Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About
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‘A Ground Invasion of the Capital is Imminent’
All-out war is coming to Libya, as rebel militias and a government-in-hiding begin a battle for control of the country.
TRIPOLI, Libya — Zeina, 27, was hanging out her washing when the first Grad rocket smashed into a neighbor’s house at the end of her dusty street. The deafening boom was followed by the telltale buzz of more incoming rockets. Libya’s civil war had landed on her doorstep.
“It started as a normal day — then we heard the sound of shelling and rockets,” said the young mother. “Without warning, they hit our houses. We fled with just the clothes we were wearing.”
Zeina is now crammed together with seven other people in a cinderblock outhouse that is part of Tripoli’s zoo. They are just a handful of the more than 400,000 people who are currently displaced inside Libya, which is witnessing its worst crisis since the 2011 NATO-backed revolt that toppled dictator Muammar Qaddafi.
For three years, Libya has been without a functioning government, police force, or army. The country has been ripped apart by warring fiefdoms of ex-rebels who helped oust Qaddafi but have since directed politics with AK-47s and anti-aircraft guns. This summer, as the battle lines began to harden, two rival factions have emerged to vie for control of Libya: On one side is the newly elected parliament that has been banished to the eastern city of Tobruk — supported by the fractured remains of Qaddafi soldiers who defected during the uprising, as well as regional powers like Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. On the other side is Libya Dawn, a self-described revolutionary coalition of militiamen and Islamist-leaning politicians that originated in the Western city of Misrata, allegedly backed by Turkey and Qatar.
Zeina’s hometown of Kikla, which lies less than 100 miles southwest of Tripoli, is on the front line between the two factions, who are battling for control of the capital. With two governments and two parliaments, both of which have a tenuous grip on power and access to funds, there is no one in authority to ask for help.
“It’s winter now, and we’re in a desperate situation,” Zeina said. “We heard our houses have been flattened and burned. What we do?”
* * *
Hundreds of miles to the east, smartly dressed lawmakers, Salafi militants, fighter jet pilots, and tribal leaders sat in a glittering hotel lobby. The building was under strict military lockdown — its long driveway studded with concrete roadblocks and checkpoints. But inside the hushed halls, uniformed waiters moved between the groups serving cappuccinos and croissants. Lavish three-course meals were served in the dining and conference rooms. Outside, the legislators’ children — forced into exile with their parents — played soccer on the abandoned tennis courts that overlook the Mediterranean.
This is the exiled parliament’s stronghold in Tobruk, over 900 miles to the east of Tripoli.
When Libyan Dawn staged an armed takeover of the capital this summer, it forced the House of Representatives, which had been elected in June, to flee here. Now, loyalists are plotting their return to Tripoli.When Libyan Dawn staged an armed takeover of the capital this summer, it forced the House of Representatives, which had been elected in June, to flee here. Now, loyalists are plotting their return to Tripoli.
Money and war are the main topics of conversation. The country’s oil authorities and ministries now lie in the hands of Libyan Dawn, which claims to be the legitimate government. The Islamist coalition’s case was bolstered after a November Supreme Court decision, which it said nullified the House of Representatives and a constitutional amendment on which the June elections were based.
The Libyan Central Bank, fighting to maintain its neutrality, has refused to channel the country’s lucrative oil revenues to either administration since the court decision. It is only paying “expenses” for both administrations, and basic salaries, which ironically includes the militias, who were absorbed into the interior and defense ministries by the former parliament in 2012.
The decision has rendered the Tobruk parliament’s plans and newly drafted $42 billion budget for the next financial year nothing more than pieces of paper.
For the politicians and military leaders in Tobruk, that means war.
“The easiest solution is a military takeover [of Tripoli], it’s the only way to move forward from this ridiculous stalemate,” said one senior lawmaker, dressed in a crisp suit. “We are trying to build a new central bank and premises for different ministries, but this is temporary until we take back Tripoli.”
The United Nations was supposed to have chaired a fresh round of peace talks between the warring factions this month. But so far they have been unable to set a date, let alone an agenda to resolve the crisis.
Tobruk’s military forces, meanwhile, don’t seem to be in the mood for talking. Gen. Khalifa Haftar, a formerly rogue military leader who embarked on a self-styled “War on Terror” against Islamists earlier this year, is at the helm of the recently rebranded “Libyan National Army” — the remnants of the Qaddafi-era armed forces that defected during the revolution. And he seems to believe the wind is at his back.
“A ground invasion of the capital is imminent,” Haftar told me from his sprawling military base in the countryside outside Merj, a town that lies roughly an hour-long helicopter ride west of Tobruk.
Haftar, 71, has seen his fortunes improve dramatically in recent months. He was declared an outlaw by the authorities after unsuccessfully attempting to overthrow the previous Islamist-dominated parliament in February, and was only recently reinstated by the House of Representatives, which lacked a military force of its own to wrest control back from the militias. Haftar quickly changed that: He absorbed pro-government Western militias into his army, and is currently encircling the capital and fighting Libya Dawn militiamen in Kikla.
All-out war is coming to Libya, as rebel militias and a government-in-hiding begin a battle for control of the country.
- BY BEL TREWBel Trew is broadcast and print journalist based in Cairo. Follow her on Twitter at @beltrew.
- DECEMBER 29, 2014
TRIPOLI, Libya — Zeina, 27, was hanging out her washing when the first Grad rocket smashed into a neighbor’s house at the end of her dusty street. The deafening boom was followed by the telltale buzz of more incoming rockets. Libya’s civil war had landed on her doorstep.
“It started as a normal day — then we heard the sound of shelling and rockets,” said the young mother. “Without warning, they hit our houses. We fled with just the clothes we were wearing.”
Zeina is now crammed together with seven other people in a cinderblock outhouse that is part of Tripoli’s zoo. They are just a handful of the more than 400,000 people who are currently displaced inside Libya, which is witnessing its worst crisis since the 2011 NATO-backed revolt that toppled dictator Muammar Qaddafi.
For three years, Libya has been without a functioning government, police force, or army. The country has been ripped apart by warring fiefdoms of ex-rebels who helped oust Qaddafi but have since directed politics with AK-47s and anti-aircraft guns. This summer, as the battle lines began to harden, two rival factions have emerged to vie for control of Libya: On one side is the newly elected parliament that has been banished to the eastern city of Tobruk — supported by the fractured remains of Qaddafi soldiers who defected during the uprising, as well as regional powers like Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. On the other side is Libya Dawn, a self-described revolutionary coalition of militiamen and Islamist-leaning politicians that originated in the Western city of Misrata, allegedly backed by Turkey and Qatar.
