formulation, the scientific method, communication – and cutting-edge math in subjects including computer science, biomathematics, and financial mathematics. Research will allow for international collaborations and advanced student training.

There are currently about a dozen researchers at the South Africa campus, and a handful of others distributed between sites in Senegal and Ghana. This number is expected to grow as each center develops its niche based on local needs and opportunities. Teacher training programs include a two-year advanced certificate course and a four-month intensive option; both programs involve both remote, web-based elements as well as residential stints at AIMS campuses.

Speaking at the Falling Walls Conference in Berlin in early November, Zomahoun noted that AIMS is hoping to reverse the colonial legacy of African education in two main ways. Traditionally, classrooms were led by an authoritative teacher who disseminated information to silent students, but Zomahoun hopes to turn that paradigm on its head. “We train people who can challenge the status quo,” he explains, “not just people who learn from books, listen to lectures, and just repeat it.” Rather, he hopes to instill qualities like “critical thinking, independent thinking, and problem solving” in order to prepare students for real-world problems.

AIMS also addresses what Zomahoun views as a historic dearth of scientists. He notes that talented students have typically pursued the humanities, because it was the best educational and professional route available during the colonial era. The pattern has continued to this day: “80% of the high school population, those moving up to university were going into the humanities,” Zomahoun explains. “It’s great, but when you’re building a continent that needs to develop, you need more people in science.” With the aim of an improved development trajectory, AIMS prioritizes the applied elements of math – fields like economics, health, or natural resource management.

Math also represents an ideal starting point for an under-resourced region to begin the climb up the research ladder. State-of-the-art biochemistry or electrical engineering requires expensive instruments and years of training just to start generating data. “The good thing about mathematical sciences is that it doesn’t require heavy infrastructure,” Zomahoun says. “It’s cheap – you just need a pen, paper, and then you can do it.”

Of course, you also need promising talent and inspiring teachers, and Zomahoun is scouring the continent for precocious youth in an effort he’s calling the Next Einstein Initiative. “AIMS is training Africa’s brightest students,” he says, “and we’re trying to provide solutions to the critical issues that the continent is facing.”
 

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US and Israeli intervention led UN to reject Palestinian resolution
Binyamin Netanyahu and John Kerry called Goodluck Jonathan to ask Nigeria to abstain from crucial security council vote

The UN security council rejected a Palestinian resolution demanding an end to Israeli occupation within three years after Israel and the US crucially intervened to persuade Nigeria to abstain from voting.

Palestinian officials and other observers had thought Nigeria would back a Jordanian-tabled resolution, thereby delivering a nine-vote majority on the council which would have required a US veto to be blocked. Washington had been working strenuously to avoid having to use its veto.

Until shortly before the vote on Tuesday, council diplomats had expected the resolution to get nine yes votes. But Nigeria abstained, with its ambassador, U Joy Ogwu, echoing the US position in saying that the path to peace lay “in a negotiated solution”.

One Palestinian source involved in the negotiations told the Guardian: “Even half an hour before the vote, Nigeria indicated it was committed to voting for the resolution. We knew that Rwanda, South Korea and Australia would not back it, but we believed Nigeria was on board.”

The apparent change by Nigeria, which is a rotating member of the council, came after both the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, and the US secretary of state, John Kerry, phoned the country’s president, Goodluck Jonathan, to ask him not to support the resolution.

A State Department spokesman said on Tuesday that Kerry had called a number of senior foreign officials, including Jonathan, before the vote. Arriving at primary elections for leadership of his Likud party on Wednesday, Netanyahu confirmed he had spoken to both Paul Kagame of Rwanda and Jonathan before the UN vote. “I spoke with both of them,” he told reporters. “They promised me personally that they would not support this decision and they stood by their words. That is what tipped the scales.”

Netanyahu had a private meeting with the Nigerian president – seen by Israel as a potential ally on the security council – during the latter’s pilgrimage to Jerusalem in October.

Only eight countries voted in favour of the resolution, with the US – which opposed the motion – not using the veto it is granted as one of the five permanent members of the council.

After the vote, the Israeli foreign minister, Avigdor Lieberman, took a swipe at the European countries which backed the resolution. “The Palestinian disregard to the international community’s most important countries – particularly the US – stems from the backing they receive from certain European countries,” he said.

Palestinian and French officials indicated they would continue working to find a text to put to the council, perhaps within weeks.

Before the vote, the chief Palestinian negotiator, Saeb Erekat, said the Palestinians could return to the security council, which, from Thursday, will have five new members who are viewed as more sympathetic to their cause.

The Palestinian leadership was due to meet on Wednesday evening to consider its response, including whether to apply immediately for membership of the international criminal court, a move the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, has long been threatening to make.

However, despite the defeat for the Arab-supported campaign to gain security council backing for a move towards a Palestinian state, the vote held minimal comfort for Israel as it saw two European countries, France and Luxembourg, support the resolution. Only the US and Australia voted against it.

Palestinian officials had long believed the resolution was likely to be defeated by a US veto but had hoped to secure the nine votes to highlight what they argue is Washington’s partisan advocacy on behalf of Israel in the Middle East peace process.

The US, Israel’s closest ally, had made clear it opposed the set timetable in the draft resolution, insisting instead on a negotiated peace agreement between the Israelis and Palestinians.

“We voted against this resolution not because we are comfortable with the status quo. We voted against it because ... peace must come from hard compromises that occur at the negotiating table,” the US ambassador to the UN, Samantha Power, said.

She described the decision to bring the draft resolution to a vote as a “staged confrontation that will not bring the parties closer”. Of the resolution itself, she said it was “deeply unbalanced” and didn’t take into account Israel’s security concerns.