Zeina’s hometown of Kikla, which lies less than 100 miles southwest of Tripoli, is on the front line between the two factions, who are battling for control of the capital. With two governments and two parliaments, both of which have a tenuous grip on power and access to funds, there is no one in authority to ask for help.
“It’s winter now, and we’re in a desperate situation,” Zeina said. “We heard our houses have been flattened and burned. What we do?”
* * *
Hundreds of miles to the east, smartly dressed lawmakers, Salafi militants, fighter jet pilots, and tribal leaders sat in a glittering hotel lobby. The building was under strict military lockdown — its long driveway studded with concrete roadblocks and checkpoints. But inside the hushed halls, uniformed waiters moved between the groups serving cappuccinos and croissants. Lavish three-course meals were served in the dining and conference rooms. Outside, the legislators’ children — forced into exile with their parents — played soccer on the abandoned tennis courts that overlook the Mediterranean.
This is the exiled parliament’s stronghold in Tobruk, over 900 miles to the east of Tripoli.
When Libyan Dawn staged an armed takeover of the capital this summer, it forced the House of Representatives, which had been elected in June, to flee here. Now, loyalists are plotting their return to Tripoli.When Libyan Dawn staged an armed takeover of the capital this summer, it forced the House of Representatives, which had been elected in June, to flee here. Now, loyalists are plotting their return to Tripoli.
Money and war are the main topics of conversation. The country’s oil authorities and ministries now lie in the hands of Libyan Dawn, which claims to be the legitimate government. The Islamist coalition’s case was bolstered after a November Supreme Court decision, which it said nullified the House of Representatives and a constitutional amendment on which the June elections were based.
The Libyan Central Bank, fighting to maintain its neutrality, has refused to channel the country’s lucrative oil revenues to either administration since the court decision. It is only paying “expenses” for both administrations, and basic salaries, which ironically includes the militias, who were absorbed into the interior and defense ministries by the former parliament in 2012.
The decision has rendered the Tobruk parliament’s plans and newly drafted $42 billion budget for the next financial year nothing more than pieces of paper.
For the politicians and military leaders in Tobruk, that means war.
“The easiest solution is a military takeover [of Tripoli], it’s the only way to move forward from this ridiculous stalemate,” said one senior lawmaker, dressed in a crisp suit. “We are trying to build a new central bank and premises for different ministries, but this is temporary until we take back Tripoli.”
The United Nations was supposed to have chaired a fresh round of peace talks between the warring factions this month. But so far they have been unable to set a date, let alone an agenda to resolve the crisis.
Tobruk’s military forces, meanwhile, don’t seem to be in the mood for talking. Gen. Khalifa Haftar, a formerly rogue military leader who embarked on a self-styled “War on Terror” against Islamists earlier this year, is at the helm of the recently rebranded “Libyan National Army” — the remnants of the Qaddafi-era armed forces that defected during the revolution. And he seems to believe the wind is at his back.
“A ground invasion of the capital is imminent,” Haftar told me from his sprawling military base in the countryside outside Merj, a town that lies roughly an hour-long helicopter ride west of Tobruk.
Haftar, 71, has seen his fortunes improve dramatically in recent months. He was declared an outlaw by the authorities after unsuccessfully attempting to overthrow the previous Islamist-dominated parliament in February, and was only recently reinstated by the House of Representatives, which lacked a military force of its own to wrest control back from the militias. Haftar quickly changed that: He absorbed pro-government Western militias into his army, and is currently encircling the capital and fighting Libya Dawn militiamen in Kikla.
Haftar’s first major offensive was in the eastern city of Benghazi, where his troops have gained serious ground after six months of battling Libyan Dawn-allied eastern militias and jihadis — including the U.N.-designated terror group Ansar al-Sharia. Haftar claims his forces have “secured” around 95 percent of the city.
Seeking to build on his momentum, Haftar then turned west. In November, he sent his battered MiG fighter jets to Tripoli to bomb Libyan Dawn positions and weapons depots. This month, the general pushed further West, striking targets on the border with Tunisia, which briefly closed the largest border crossing, Ras Jedir. This week, his forces hit the western city of Misrata, the hometown of most of the Libya Dawn leadership.
“We cannot continue with two governments, two parliaments, so Libyan Dawn should end or we are going to arrest them all,” he said, promising further airstrikes in the western city of Misrata, the hometown of most of the Libya Dawn leadership.
Haftar’s men told me that a large multi-million dollar arms deal with an Eastern European country, which would see the acquisition of updated fighter jets, helicopters, and heavy weaponry will be the nail in the coffin of their enemies. The Tobruk authorities are footing the bill, and are just waiting for delivery.
Tobruk Prime Minister Abdullah al-Thinni, a former military man himself, echoed Haftar’s hawkishness.
“We are supporting the front line with more jet fighters to break the deadlock,” he told me from his temporary offices in Labraq, a city just west of Tobruk, consisting of stark, Soviet-style concrete buildings. “Citizens of Tripoli are getting ready now and are waiting for the moment when the army enters the city.”
But there is lingering bad blood between Thinni and his military commander, which could presage a future conflict.But there is lingering bad blood between Thinni and his military commander, which could presage a future conflict. In June, Thinni, who had been serving as prime minister then too, had been among those in the previous parliament who blacklisted Haftar. That same month, Haftar said that he wanted most of Thinni’s cabinet jailed. The distrust between the two men is still palpable, as both claim ownership of the war in the west.
Thinni said he would only come to the negotiating table if Libyan Dawn accepted the legitimacy of his parliament, dropped its alliance with terror groups like Ansar al-Sharia, and gave up Tripoli — an impossible set of pre-conditions sure to scupper any U.N.-backed mediation initiative. “Libyan Dawn members who committed crimes should be tried,” he added.
Establishing his government’s authority over the whole country is going to take a massive influx of money — and Thinni knows it. The prime minister admitted it was near impossible to run a country without access to the country’s government buildings and funds. As an interim solution, he appointed his own heads of the National Oil Corporation, the body solely response for sale and purchase of oil and gas, and the Libyan Central Bank, which controls the country’s purse strings. He wants to move their offices east, to Benghazi and Ras Lanuf, redirecting oil funds and effectively carving Libya in two.