“Our effort was a serious effort, genuine effort, to open the door for peace,” said Riyad Mansour, the Palestinian ambassador to the UN. “Unfortunately, the security council is not ready to listen to that message.”

Erekat said in a statement after the vote: “We presented a resolution that is fully in line with international law, and which recalls several previously approved resolutions by the United Nations. “Although the majority of the security council voted in favour of the resolution, once again, certain countries continue to ensure impunity to the Israeli occupation and its severe international law violations by not voting in favour of the resolution.”
 

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2014/2015 in food: From Mama Fresh Injera to Gala sausage rolls, meet some of Africa's most loved brands
31 DEC 2014 12:24SAMANTHA SPOONER

Those food brands you know so well, that it's surprising when nobody else knows it!

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THEY’VE been around for decades and are common food brands that Africans will find in their pantry. For many in the diaspora, they are such an intense source of nostalgia that they can now be found in African food outlets and distributors across the globe, from America to Europe and Australia.

Here are those African food brands that leave us flabbergasted when we realise nobody else knows them:

Tropical Heat

For over 35 years, Deepa Industries’ “Tropical Heat” has been a staple in Kenyan pantries. The company is most famous for manufactured potato snacks which fall under the brand “Tropical Heat” that include crisps, chevda and peanuts. Having started as a small enterprise with just three employees in 1973, Deepa Industries has now become a household name in Kenya and products are also being exported to Uganda, Tanzania

Gala’s Sausage Roll

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Made from a pure beef filling and rich pastry, Nigeria’s most popular sausage roll conjures up nostalgic feelings for many. Today it’s popularity has seen Gala Foods launch the product in Ghana and diversify into a chicken sausage roll product. What is particularly astounding is that for 40 years the Gala sausage roll was sold by hawkers on Nigeria’s streets and not in shops or stores.

Joubert & Monty Biltong

Biltong is undoubtedly one of South Africa’s favourite traditional snacks. J&M is the forerunner in the biltong industry and has a wide range of dried meat products that include beef biltong and snapsticks.

Rhodes tinned food

With a heritage that dates back to 1893, Rhodes Food Group is the oldest food producing company in South Africa. This Western Cape based food producer ranks amongst the top ten listed food companies in South Africa and offers tinned fruit and vegetable products as well as jams and spreads, which are a staple in many South African homes.

Akabanga

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Local Rwandan businessman, Sina Gérard, perfected a recipe for a chilli sauce which is now locally and internationally famous. Known as “Akabanga”, the sauce hits you with a smoky and slightly bitter taste but is so hot and spicy that only a couple of drops are needed - conveniently it is already packed in eye-dropper bottles!

Farmer’s Choice

Farmer’s Choice was founded in 1980, with the main aim of selling fresh and processed pork products to all income groups in Kenya. To this day, the core business of Farmer’s Choice has been the production of fresh sausages, bacon, ham and pork. Beef has also become an important supplementary product. They are particularly known for their famous “Safari sausages” a staple for all camp fires grills.

Goldentree Chocolates

Goldentree is the brand name of the Cocoa Processing Company Limited established in Ghana in 1981. The company processes some of Ghana’s cacao locally, rather than exporting it all to foreign chocolate manufacturers, and in doing so has created a variety of chocolate bars, spreads, powder and drinking chocolate.

Nasco Cornflakes

NASCO Group is one of the largest Fast Moving Consumer Goods (FMCG) companies in the West Africa region. Established in Nigeria over 50 years ago, NASCO manufactures a wide range of popular brands though one that stands out is their corn flakes. Now available in a range of flavours, these cornflakes have held their own in the competitive cornflake market and can be found in most shops.

Mama Fresh Injera

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Mama Fresh Injera is based in Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa and is said to be one of the largest commercial manufacturers and exporters of fresh-baked injera - the deliciously sour Ethiopian flatbread. Having started in 2003, this family business quickly developed a loyal local following and today 50% of the company’s output is currently exported to markets in the US and Europe.

All Gold Tomato Sauce

All Gold products have been a part of the history of South Africa for more than 100 years. Their tomato sauce, launched in 1908, was originally manufactured by lowering muslin bags filled with herbs and spices into pots of ripe, freshly crushed tomatoes. can be found in South African households across the country and was one of the first products advertised on television. By 1985, homes around the country had consumed 250 million bottles of All Gold Tomato Sauce.

Elsa Kolo

Established in 1990, Elsa Kolo is a brand known for it’s popular “Kolo” snack. Kolo is simply barley, chickpeas, wheat and whole grains tossed together and roasted over a clay griddle. It is regularly enjoyed by most Ethiopians between meals, while having traditional coffee or drinking Ethiopian traditional home brewed beer.

SAFI sardines

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MIDAV sardines and mackerel have been canning fish since 1984 in the sea town of SAFI, an area considered to be one of the world’s richest fishing waters. Morocco is renowned for its sardines but the SAFI range are famous locally for their variety; plain or filleted sardines and mackerel in vegetable, olive oil, tomato, in brine, or with lemon.

Caravane cheese

Caravane is the brand name of a camel milk cheese produced in Mauritania by Tiviski, a company founded in 1987. The milk used to make the cheese is collected from the local animals of a thousand nomadic herdsmen and is found in shops and restaurants across Nouakchott - although exports to Senegal have also begun. This soft cheese is popularly referred to as a local Camembert and is used in cakes, dips, appetizers, savory meat and various vegetable preparations

Halayeb’s Romy Cheese

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Romy or Roumy cheese is one of the best cheeses in Egypt and one of the most popular brands for it is Hayaleb. Established in 1910 in Damietta, in Egypt, Hayaleb belongs to the Egyptian Katilo family and is considered the leader of the Egyptian cheese market. Romy cheese is a hard, sharp tasting and salty cheese and belongs to the pecorino romano or mancheg family.

Monteros Kapenta

For years Monteros has been producing dried Kapenta – a small sardine-like fish and one of Zimbabwe and Zambia’s favourite foods. An important staple protein, dried kapenta is usually salted before drying and in Zimbabwe they are often fried with tomatoes and onions and eaten as part of a meal.
 

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East African art talent shines at new show
December 24, 2014 — Nairobi’s One Off Gallery rounds out 2014 with an exhibition of the “Recent Works” of more than a dozen of Kenya’s finest contemporary artists

This painting, one of the highlights of the One Off art show, is Kenyan artist Peter Ngugi's The White Moccasin Rebellion

Nairobi’s One Off Gallery rounds out 2014 with an exhibition of the recent works of nearly all the Kenyan artists that the gallery represents. That means that more than a dozen of Kenya’s finest contemporary artists have their most recently inspired art on display at One Off’s loft in the capital city’s upmarket district of Rosslyn Lone Tree.

Among the artists whose works are included in this show (which runs through the first week of the New Year) are Peter Elungat and Peter Ngugi, who just returned from a three-week painters’ project in Lamu, and Timothy Brooke who was also in Lamu briefly last month.

The latest artworks of all three plus those of Chelenge van Rampelberg and Sophie Walboeffe will feature in One Off’s next exhibition opening at the end of January.


Kenyan artist Ehoodi Kichapi’s Soap Soup painting

That show will serve as a sort of precursor to the Third Bi-annual Lamu Painters Festival that will be held in Shela village the following month. The festival brings together both European and East African painters to the coast where all the artists are meant to do for three weeks is paint in this picturesque Indian Ocean-side environment.

Founded by a German philanthropist who since 2006 has spent half his life in Hamburg, Germany, and the other half in Shela, Herbert Menzer’s initial idea was to introduce European ‘plein air’ painters (those who prefer painting in the open air) to the incomparable beauty of the Kenyan coast.


This work by Kenyan painter Beatrice Wanjiku is entitled Contemplation

But then he quickly learned there are outstanding East African artists who he also began to invite to his Festival. So far, artists like Justus Kyalo, Patrick Kinuthia, Patrick Mukabi, Peter Ngugi and Peter Elungat are among the Kenyans who have attended the festival.

Other East African artists like Eltayeb Dawelbeit from Sudan and Fitsum Berhe Woldelibanos from Eritrea have also been to Shela where they’ve painted alongside European artists who specialize in doing their art work outdoors.


This painting is untitled, by Eritrean artist Fitsum

Chelenge is the first Kenyan sculptor to work at Lamu as Herbert’s invited guest, but she’s not the first sculptor involved in the festival since Joachim Sauter of Germany has been sculpting for the last few years on a series of monumental African mahogany works based on Kenyan men who work at the Mawira quarries on Manda island just next to Lamu. Sauter’s sculptures as well as Chelenge’s will also be part of the One Off exhibition at the end of January.

But currently the gallery’s founder curator Carol Lees has assembled the most recently conceived paintings by everyone from Peterson Kamwathi, Beatrice Wanjiku, Anthony Okello and John Kamicha to Richard Kimathi, Ehoodi Kichapi, Shabu Mwangi and Florence Wangui. Also in the show are sculptors like Harrison Mburu and guest artists Gakunju Kaigwa and Baudy Osborne.


Kenyan artist Gakunju Kaigwa’s kisii stone Mother and Child

What’s exciting about this show is that Carol has assembled a range of ‘works in progress’, meaning they are part of a larger series that an artist is working on.

Such are the paintings by Kamwathi, Okello and Wanjiku, each of which reflects a quality of inspiration and artistic energy that one can practically see and feel in pieces like Kamwathi’s charcoal ‘Study’ of his ‘Positions’ series, Okello’s Masquerade I and II and Wanjiku’s Contemplation I and II.


Joseph Bertier Mbatia’s Country Bus sculpture

At the same time, the fact that nearly all the art has been conceived in the past few months strongly suggests that Lees loves to work with artists who are innovative, experimental and artistically serious about exploring their creative potential, unlike some people who call themselves artists but who create works that I’d call ‘redundant’ since it consistently repeats one style of painting, drawing or sculpting.

It’s the sort of work that art historians have called ‘curios’ or ‘souvenir art’ since it’s specially made for sale to tourists. It’s also the sort of stuff that has given Kenyan art a bad name among scholars of African art up until recently.

Included in what’s classified as curios or tourist art are the Kamba carvings that until the last few years have simply been made to fill ‘bulk orders’ for wooden giraffes, rhinos and endangered elephants that get sold in curio shops and hotels.

Batiks featuring suka-clad Maasai morans or rural market scenes are also mass produced by businessmen who basically masquerade as fine artists but are really looking for quick cash.


John Kamicha’s plywood-based work, entitled Family of 7

In contrast, John Kamicha’s latest mixed media paintings on cardboard and plywood are colourful life-sized cut-outs that reflect both a wild imagination and artistic skill as well as a rich sense of humour that makes one see Kamicha is one of Kenya’s most unconventional and fresh young artists around.

So One Off’s current show offers a rare encapsulation of what’s going on among ‘cutting edge’ Kenyan contemporary artists who take their art seriously.
 