“It’s about who is controlling the money. We can change the direction of flow of oil income into the banks we choose,” he said. “So Libya Dawn can just sit in Tripoli and invent their own authorities, but in fact they control nothing.”
* * *
In Tripoli, Libya Dawn’s ascendance is visible by simply walking down the street. The Che Guevara-looking Zintan fighters, who backed the Tobruk government, were chased out of town, and have been replaced by Misrati militiamen, who cruise the neighborhoods in pick-up trucks mounted with anti-aircraft guns. Their trucks — scrawled with text reading “Correcting the direction of the February 17 revolution” — guard the main ministries and parliament buildings. Graffiti praising Misrata, where Libya Dawn originates, has been scrawled on Qaddafi-era brigade bases they have commandeered.
The charred apartment blocks near the bombed out airport are a stark reminder of the summer’s fierce fighting. Tripoli residents now tentatively go about their daily business, but activists in the city — who have been outspoken against the militias for years — say there has been a spike in kidnappings against their community since the summer, driving many into hiding or out of the country.
Prime Minister Omar al-Hassi, a 55-year-old former academic from Benghazi who was appointed by Libya Dawn, has the same idea as his rivals. He has moved quickly to seize control of the country’s sole remaining institutions: He headquartered his administration at the National Oil Corporation, taken over government buildings and websites, and appointed his own oil minister.
His forces are also on the offensive against oil sites held by Libya Dawn’s rivals. A few months ago, Libya Dawn militiamen seized control of the lucrative oil fields in the south — including El Sharara, Libya’s largest — bringing the production to a grinding halt. In early December, they moved on the eastern oil ports and oil fields currently controlled by forces loyal to the Tobruk authorities, prompting new clashes with Haftar’s men. In the last week, five oil tanks that stored almost a million barrels of oil were set ablaze.
Hassi also sounded just as uncompromising about his enemies in Tobruk as they did about him. He described Thinni and Haftar as criminals for ignoring the court verdict invalidating the House of Representatives, and called on the international community to boycott the exiled parliament.
“Their crimes are huge and they are exacting a collective punishment on us all,” he said. “Whoever doesn’t listen to the court becomes an outlaw and should be stopped.”
Hassi called for fresh parliamentary elections “once the war stops.” Until that day, he argues that his “salvation government” should rule and preside over any peace talks. He defended his administration’s alliance with Ansar al-Sharia — saying the jihadist group had been misunderstood and actually represented a “simple, beautiful, friendly idea.”
Hassi promised his government “was all about dialogue,” but his militiamen, embittered by Haftar’s airstrikes in Tripoli and Benghazi, appear more determined than ever to fight to the death.Hassi promised his government “was all about dialogue,” but his militiamen, embittered by Haftar’s airstrikes in Tripoli and Benghazi, appear more determined than ever to fight to the death.
“They will keep going until the last man is gunned down, you can forget about peace deals or negotiations,” said the head of one of the largest Islamist militias operating in Benghazi. “We are losing between 20 and 25 men a day, there is no way after such huge losses the men will give up.”
While hatred for Haftar unites all the militias under Libya Dawn’s banner, wildly differing views of the country’s future could drive them apart in the future. The coalition includes both liberals and radical Islamists — and already there are signs of discontent simmering beneath the surface among some on the extremes.
Speaking on the phone from the frontline in Benghazi, one Ansar al-Sharia fighter said they were not happy with Libya Dawn’s insistence on pursuing the trappings of a democratic state. “We’ll be happy if sharia law is properly implemented — but we won’t settle for less,” he said tersely.
* * *
Back in the cramped cinderblock outhouse that Zeina calls home, the young mother and her friends are stockpiling blankets in preparation for winter. They count themselves lucky, because they have access to running water. Next door, a family hastily constructs their own makeshift concrete block home in the dusty street. Others have been forced to make do living in parks and schools.
But there are many others that have fared far worse. Libya Body Count, a local independent monitoring organization, reports that over 2,700 people have been killed this year alone. As battles across the country intensify, that number goes up every day. Hundreds of thousands of civilians who have fled the war are now struggling to stay alive as the temperatures drop and aid workers are unable to provide urgently needed medical care, food, and shelter. Meanwhile the economy is in tatters — Libya relies on oil revenues, and the fighting at the oil ports has seen production plummet by 60 percent in recent days.
The poorest and most vulnerable, like Zeina, have been hit hardest by the crisis. And with nobody truly in charge of the country, they have been left to fend for themselves.
“We just want to go home and for this war to stop,” Zeina said. “We were promised everything. It’s been three years now, and what good have we seen?”
ABDULLAH DOMA/AFP/Getty Images
http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/12/29...l&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer
Seeking to build on his momentum, Haftar then turned west. In November, he sent his battered MiG fighter jets to Tripoli to bomb Libyan Dawn positions and weapons depots. This month, the general pushed further West, striking targets on the border with Tunisia, which briefly closed the largest border crossing, Ras Jedir. This week, his forces hit the western city of Misrata, the hometown of most of the Libya Dawn leadership.
“We cannot continue with two governments, two parliaments, so Libyan Dawn should end or we are going to arrest them all,” he said, promising further airstrikes in the western city of Misrata, the hometown of most of the Libya Dawn leadership.
Haftar’s men told me that a large multi-million dollar arms deal with an Eastern European country, which would see the acquisition of updated fighter jets, helicopters, and heavy weaponry will be the nail in the coffin of their enemies. The Tobruk authorities are footing the bill, and are just waiting for delivery.
Tobruk Prime Minister Abdullah al-Thinni, a former military man himself, echoed Haftar’s hawkishness.
“We are supporting the front line with more jet fighters to break the deadlock,” he told me from his temporary offices in Labraq, a city just west of Tobruk, consisting of stark, Soviet-style concrete buildings. “Citizens of Tripoli are getting ready now and are waiting for the moment when the army enters the city.”
But there is lingering bad blood between Thinni and his military commander, which could presage a future conflict.But there is lingering bad blood between Thinni and his military commander, which could presage a future conflict. In June, Thinni, who had been serving as prime minister then too, had been among those in the previous parliament who blacklisted Haftar. That same month, Haftar said that he wanted most of Thinni’s cabinet jailed. The distrust between the two men is still palpable, as both claim ownership of the war in the west.