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AFRICA
With Schoolgirls Still Missing, Fragile U.S.-Nigeria Ties Falter
By ERIC SCHMITTDEC. 31, 2014
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Rachel Daniel, sitting with her son, Bukar, held a picture of her daughter, Rose, who was among nearly 300 Nigerian teenage girls kidnapped in April by the militant group Boko Haram. While the United States joined the Nigerian military in efforts to rescue the girls, they have not been found and the relationship between the two countries has frayed. CreditJoe Penney/Reuters

  • Nigeria in April, the United States sent surveillance drones and about 30 intelligence and security experts to help the Nigerian military try to rescue them. Gen. David M. Rodriguez, the top general for American missions in Africa, rushed from his headquarters here to help the commanders in the crisis.

    Seven months later, the drone flights have dwindled, many of the advisers have gone home and not one of the kidnapped girls has been found. Many are believed to have been married off to Boko Haram fighters, who in the past six months have seized hundreds more civilians, including children, planted bombs in Nigerian cities and captured entire towns.
    In Washington, that fleeting moment of cooperation between Nigeria and the United States in May has now devolved into finger-pointing and stoked the distrust between the two countries’ militaries. Nigeria’s ambassador to the United States has accused the Obama administration of failing to support the fight against Boko Haram, prompting the State Department to fire back with condemnations of the Nigerian military’s dismal human rights record.
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    Gen. David M. Rodriguez is the top general for American missions in Africa.CreditTed S. Warren/Associated Press
    “Tensions in the U.S.-Nigeria relationship are probably at their highest level in the past decade,” Johnnie Carson, the State Department’s former top diplomat for Africa, said in an interview. “There is a high degree of frustration on both sides. But this frustration should not be allowed to spin out of control.”

    Here in Stuttgart, officials at the headquarters of United States Africa Command offered their own bleak assessment of a corruption-plagued, poorly equipped Nigerian military that is “in tatters” as it confronts an enemy that now controls about 20 percent of the country.

    “Ounce for ounce, Boko Haram is equal to if not better than the Nigerian military,” said one American official here, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss operational reports.

    The violence is in the meantime spilling into neighboring countries like Cameroon, which carried out its first airstrikes against Boko Haram this week, after militants overran a military base and attacked five villages there. Despite Boko Haram’s advances, United States Embassy officials in Abuja said Nigeria had canceled the last stage of American training of a newly created Nigerian Army battalion.

    The United States’ original effort to help locate and rescue the girls produced scant results, American and Nigerian officials said, in part because of distrust. Although the United States reached an agreement with Nigeria last spring to share some intelligence, American officials did not include raw intelligence data because they believe that Boko Haram has infiltrated the Nigerian security services.

    The United States has flown several hundred surveillance drone flights over the vast, densely forested regions in the northeast where the girls were seized, but officials in Stuttgart said that with few tips to guide the missions, the flights yielded little information, while diverting drones from other missions in war zones like Iraq and Syria.

    When the Pentagon did come up with what it calls “actionable intelligence” from the drone flights — for example, information that might have indicated the location of some of the girls — and turned it over to the Nigerian commanders to pursue, they did nothing with the information, Africa Command officials said.

    In addition, United States security assistance to Nigeria has been sharply limited by American legal prohibitions against close dealings with foreign militaries that have engaged in human rights abuses.

    Last summer, the United States blocked the sale of American-made Cobra attack helicopters to Nigeria from Israel, amid concerns in Washington about Nigeria’s ability to use and maintain that type of helicopter in its effort against Boko Haram, and continuing worries about Nigeria’s protection of civilians when conducting military operations.

    Those restrictions have drawn sharp criticism from Nigerian officials. In a speech at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York in November, Nigeria’s ambassador to the United States, Adebowale Ibidapo Adefuye, said his government was dissatisfied with the “scope, nature and content” of American support in the fight against Boko Haram. He also disputed allegations of human rights violations committed by Nigerian soldiers.

    “We find it difficult to understand how and why in spite of the U.S. presence in Nigeria with their sophisticated military technology, Boko Haram should be expanding and becoming more deadly,” he said.

    Mr. Adefuye accused Washington of failing to provide the lethal weapons needed to defeat Boko Haram. In June, the Pentagon gave Nigeria some Toyota trucks, communications equipment and body armor. “There is no use giving us the type of support that enables us to deliver light jabs to the terrorists when what we need to give them is the killer punch,” the ambassador said.

    bokoharam-explained-videoSixteenByNine540.jpg

    In Nigeria, more than 200 schoolgirls have been held captive since last April. Some background information on the Islamist group that has been trying to topple the country’s government for years.

    Video by Natalia V. Osipova on Publish DateMay 9, 2014. Photo by Sunday Alamba/Associated Press.
    Mr. Adefuye’s speech prompted a strong response from the State Department the next day. “We continue to urge Nigeria to investigate allegations of abuses perpetrated by Nigerian security forces, as well as offer Nigeria assistance in developing the doctrine and training needed to improve the military’s effectiveness,” Jen Psaki, the State Department spokeswoman, told reporters in Washington. “We wouldn’t be raising that concern if we didn’t feel and others didn’t feel that they were warranted.”

    Groups like Human Rights Watch say the Nigerian military has at times burned hundreds of homes and committed other abuses as it battled Boko Haram and its presumed supporters.

    By this time, cooperation on the ground was also wearing thin. When Maj. Gen. James B. Linder, the head of American Special Operations forces in Africa, visited Nigeria in late October, he was barred from visiting the base where American trainers were instructing the new Nigerian Army battalion created to help fight Boko Haram. General Linder was left waiting at the gate in what some American officials viewed as another dig at the Pentagon. Africa Command officials insisted it was a “coordination issue that was remedied with a meeting later in the day.

    “We continue to engage with Nigeria on a broad range of training, equipping, and information-sharing projects across all of the military services,” Benjamin Benson, an Africa Command spokesman, said in an email.

    Secretary of State John Kerry called Nigeria’s president, Goodluck Jonathan, on Tuesday in part to discuss Boko Haram.

    The strains between the two militaries are not new, and with Nigeria preparing for national elections in February, American officials fear that earlier assessments may overtake their cautious optimism from the spring.

    Testifying before House and Senate hearings, administration officials in May offered an unusually candid criticism of the Nigerian military. “We’re now looking at a military force that’s, quite frankly, becoming afraid to even engage,” said Alice Friend, the Pentagon’s principal director for African affairs at the time.

    Sarah Sewall, the undersecretary of state for civilian security, democracy and human rights, said at a separate hearing that despite Nigeria’s $5.8 billion security budget for 2014, “corruption prevents supplies as basic as bullets and transport vehicles from reaching the front lines of the struggle against Boko Haram.”

 

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Why You Need To Pay Attention To The Nigerian Currency Crisis

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Nigeria's currency, the naira, has been getting slammed as the oil-exporting nation has been getting squeezed by tumbling crude prices.

However, it looks like the official price of the naira has stabilized against the dollar in the last couple of weeks after the central bank stepped in and restricted currency trading. Early December, the central bank also took 300 billion naira out of circulation in its effort to support the struggling currency.

Reuters reported last week that the street price of the currency is lower than the official price, and it could be close to a record low. At times during the week before Christmas, the rate was as much as 190 naira to the dollar. It seemed to be about 187 as of Monday.

A separate Reuters report notes that the central bank's foreign exchange reserves are at $34.5 billion as of Monday — down almost 21% on the year.

This is a story to watch as Nigerian national elections approach in February. Experts are expecting it to be expensive (even more so as the price of oil continues to drop) and potentially bloody. In the backdrop is what more or less amounts to a war against Boko Haram in the north of the country. A currency crisis won't be likely to help any of these things.

Why does any of this matter? Nigeria is (somewhat arguably) the largest economy in Africa. It's been growing at a clip of about 7% for years. But on a per capita basis it's still very poor, not to mention very young. According to the Economist it needs to sustain double-digit growth just to absorb the millions of people aging into the labor force. That's not going to happen if the country is in crisis.



Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/why-the-nigerian-currency-crisis-matters-2014-12#ixzz3NXRGsmMG
 
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Africa's stock markets in 2014: The hot, the so-so, the surprise, and the forgetables
01 JAN 2015 13:00LEE MWITI
Some bourses held their own admirably, others plunged, others rose--all in a year's trade.

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Africa's star stock exchanges for 2014: There is always someone making money somewhere.

IT has been a tough year for African stock markets, most of which tend to be generally classified as “frontier” by global investor firms.

A sampling of eight stock exchange indices in Africa shows they lost 14.51% of their value over the last one year, even as MSCI data showed a 15.75% gain over the last three years.

The markets tracked by Morgan Stanley Capital International were Botswana, Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Morocco, Nigeria, Tunisia and Zimbabwe.

Indices have their weaknesses, but they do provide a general picture of market performance. We looked at the annual performance of the individual exchanges, biased, but not limited to, the more inclusive and weighted All Share Indices from the African Securities Exchanges Association to rank them into categories based on the numbers:

The Star Performers:

Kenya

The Nairobi Securities Exchange Ltd All Share Index traded at 162.2 points on December 24, just four shy of its year-high of 167.54 reached on December 8. It has been a steady climb in the right direction for the index, which started the year on 136.56 points.

The main ‘blue chip’ NSE 20 Share Index also hit a September high of 5406.39, with a stable currency and a shrinking current account deficit among the factors cited for the rally. But with a new capital gains tax coming into effect in the New Year, the honeymoon looks set to sour.

Uganda

Uganda’s All-Shares Index also had a good year, starting at 1520 points and closing the year above 1940 points in what was a steady climb. In 2010 the country’s bourse was the best performing in sub-Saharan Africa.

The country’s performance is more a reflection of investor confidence given a host of incentives. (Read: Where in Africa money hit sweet returns for 2014 - and where it’s likely to pay off big in 2015)

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Malawi

Malawi had a memorable year, punctuated by a dramatic election and a face-off with all-important donors.

But surprisingly its All Share index defied currency volatility and investor uncertainty to head in only one direction—up—to trade at 14886 points, a three-year high— on December 24, having started the year at 12531 points.

Zambia’s All Share Index also had a good year, holding above 6000 points since April, having started the year at 5300 points. This is despite electoral and investor uncertainty, the latter over proposed mining policy changes.

Honourable mentions:

Botswana also from October saw its majority Domestic Company Index go above 9500 points and remain there, having started the year at 9064 points, while Egypt is also seeing a three year high for its EGX 30 Index, as it continues to place a premium on political stability. Tunisia has also had a good year.

The Never-Say Dies:

Mauritius

The SEMDEX all shares index had a yoyo year, starting the year at 2110.27 points, hitting a low of 20131.38 in May, touching a high of 2170.71 points in October (a three year high) before tapering down to 2072.94 on December 29.

The country’s markets exhibit a beta-relation to developed markets, while it also held a credible—as usual— election.

South Africa

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South Africa’s business confidence was largely depressed in 2014, on the back of labour unrest and electoral jitters, but will be pretty pleased with the numbers given this background.

The FTSE/JSE: Africa All Share Index battled on strongly, starting the year at 46589 points, hitting a July—and three year— high of 52242 points and trading at 49478.3 on December 24.