Thinni said he would only come to the negotiating table if Libyan Dawn accepted the legitimacy of his parliament, dropped its alliance with terror groups like Ansar al-Sharia, and gave up Tripoli — an impossible set of pre-conditions sure to scupper any U.N.-backed mediation initiative. “Libyan Dawn members who committed crimes should be tried,” he added.
Establishing his government’s authority over the whole country is going to take a massive influx of money — and Thinni knows it. The prime minister admitted it was near impossible to run a country without access to the country’s government buildings and funds. As an interim solution, he appointed his own heads of the National Oil Corporation, the body solely response for sale and purchase of oil and gas, and the Libyan Central Bank, which controls the country’s purse strings. He wants to move their offices east, to Benghazi and Ras Lanuf, redirecting oil funds and effectively carving Libya in two.
“It’s about who is controlling the money. We can change the direction of flow of oil income into the banks we choose,” he said. “So Libya Dawn can just sit in Tripoli and invent their own authorities, but in fact they control nothing.”
* * *
In Tripoli, Libya Dawn’s ascendance is visible by simply walking down the street. The Che Guevara-looking Zintan fighters, who backed the Tobruk government, were chased out of town, and have been replaced by Misrati militiamen, who cruise the neighborhoods in pick-up trucks mounted with anti-aircraft guns. Their trucks — scrawled with text reading “Correcting the direction of the February 17 revolution” — guard the main ministries and parliament buildings. Graffiti praising Misrata, where Libya Dawn originates, has been scrawled on Qaddafi-era brigade bases they have commandeered.
The charred apartment blocks near the bombed out airport are a stark reminder of the summer’s fierce fighting. Tripoli residents now tentatively go about their daily business, but activists in the city — who have been outspoken against the militias for years — say there has been a spike in kidnappings against their community since the summer, driving many into hiding or out of the country.
Prime Minister Omar al-Hassi, a 55-year-old former academic from Benghazi who was appointed by Libya Dawn, has the same idea as his rivals. He has moved quickly to seize control of the country’s sole remaining institutions: He headquartered his administration at the National Oil Corporation, taken over government buildings and websites, and appointed his own oil minister.
His forces are also on the offensive against oil sites held by Libya Dawn’s rivals. A few months ago, Libya Dawn militiamen seized control of the lucrative oil fields in the south — including El Sharara, Libya’s largest — bringing the production to a grinding halt. In early December, they moved on the eastern oil ports and oil fields currently controlled by forces loyal to the Tobruk authorities, prompting new clashes with Haftar’s men. In the last week, five oil tanks that stored almost a million barrels of oil were set ablaze.
Hassi also sounded just as uncompromising about his enemies in Tobruk as they did about him. He described Thinni and Haftar as criminals for ignoring the court verdict invalidating the House of Representatives, and called on the international community to boycott the exiled parliament.
“Their crimes are huge and they are exacting a collective punishment on us all,” he said. “Whoever doesn’t listen to the court becomes an outlaw and should be stopped.”
Hassi called for fresh parliamentary elections “once the war stops.” Until that day, he argues that his “salvation government” should rule and preside over any peace talks. He defended his administration’s alliance with Ansar al-Sharia — saying the jihadist group had been misunderstood and actually represented a “simple, beautiful, friendly idea.”
Hassi promised his government “was all about dialogue,” but his militiamen, embittered by Haftar’s airstrikes in Tripoli and Benghazi, appear more determined than ever to fight to the death.Hassi promised his government “was all about dialogue,” but his militiamen, embittered by Haftar’s airstrikes in Tripoli and Benghazi, appear more determined than ever to fight to the death.
“They will keep going until the last man is gunned down, you can forget about peace deals or negotiations,” said the head of one of the largest Islamist militias operating in Benghazi. “We are losing between 20 and 25 men a day, there is no way after such huge losses the men will give up.”
While hatred for Haftar unites all the militias under Libya Dawn’s banner, wildly differing views of the country’s future could drive them apart in the future. The coalition includes both liberals and radical Islamists — and already there are signs of discontent simmering beneath the surface among some on the extremes.
Speaking on the phone from the frontline in Benghazi, one Ansar al-Sharia fighter said they were not happy with Libya Dawn’s insistence on pursuing the trappings of a democratic state. “We’ll be happy if sharia law is properly implemented — but we won’t settle for less,” he said tersely.
* * *
Back in the cramped cinderblock outhouse that Zeina calls home, the young mother and her friends are stockpiling blankets in preparation for winter. They count themselves lucky, because they have access to running water. Next door, a family hastily constructs their own makeshift concrete block home in the dusty street. Others have been forced to make do living in parks and schools.
But there are many others that have fared far worse. Libya Body Count, a local independent monitoring organization, reports that over 2,700 people have been killed this year alone. As battles across the country intensify, that number goes up every day. Hundreds of thousands of civilians who have fled the war are now struggling to stay alive as the temperatures drop and aid workers are unable to provide urgently needed medical care, food, and shelter. Meanwhile the economy is in tatters — Libya relies on oil revenues, and the fighting at the oil ports has seen production plummet by 60 percent in recent days.
The poorest and most vulnerable, like Zeina, have been hit hardest by the crisis. And with nobody truly in charge of the country, they have been left to fend for themselves.
“We just want to go home and for this war to stop,” Zeina said. “We were promised everything. It’s been three years now, and what good have we seen?”
ABDULLAH DOMA/AFP/Getty Images
http://foreignpolicy.com/2014/12/29...l&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer
Inside a Massive Electronics Graveyard
For teenagers in Ghana, finding scraps in one of the world’s largest dumps is an after-school job.
YEPOKA YEEBODEC 29 2014, 8:37 AM ET
Agbogbloshie is a vast, scorched field, right in the middle of Accra, Ghana, dotted with rusting hulks and heaps of scrap. Hundreds of people work here in what looks like hell: smashing, burning, hawking, eating, and joking. This is the place where thousands of tons of the world’s electronics go to die.
On the banks of the dead Odaw River at the very edge of Agbogbloshie, groups of young men tend fires set to burn the plastic off old copper cable. The ground is pillowy with tiny bits of charred plastic and metal, and still smoking hot after the fires are long gone.
A kid wearing a blue Adidas T-shirt, purple damask shorts, and flip-flops emerges from a cloud of black smoke, coughing. Inusa Mohammed is 13. His expression alternates between grave concern—he hasn't made enough money, and it’s already mid-afternoon—and a beatific smile.
He takes a deep breath and goes in search of more fuel. The bigger boys use tires to keep the fires going, but that's professional-level scrapping. Inusa's just out here on a Saturday trying to make enough money to pay for his junior-high-school exams. He doesn’t plan to make a career out of it: He's going to get through school and join the Air Force.
banned all imports of used refrigerators—it hasn’t worked). This is how, in just 20 years, a lush mangrove swamp became one of the world's biggest electronic waste dumps.
Kwesi Bido rests on an old chest freezer at Agbogbloshie. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Inusa runs back to the riverbank with hunks of yellow insulation foam ripped out of an old fridge, and feeds them into the fire. His best friend, 14-year-old Kwesi Bido, cautiously pokes at the bundle of wires inside with the charred remains of a computer monitor. The foam burns up and the fire dies down. Both Kwesi and Inusa are in the equivalent of eighth grade. They come to Agbogbloshie after school and on weekends to make spending money and help pay their way through school. The scrap yards are populated by cautionary tales, dropouts trying to make enough to go back to school before they age out, arguing about improper fractions with the kids in crisp, pressed uniforms who walk through on their way home. High school isn’t free in Ghana. It’s supposed to be: It’s in the constitution, and the last three presidents promised to improve access to education, but not one got around to it.
Suddenly something explodes. Everybody near the fires goes quiet as a burning aerosol can soars through the air. It lands in the dirt about a foot away from Kwesi and Inusa. There's a collective sigh of relief: Nobody’s hurt. People get hurt here all the time, though. The older boys’ hands are scarred from cuts and burns.
Kwesi Bido (left) and Inusa Mohammed stop to wipe bits of metal and dirt off the magnetic speakers they use to collect scrap. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Inusa pulls on one grubby, heat-resistant glove, and gingerly picks through the smoldering bundle of wire, peeling off bits of melted plastic. Satisfied that he's taken off enough to please the scrap dealer but left enough weight in the bundle, he picks up the entire thing and puts it in an old rice sack.
Up to 80 percent of all the electronic devices and appliances thrown away around the world may end up in dumps like Agbogbloshie. Some research suggests that the average American, for example, produces about 66 pounds of electronic junk every year. This is hazardous waste—the cathode ray tube in just one old style computer monitor can contain almost seven pounds of lead—which makes it expensive to recycle. So hundreds of tons of this waste quietly disappears into a world of legitimate recycling companies, shady middlemen, and black market trash traders. Interpol says one of every three shipping containers inspected leaving Europe for the developing world is packed with illegal electronic waste.
Kwesi Bido walks through Agbogbloshie. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Much of that ends up in urban mines like Agbogbloshie, and is processed by a workforce of young men with few tools, no safety equipment, and no training, then fed back into the global economy. When commodity prices were good, Chinese firms bought up pretty much everything, and scrap dealers made fortunes. It triggered a shortage that forced the government to ban exports of scrap iron and steel.
But now commodity prices are in the toilet, so everybody at Agbogbloshie is getting tight-fisted. Inusa and Kwesi are learning this the hard way, at the copper dealer's ancient red Avery scale, a few cramped lanes away from the fires. Kwesi is adamant they brought in two pounds of copper, but the scrap dealer isn't having it: It's one. Kwesi and Inusa take the money: 7 cedi (about $2) for an hour of work.
lead, mercury, arsenic, zinc, and flame-retardants. They’ve been found in toxic concentrations in the air, water, and even on the fruits and vegetables at the wholesale market. Environmental campaigners say that many of the boys who have been smashing and burning for years are getting sick from the exposure and dying young.
Kwesi and Inusa don’t have time to worry about that. It's time to go scavenging. They go off at a fantastic pace, dragging old stereo speakers tied to bits of string on the ground behind them. The speakers are magnetic, and they pick up random chunks of metal, bits of circuit board, scraps of wire, and at one point, the remains of a tape deck. Kwesi and Inusa drag their magnets past a guy stacking timber; past a pile of discarded CPU cases; past a huge, old-style projection television; past a heap of car doors; past rolls of fence wire, grills, and tires; past a bunch of guys portioning weed into white wraps while listening to old Indian music. Every so often, Kwesi and Inusa wipe the magnets clean with one hand, sifting the debris and dust in their palms until all that's left is the good stuff, which they deposit in their sacks.
Kwesi finds 20 pesewa (about 6 cents) in the rubble; Inusa finds one whole cedi (about 20 cents). They go past a little girl selling water, and older boys sorting massive hulks of shiny copper wire. They go past women deep frying yams, and chickens scratching in the dirt. They drag, stoop, and sift; drag, stoop, and sift. The sacks start to get heavy as they round a corner, and arrive right back at Francis' scales. They weigh in at a total of 13 pounds, but Kwesi swears it's more, and starts arguing with Francis.
Inusa Mohammed finds one cedi (about 20 cents) while collecting scrap. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Every week or so, depending on the markets, Francis sends a truck loaded with about five tons of scrap over to the nearby port city of Tema, where it's weighed, separated by machines, and turned back into useful commodities. Right now, he gets about 710 cedi (about $220) for each truckload. The price is low, but everything’s messed up in Ghana right now. Construction projects are stalling, so nobody wants to buy the locally made iron rods and metal roofing sheets that keep scrappers like Francis in business. The government’s so broke it had to ask the International Monetary Fund for a bailout, the electricity blackouts now last 12 hours at a time, and inflation has suddenly made everything from food to school fees prohibitively expensive.
Inusa slips by the guys unnoticed, scoops up handful after handful of fresh scrap, and comes back grinning.
Inusa, impatient and worried about how little he’s made, races off around the scrap yards again, turning back to argue with Kwesi about the best route. Kwesi isn't in such a rush. He keeps stopping to banter with the other boys, and dances with surprising grace to the music blasting from a stall.
They get to a clearing where two groups of teenagers are playing soccer. On the very edge of the pitch, Inusa sees two guys loading computer parts onto a hand truck, littering the ground around their shed with shiny nuts and bolts and bits of circuit board—the motherlode. Inusa makes a beeline for it. Kwesi tries to call him back. "They'll beat him," he says. The area around that shed belongs to those scrap dealers. Inusa must be crazy, he says in Pidgin: "This boy he craze, papa." But Inusa slips by the guys unnoticed, scoops up handful after handful of fresh scrap, and comes back grinning.