It saw an 8% increase over the year as firms sought capital to fund regional expansion, while the all share index has retreated 5% since July, reflecting market volatility. SA companies also raised the most money on share sales since 2005—$13 billion or a 58% jump.

The Underwhelmers:

Ghana

Ghana had a particularly mediocre year, as its currency plunged—the worst performer in Africa— forcing it to seek financial help from the International Monetary Fund.

And with oil prices further plummeting it could have been forgiven for wondering whose goat it ate.

The troubles were reflected in its stock market—the Ghana Stock Exchange-Composite Index fell from a February 20 high of 2439.2 points—the highest in three years— to 2286.11 points on December 24 following a choppy last six months, but still better than the January 2 low of 2145. 2 points when a rally begun.

Morocco

The MADEX started the year at 7440.57 points, hit a high of 8499 points in October before embarking on a decline to touch 7972.12 on December 10, 7% down over the year. It has reached 8750 points in April 2012.

Rwanda

The fledgling five-company Rwanda Stock Exchange had a year to forget, starting the year at 232.2 points, rising to 270 points in April, a three year high, before shrinking to to 222 points in November.

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The Where-Do-We-Go-From-Heres:

Nigeria

Nigeria’s ASI on July 4 hit the heights at 43031.81 points, a three-year high, having started off at 41228 points in January before embarking on a bear run that saw it crash to 29789.59 points on December 17.

The country goes into an election in February while oil prices have seen it revise its budgetary plans, heralding an uncertain future. The stock has market ended the year 16% down, but many dealers see it as a market correction, and should bloom again in 2015.

Zimbabwe

Zimbabwe’s Industrial Index headed down, starting the year at 201 points and trading at 167 points on December 10, just off its year low of 163 reached in April. It has however seen worse: in May 2012 it reached 128.95 points. The majority of its counters also rarely trade, as investors remain wary of risk.

The Surprise:

Swaziland

Swaziland generally gets a rough ride in the media, but is SZ Index has not been too bothered, starting the year at 294.27 points, and flattening at 298 points since October, which is a three-year high. It has a very unusual market curve—smooth and linear. It may be a small market, but it is a thriving one.
 

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A Stroll by the Casbah in Northern Morocco
DEC. 31, 2014

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Chefchaouen, known for its blue-painted walls, is four hours from Fez.CreditBen Sklar for The New York Times

Overnighter

By MELENA RYZIK
It was sometime around the fourth encore that the conga line really took off: a crowd of jubilant children and adults, in harem pants and jeans, snaking around the dramatically lit courtyard of an 18th-century casbah. A French gypsy-punk band, Basta Paï Paï, was tearing up the stage, its members wearing top hats and black tuxedo jackets trimmed with devilish red fins.

“Vous dansez bien, Chaouen,” the bare-chested frontman shouted, as the audience bounced in and around their seats. It was a spring night in Chefchaouen, a town nestled in the Rif Mountains in northern Morocco, and it seemed as if a good portion of the inhabitants — especially the younger ones — had filled the square. When the band announced a reggae song, a mosh pit nearly broke out.

“We’re trying to make something happen in Chaouen, culturally,” said Karim Khlifi, an organizer of the event. “Our role is to make Chaouen known around the world.”

Of course, Chefchaouen — or Chaouen, as it’s sometimes called — is already famous as an outrageously picturesque blue-walled city. Inside the ancient gated medina nearly every building is painted an arresting shade of cerulean or azure, the sky blues juxtaposed with white trim and terra-cotta rooftops. Twisting cobblestone paths lead up and up, around the ocher-colored casbah, past a crumbling cemetery where goats graze, to a landscape of green hills and mountaintops, uninterrupted sky extending beyond. It’s like being inside a Chagall painting.

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Brilliant rugs hang on a rooftop terrace.CreditBen Sklar for The New York Times
Settled in the 15th century, Chefchaouen (pronounced shef-SHA-wen) has been home to Moorish and Jewish populations — the latter began the blue wall tradition generations ago, the story goes — and was part of the Spanish Moroccan enclave from 1920 to 1956. For non-Arabic-speakers here, Spanish is still far more common, and more useful, than French, Morocco’s main commercial language. And Chefchaouen continues to draw Europeans, especially Spaniards who alight in the summer after taking a ferry across the Strait of Gibraltar.

But despite its discovery by foreigners, Chefchaouen retains its relaxed native charms. It’s an artsy, bucolic retreat less than three hours’ drive from more bustling and seedy Tangier, and is popular with visitors for weekend hiking and climbing, and waterfall dips for locals.

Arriving in the evening after a bumpy drive through the mountains from Fez — about four hours away — a photographer, Ben Sklar, and I made a beeline for the Hotel Atlas, one of the few places to get a beer in town. (Though not illegal, alcohol is heavily regulated in Morocco, a Muslim country.) Like many hotels here it advertised mountain views, though the scene in the slightly dated lobby was also arresting: a musician at a keyboard, singing over synthesized Middle Eastern dance tunes, as men drank Casablanca beer around him. Aside from concerts and hours spent sipping mint tea in cafes, this is the local night life. The Hotel Parador, closer to the medina, has a similar vibe, but draws more out-of-towners, including a motorcycle convention when we were there.

We left our car nearby at a lot watched by an amiable attendant for a few dirham a night. There’s no need or room for a car inside the medina, which is compact enough to be walkable, if sometimes steep; petit taxis, as they’re known here, congregate outside the bigger hotels for short trips outside town or to the bus station. (There are no trains.)

En route to the parking spot, we got a quick lesson in the hospitality of Chaouen when our SUV became stuck in a narrow blind alley. Backing out was not an option, though a dozen men materialized to help us try, communicating in three languages. Before we knew it, and without any encouragement from us, they exchanged a few words, convened around us and, like a crew of real-life superheros, simply picked up the car. They plopped it down a few feet over, and we were able to navigate out. “First time here? Welcome!” one helper said, waving us on.