Inusa Mohammed weighs the scrap he’s collected. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Back at Francis's place, they sift through the haul using the case of a fan like a sieve to get rid of the dirt. Then they play around, waiting for Francis to pay them. Someone finds a broken Phillips DVD player, and Kwesi puts the pieces back together. "I want to make money, so I can buy one," he says. But that's for when he makes a ton of money. Right now, he's working for new shoes.
Francis cashes them out. Another 11 pounds, although Kwesi insists it’s 12. Still, he takes the money. They divvy up the cash, and Inusa is pissed. Kwesi made way more money than he did. Kwesi swears he's been working longer, and brought in more scrap. Inusa doesn’t look convinced, but he forgets to stay angry as they walk back through Agbogbloshie. He’s looking forward to a wash. Both boys are completely covered in soot and dirt. Then there's dinner, and studying to do. They stop to tease a girl who's hawking packets of water, then tumble off down the road, headed home.
http://www.theatlantic.com/technolo...lectronics-graveyard/383922/?single_page=true
For teenagers in Ghana, finding scraps in one of the world’s largest dumps is an after-school job.
YEPOKA YEEBODEC 29 2014, 8:37 AM ET
Agbogbloshie is a vast, scorched field, right in the middle of Accra, Ghana, dotted with rusting hulks and heaps of scrap. Hundreds of people work here in what looks like hell: smashing, burning, hawking, eating, and joking. This is the place where thousands of tons of the world’s electronics go to die.
On the banks of the dead Odaw River at the very edge of Agbogbloshie, groups of young men tend fires set to burn the plastic off old copper cable. The ground is pillowy with tiny bits of charred plastic and metal, and still smoking hot after the fires are long gone.
A kid wearing a blue Adidas T-shirt, purple damask shorts, and flip-flops emerges from a cloud of black smoke, coughing. Inusa Mohammed is 13. His expression alternates between grave concern—he hasn't made enough money, and it’s already mid-afternoon—and a beatific smile.
He takes a deep breath and goes in search of more fuel. The bigger boys use tires to keep the fires going, but that's professional-level scrapping. Inusa's just out here on a Saturday trying to make enough money to pay for his junior-high-school exams. He doesn’t plan to make a career out of it: He's going to get through school and join the Air Force.
banned all imports of used refrigerators—it hasn’t worked). This is how, in just 20 years, a lush mangrove swamp became one of the world's biggest electronic waste dumps.
Kwesi Bido rests on an old chest freezer at Agbogbloshie. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Inusa runs back to the riverbank with hunks of yellow insulation foam ripped out of an old fridge, and feeds them into the fire. His best friend, 14-year-old Kwesi Bido, cautiously pokes at the bundle of wires inside with the charred remains of a computer monitor. The foam burns up and the fire dies down. Both Kwesi and Inusa are in the equivalent of eighth grade. They come to Agbogbloshie after school and on weekends to make spending money and help pay their way through school. The scrap yards are populated by cautionary tales, dropouts trying to make enough to go back to school before they age out, arguing about improper fractions with the kids in crisp, pressed uniforms who walk through on their way home. High school isn’t free in Ghana. It’s supposed to be: It’s in the constitution, and the last three presidents promised to improve access to education, but not one got around to it.
Suddenly something explodes. Everybody near the fires goes quiet as a burning aerosol can soars through the air. It lands in the dirt about a foot away from Kwesi and Inusa. There's a collective sigh of relief: Nobody’s hurt. People get hurt here all the time, though. The older boys’ hands are scarred from cuts and burns.
Kwesi Bido (left) and Inusa Mohammed stop to wipe bits of metal and dirt off the magnetic speakers they use to collect scrap. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Inusa pulls on one grubby, heat-resistant glove, and gingerly picks through the smoldering bundle of wire, peeling off bits of melted plastic. Satisfied that he's taken off enough to please the scrap dealer but left enough weight in the bundle, he picks up the entire thing and puts it in an old rice sack.
Up to 80 percent of all the electronic devices and appliances thrown away around the world may end up in dumps like Agbogbloshie. Some research suggests that the average American, for example, produces about 66 pounds of electronic junk every year. This is hazardous waste—the cathode ray tube in just one old style computer monitor can contain almost seven pounds of lead—which makes it expensive to recycle. So hundreds of tons of this waste quietly disappears into a world of legitimate recycling companies, shady middlemen, and black market trash traders. Interpol says one of every three shipping containers inspected leaving Europe for the developing world is packed with illegal electronic waste.
Kwesi Bido walks through Agbogbloshie. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Much of that ends up in urban mines like Agbogbloshie, and is processed by a workforce of young men with few tools, no safety equipment, and no training, then fed back into the global economy. When commodity prices were good, Chinese firms bought up pretty much everything, and scrap dealers made fortunes. It triggered a shortage that forced the government to ban exports of scrap iron and steel.
But now commodity prices are in the toilet, so everybody at Agbogbloshie is getting tight-fisted. Inusa and Kwesi are learning this the hard way, at the copper dealer's ancient red Avery scale, a few cramped lanes away from the fires. Kwesi is adamant they brought in two pounds of copper, but the scrap dealer isn't having it: It's one. Kwesi and Inusa take the money: 7 cedi (about $2) for an hour of work.
lead, mercury, arsenic, zinc, and flame-retardants. They’ve been found in toxic concentrations in the air, water, and even on the fruits and vegetables at the wholesale market. Environmental campaigners say that many of the boys who have been smashing and burning for years are getting sick from the exposure and dying young.
Kwesi and Inusa don’t have time to worry about that. It's time to go scavenging. They go off at a fantastic pace, dragging old stereo speakers tied to bits of string on the ground behind them. The speakers are magnetic, and they pick up random chunks of metal, bits of circuit board, scraps of wire, and at one point, the remains of a tape deck. Kwesi and Inusa drag their magnets past a guy stacking timber; past a pile of discarded CPU cases; past a huge, old-style projection television; past a heap of car doors; past rolls of fence wire, grills, and tires; past a bunch of guys portioning weed into white wraps while listening to old Indian music. Every so often, Kwesi and Inusa wipe the magnets clean with one hand, sifting the debris and dust in their palms until all that's left is the good stuff, which they deposit in their sacks.