The mellow vibe might be cultural or medicinal: Chefchaouen is also known for being smack in the middle of hashish country. The Rif Mountains are the site of vast kif, or hashish, farms, and we were barely in town for an hour before a man approached, inviting us to visit one. We politely declined, and he easily moved on (the touts here are not as aggressive as in other Moroccan cities). Though smoking is technically illegal, young backpackers and hippie couples do flock here; it’s a well-worn stop on the global chill-out trail.

Just strolling the streets of the medina is relaxing enough, though. Around every corner is a vista that’s Instagramable: sacks of rainbow pigment, for paints, below a blue-shuttered window; a vendor squeezing fresh orange juice, with bright peels curling around his stand, in a small square; boys playing soccer in the alleys or skittering down the steps, loops of freshly made sfenj (Moroccan doughnuts) around their arms. Locals are not keen on having their picture taken, but they don’t mind your admiring the architecture or the handicrafts: You can get a pair of babouche, soft leather slippers, custom-made in two days, and the Berbers who live in the surrounding villages are known for their ironwork and textiles.

The items are all available at the markets around the medina’s four babs, or entry gates, where bargaining is de rigueur, but on the advice of a hotel manager, we stopped in a more fixed-price shop up the street. There we found Fadal, an 80-year-old artisan, still busily operating his loom.

“I’ve been in photos all over the world,” he said in French, as he spun white and blue wool thread into wide striped blankets. His son and apprentice draped me with fabric so I looked like a Berber villager, complete with pompommed hat, and I left with a stack of pillowcases and throws. Sometimes paying retail has its own rewards.

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Chefchaouen draws hikers and families to its waterfall-fed streams.CreditBen Sklar for The New York Times
Thanks to the regular influx of hash tourists, there is a plethora of hostels and other budget accommodations in town, but I preferred Casa Perleta, run by a lively and supremely helpful Spanish woman named Begoña. Like other hotels, it was built around a leafy central courtyard and decorated with traditional Moroccan furniture, patterns and lanterns. Our room was cool and effortlessly welcoming, with a low couch in the front sitting area.

Breakfast was served on the shaded roof terrace, a hillside of cyan and Prussian blue houses stretching out before a spread of olives and olive oil, fresh feta cheese, jam and Moroccan doughy treats, including sfenj. Chefchaouen is not known for adventurous dining; most of the dozen or so restaurants serve the same medley of tagines, lamb meatballs and harira soup. At Chez Hicham near the casbah, the pastilla — a flaky pastry stuffed with lamb and topped with toasted Marcona almonds — and the view from the tiered terraces stood out.

The best meal, though, was a few miles from town at Caiat, with a wraparound mountain-view porch, a lamb tagine dotted with plump prunes, and beer and wine on the menu. Run by an adventurous Portuguese couple, it’s the must-stop for rock-climbers in the area. Tired of Moroccan spicing, we also made several trips to the Pizzeria Mandala, a rare Italian spot in Chefchaouen, where the menu includes four-cheese pizza, spaghetti Bolognese and steak.

Just past the gates of the medina there are more cafes and sandwich shops, and I joined locals strolling Avenue Hassan II, the wide main boulevard. Lined with fragrant orange trees, it ends at a pleasant circular park, where chirping birds compete with the call to prayer and teenagers hang out, armed with freshly fried potato chips and candy from roadside vendors. It’s a taste of the scene at the nearby national parks, reachable by “grand” taxi (negotiate the price first) if you don’t have a car.

On a Sunday we drove a half-hour outside town for a hike in Akchour, aiming for the natural structure known as Pont de Dieu, God’s Bridge. The parking lot was filled with minibuses and carousing local youth, like a tailgate without the beer. Young families waded in the pools at the base of the mountain, picnicking by the waterfall-fed streams. A few enterprising restaurants delivered right to the water’s edge, waiters carrying mint teas by the half-dozen.

We ascended the trail, followed by scampering children and, as we went higher, European trekkers in sturdy shoes. Wildflowers sprouted along the path. It was a 45-minute climb, not too strenuous, to the bridge, an 80-foot-high rock arch. No guidebooks or advice prepared us for what we found there: Tucked way up in a mud and plant hut, was — wait for it! — another cafe.

There was a wooden table and a stone banquette covered with a straw mat. Behind the mud counter, up popped the proprietor, Mohammed. He built his workplace himself, he explained in Spanish. It took seven months. The thatched roof was held up by branches, and a cot was hidden in the back. For the last decade, he’s been climbing down daily from his village nearby, dispensing sodas and advice, fetching lost keys from the rocks and preparing the occasional tagine for hungry swimmers, who shout their orders from the stream below.

“I’m the jefe of Puente de Dios,” he said proudly, giving us free drinks and cookies. We took in the mile-long views of the surrounding countryside and the rush of the waterfall, sipped our tea, and agreed.

Where to Stay
Casa Perleta (Medina, Bab el Souk entrance, casaperleta.com, rooms from 45 euros a night, including breakfast; about $54 at $1.20 to the euro) is small, beautiful and peaceful, its cheer matched only by the likable manager, who offers travel advice and cultural insight in equal measure.

Hotel Parador (Place el Makhzen, hotel-parador.com, rooms from 480 dirham a night; $53, at about 9 dirham to the dollar) is slightly shabby but conveniently located at the base of the medina, with a restaurant and bar.
 