Kwesi finds 20 pesewa (about 6 cents) in the rubble; Inusa finds one whole cedi (about 20 cents). They go past a little girl selling water, and older boys sorting massive hulks of shiny copper wire. They go past women deep frying yams, and chickens scratching in the dirt. They drag, stoop, and sift; drag, stoop, and sift. The sacks start to get heavy as they round a corner, and arrive right back at Francis' scales. They weigh in at a total of 13 pounds, but Kwesi swears it's more, and starts arguing with Francis.
Inusa Mohammed finds one cedi (about 20 cents) while collecting scrap. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Every week or so, depending on the markets, Francis sends a truck loaded with about five tons of scrap over to the nearby port city of Tema, where it's weighed, separated by machines, and turned back into useful commodities. Right now, he gets about 710 cedi (about $220) for each truckload. The price is low, but everything’s messed up in Ghana right now. Construction projects are stalling, so nobody wants to buy the locally made iron rods and metal roofing sheets that keep scrappers like Francis in business. The government’s so broke it had to ask the International Monetary Fund for a bailout, the electricity blackouts now last 12 hours at a time, and inflation has suddenly made everything from food to school fees prohibitively expensive.
Inusa slips by the guys unnoticed, scoops up handful after handful of fresh scrap, and comes back grinning.
Inusa, impatient and worried about how little he’s made, races off around the scrap yards again, turning back to argue with Kwesi about the best route. Kwesi isn't in such a rush. He keeps stopping to banter with the other boys, and dances with surprising grace to the music blasting from a stall.
They get to a clearing where two groups of teenagers are playing soccer. On the very edge of the pitch, Inusa sees two guys loading computer parts onto a hand truck, littering the ground around their shed with shiny nuts and bolts and bits of circuit board—the motherlode. Inusa makes a beeline for it. Kwesi tries to call him back. "They'll beat him," he says. The area around that shed belongs to those scrap dealers. Inusa must be crazy, he says in Pidgin: "This boy he craze, papa." But Inusa slips by the guys unnoticed, scoops up handful after handful of fresh scrap, and comes back grinning.
Inusa Mohammed weighs the scrap he’s collected. (Yepoka Yeebo)
Back at Francis's place, they sift through the haul using the case of a fan like a sieve to get rid of the dirt. Then they play around, waiting for Francis to pay them. Someone finds a broken Phillips DVD player, and Kwesi puts the pieces back together. "I want to make money, so I can buy one," he says. But that's for when he makes a ton of money. Right now, he's working for new shoes.
Francis cashes them out. Another 11 pounds, although Kwesi insists it’s 12. Still, he takes the money. They divvy up the cash, and Inusa is pissed. Kwesi made way more money than he did. Kwesi swears he's been working longer, and brought in more scrap. Inusa doesn’t look convinced, but he forgets to stay angry as they walk back through Agbogbloshie. He’s looking forward to a wash. Both boys are completely covered in soot and dirt. Then there's dinner, and studying to do. They stop to tease a girl who's hawking packets of water, then tumble off down the road, headed home.
http://www.theatlantic.com/technolo...lectronics-graveyard/383922/?single_page=true
How Nigeria's Elite Spend Over $2 Million on Their Dream Weddings
Illusionists flown in from Spain, flowers imported from France, or an R&B superstar flown in from the United States. No request seems to be out of line to Nigeria’s rich when it comes to the most beautiful day of their life. And don’t even mention the b-word – budget, that is – ’cause whatever the bride wants, the bride gets.
Due to its oil reserves, gas, telecom and rising entertainment industry, Nigeria may consider itself Africa’s largest economy as of early 2014. But natural resources and Nollywood aside, there’s another million dollar business out there giving the national GPD a major boost: the wedding events business.
The West African nation may be home to the majority of Africa’s billionaires, but there’s no shortage of millionaires either. “Our core clientèle is mainly made up of millionaires. They will not hesitate to spend the money in order to get what they want. If they need to fly in an artist from America, or a decorator from Dubai or London, they will do so,” says Funke Bucknor, founder of Nigeria’s leading wedding and events company, Zapphaire events.
Bucknor is a brand. Apart from her wedding planning duties, she’s published a book titled The Essential Bridal Hand Book, and in the first quarter of 2015 her very own TV show will start airing on a national TV network. She founded her wedding planning business twelve years ago and was amongst the first to do so. Today, her profession which seemed unnecessary to many locals over a decade ago, has become an essential to the moneyed Nigerian bride that wants her wedding to be the talk of town. Or perhaps it is better to say her weddings. ‘Cause one wedding alone just doesn’t cut it. First there is the traditional wedding – the only wedding recognized by the family – followed by the white wedding, which is similar to that which we know in the West. As for the latter, the destination wedding is all the rage. “Dubai and London are the most popular destinations, followed by Cape Town, Seychelles and the Maldives. Florence is currently growing in popularity,” Bucknor adds.
Table decoration at a Nigerian wedding (Photo Credits: Privé Luxury)
In 2013 research company Euromint showed how Nigeria had world’s fastest growing rate of champagne consumption, second only to France, while ahead of other lucrative markets including the US and China. Lagos-based beauty-queen-turned-event-planner, Elohor Aisien, concurs. “Nigerians love champagne, so the most money will be spent on drinks as well as food. On Nigerian weddings there’s food from 2pm till midnight.” Given that the average Nigerian wedding will easily have around 1000 guests, whereas the bigger wedding will have between 2000 and 3000 guests, the choice of champagne is a crucial one. “Old money Nigerians may keep things more subtle, new money Nigerians are more concerned with letting people know that they’ve arrived. Magnums of Dom Pérignon will often be their drink of choice. In a way it’s become this competition amongst brides. They’ll ask me: ‘How many bottles did she have? I need more,’” 33-year-old Aisien says.
Her wedding and events planning company Privé Luxury – founded in 2012 – may be a newbie on the scene, but Elohor can already consider offspring of Nigerian royalty, and the country’s leading female recording artist amongst her clients. “I’ve done the wedding of Reukayat Indimi, who comes from a royal Nigerian family that hails from the north of the country. According to the northern tradition, the bride can’t leave the house during the month leading up to the wedding. Since the bride didn’t have her wedding dress yet, I flew into London with a model who fitted several dresses for her. Elie Saab is a popular choice of wedding dress amongst Nigerians, whereas most grooms I work with want a Tom Ford total look. Vera Wang is also very much in demand, since it fits well on the Nigerian body type,” Elohor says, who may also tick the box that says “celebrity wedding”. In 2013 Privé Luxury planned one of Nigeria’s most talked-about weddings, which ended up being broadcast on a local TV network. It was when Nigeria’s leading female recording artist Tiwa Savage, exchanged vows with husband Tee Billz. Their destination wedding was held at Dubai’s Armani Hotel, part of world’s tallest man-made structure, the Burj Khalifa.”I have a good relationship with the Armani Hotel in Dubai - they love Nigerian weddings,”Aisien concludes.