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Biafra’s forgotten children
December 10, 2014 — The recent claim that Gabon’s president Ali Bongo is actually Nigerian has shone a spotlight on a subject not many were aware of, that of the children airlifted out of Biafra, and Nigeria, some never to be reunited with their families. Now they are adults.

Gabonese president Ali Bongo had to denounce the rumours that he was one of the lost children of Biafra after French writer Pierre Péan claimed he was adopted from Nigeria during the Nigerian Civil War. Ali Bongo is now suing the author.

In his latest book titled Nouvelle Affaires Africaine (New African Affairs), French writer Pierre Péan claims that Gabonese president, Ali Bongo is not actually from Gabon and that he is of Nigerian heritage. He claims that Ali Bongo was adopted from the secessionist state of Biafra during the bloody Nigerian Civil War by Omar Bongo, the now deceased previous Gabonese president and father of Ali Bongo.

Pierre Péan’s charge led Ali Bongo’s opposition to demand a DNA test from the president. Péan also claims that Bongo presented a forged birth certificate during the 2009 elections and that the elections were rigged, stating that the real winner was Andre Mba Obame.

Most of the children were airlifted to Gabon, Ivory Coast, and Sao Tome

Ali Bongo’s heritage and background has become a serious issue of contention for some, and has led to protests in Libreville over Bongo’s legitimacy as president. According to the Constitution of Gabon, no one born to foreign parents can be president. It should be clear that these are all unsubstantiated claims. Ali Bongo ascended to the presidency in the 2009 elections, following the death of his father Omar Bongo who was President of Gabon for almost 42 years.

The drama of Ali Bongo’s background is having an indirect effect. It brought the spotlight on an issue that many people (Nigerians included) aren’t aware of: the issue being the transport of children out of Biafra to other African countries during the Nigerian Civil war.

Most of the children were airlifted to Gabon, Ivory Coast, and Sao Tome



(Western coverage of the Nigerian Civil War began a trend in reporting of famines and wars in Africa that we are yet to be rid of: anonymous half-naked individuals with no voice of their own, weak and emaciated with hollowed-out features, kids with extended stomachs, etc.)

As part of the strategy taken against Biafra, Yakubu Gowon and the Nigerian military implemented a blockade that stopped food and medicine getting into Biafra. The Nigerian military government intended to starve Biafra into defeat. The blockade affected the most vulnerable: the elderly and children. Thousands of children died from starvation and malnutrition. At one point, an estimated 1,000 children were dying daily. In fact, visages of the war to the world outside of Biafra were images of heavily malnourished and distended bellies of kwashiorkor-stricken children. These images created a rallying cry for action and humanitarian relief.



Humanitarian relief efforts from Western Christian groups and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) became paramount for the survival of Biafrans. Empathetic groups coordinated and worked together to deliver food and medicine to Biafran civilians in an effort to save innocents, risking their own lives in the process. Many were cut down trying to circumvent the blockade enacted by Nigeria. These were clandestine flights and secret missions taken out in the darkness of night in an effort not to alert the Nigerian military. This was known as the Biafran Airlift.

While it is widely known that these humanitarian missions occurred, what isn’t as widely known is that many orphans and malnourished children were airlifted out of Biafra to relief camps in various African countries. Most of the children were airlifted to relief camps and feeding centers in Gabon, Ivory Coast, and Sao Tome. Many Biafran children were nourished back to health in these camps.

It’s a hot button issue the Nigerian government refuses to acknowledge or address

Sadly, following the war, the Yakubu Gowon administration did not take the steps to return these children back to their families. It was simply not a priority for the Nigerian government and their displacement is not discussed. It’s like it never happened.Displacement of the Igbo people from the war in general is not discussed. It’s a hot button issue the Nigerian government refuses to acknowledge or address, even today. Prior to the onset of the civil war, thousands of Igbos were killed in Anti-Igbo Pogroms across Northern Nigeria. Millions more fled, abandoning homes, businesses and employment in order to survive. They were all displaced. This was why Biafra wanted to secede from Nigeria.

The United Nations High Commissioner of Refugees (UNHCR) was able to identify 3,911 children who were airlifted out of Biafra. They were returned to their parents, surviving relatives and foster families in the event that no blood relatives remained.

Despite the herculean efforts by the UNHCR, there are still scores of children unaccounted for. In addition, the identity and complete numbers of children who died in the relief camps, those who were abandoned in their host countries and those who were too young to identify themselves is not actually known. To date, many Igbo families don’t know what became of their children or if they even survived.

It’s a hot button issue the Nigerian government refuses to acknowledge or address

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The US based non-profit group Igbo League has undertaken the task of identifying and, if possible, reuniting these children – who are all adults now – with their loved ones. The project is known as the Echezona Project. The Echezona Project aims to identify all parties involved in the Biafra Airlift program in order to create a database of all the children taken to relief camps. Their goal is to cross-examine their compiled database with the UNHCR’s database of the children who were returned to their families. In addition, locating burial sites of children who did not survive in the relief camps is also part of the agenda, so that DNA analysis can be conducted in order to at least bring some closure to many families.

It’s like it never happened

While the Igbo League is a fine and noble organization, in an ideal world a non-profit should not be leading the movement to reunite these children (now adults) with their families, Nigeria should. Like many things in Nigeria, the government has failed to address issues affecting its own citizens. Those who don’t learn from the mistakes of the past are bound to repeat them. Is Nigeria learning? Will Nigeria remember Biafra’s forgotten children? Probably not in this lifetime. Lest we forget, it was a Nigerian government that tried to starve them all to death in the first place. Acknowledging the existence of the forgotten Biafran children would mean that the Nigerian government would have to acknowledge her war crimes as well.

It’s like it never happened
 
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