Some might argue that it is morally wrong for a country in which some have to live on a dollar a day, to add value to how many liters of DP are flowing at a wedding. Others however, claim that if it weren’t for lavish Nigerian weddings, there would be no Nigerian economy. “I appreciate them spending this money, cause without these weddings I don’t know where the Nigerian economy would be,” says Weruche Majekodunmi, founder of Newton & David, a local company specialized in event design and décor. “The weddings keep our economy going. Normally the rich Nigerians will spend their money abroad, whenever they go shopping. Thanks to the wedding industry the money is being invested back into our economy. Jobs of caterers, tailors, carpenters and upholsterers are being sustained. Prior to these major weddings, the profession of make-up artist wasn’t even considered a full-time job,” she explains.
Weruche started working with flowers at church as a hobby, around twenty-five years ago. It was at a time in which Nigerians paid little to no attention, to the decoration of their wedding venue. “Up to fifteen years ago, some weddings wouldn’t even have a table cloth on the tables and they wouldn’t have any flowers except for the bridal bouquet. Nowadays Nigerian weddings will feature expensive flowers from France, silk table cloth and lots of crystal. A lot of the elite Nigerian kids have been educated abroad, so they’re used to the international standard when it comes to detail. They’ve become accustomed to a certain standard, so to import something isn’t unusual to them” the décor specialist slash wedding planner explains. Currently trending amongst the international kids is the flower wall, which surged in popularity after Kim Kardashian’s marriage to Kanye West.
Weruche goes on saying, “It has happened three times in the last five years that I’ve organized a wedding that cost over $2 million. They spent the most on food, Cristal champagne, entertainment and gifts to their guests. At one wedding all the invitees got their wedding outfit with their invitation. At another wedding they handed out microwave ovens, smart phones and rice cookers, to all of their guests. At some other weddings they’ll fly in their guests and arrange their accommodation in case they decide to get married overseas. You must understand, that our reasoning is different from that in the West.”
http://www.forbes.com/sites/declane...-spend-over-2-million-on-their-dream-wedding/
Illusionists flown in from Spain, flowers imported from France, or an R&B superstar flown in from the United States. No request seems to be out of line to Nigeria’s rich when it comes to the most beautiful day of their life. And don’t even mention the b-word – budget, that is – ’cause whatever the bride wants, the bride gets.
Due to its oil reserves, gas, telecom and rising entertainment industry, Nigeria may consider itself Africa’s largest economy as of early 2014. But natural resources and Nollywood aside, there’s another million dollar business out there giving the national GPD a major boost: the wedding events business.
The West African nation may be home to the majority of Africa’s billionaires, but there’s no shortage of millionaires either. “Our core clientèle is mainly made up of millionaires. They will not hesitate to spend the money in order to get what they want. If they need to fly in an artist from America, or a decorator from Dubai or London, they will do so,” says Funke Bucknor, founder of Nigeria’s leading wedding and events company, Zapphaire events.
Bucknor is a brand. Apart from her wedding planning duties, she’s published a book titled The Essential Bridal Hand Book, and in the first quarter of 2015 her very own TV show will start airing on a national TV network. She founded her wedding planning business twelve years ago and was amongst the first to do so. Today, her profession which seemed unnecessary to many locals over a decade ago, has become an essential to the moneyed Nigerian bride that wants her wedding to be the talk of town. Or perhaps it is better to say her weddings. ‘Cause one wedding alone just doesn’t cut it. First there is the traditional wedding – the only wedding recognized by the family – followed by the white wedding, which is similar to that which we know in the West. As for the latter, the destination wedding is all the rage. “Dubai and London are the most popular destinations, followed by Cape Town, Seychelles and the Maldives. Florence is currently growing in popularity,” Bucknor adds.
Table decoration at a Nigerian wedding (Photo Credits: Privé Luxury)
In 2013 research company Euromint showed how Nigeria had world’s fastest growing rate of champagne consumption, second only to France, while ahead of other lucrative markets including the US and China. Lagos-based beauty-queen-turned-event-planner, Elohor Aisien, concurs. “Nigerians love champagne, so the most money will be spent on drinks as well as food. On Nigerian weddings there’s food from 2pm till midnight.” Given that the average Nigerian wedding will easily have around 1000 guests, whereas the bigger wedding will have between 2000 and 3000 guests, the choice of champagne is a crucial one. “Old money Nigerians may keep things more subtle, new money Nigerians are more concerned with letting people know that they’ve arrived. Magnums of Dom Pérignon will often be their drink of choice. In a way it’s become this competition amongst brides. They’ll ask me: ‘How many bottles did she have? I need more,’” 33-year-old Aisien says.
Her wedding and events planning company Privé Luxury – founded in 2012 – may be a newbie on the scene, but Elohor can already consider offspring of Nigerian royalty, and the country’s leading female recording artist amongst her clients. “I’ve done the wedding of Reukayat Indimi, who comes from a royal Nigerian family that hails from the north of the country. According to the northern tradition, the bride can’t leave the house during the month leading up to the wedding. Since the bride didn’t have her wedding dress yet, I flew into London with a model who fitted several dresses for her. Elie Saab is a popular choice of wedding dress amongst Nigerians, whereas most grooms I work with want a Tom Ford total look. Vera Wang is also very much in demand, since it fits well on the Nigerian body type,” Elohor says, who may also tick the box that says “celebrity wedding”. In 2013 Privé Luxury planned one of Nigeria’s most talked-about weddings, which ended up being broadcast on a local TV network. It was when Nigeria’s leading female recording artist Tiwa Savage, exchanged vows with husband Tee Billz. Their destination wedding was held at Dubai’s Armani Hotel, part of world’s tallest man-made structure, the Burj Khalifa.”I have a good relationship with the Armani Hotel in Dubai - they love Nigerian weddings,”Aisien concludes.
Some might argue that it is morally wrong for a country in which some have to live on a dollar a day, to add value to how many liters of DP are flowing at a wedding. Others however, claim that if it weren’t for lavish Nigerian weddings, there would be no Nigerian economy. “I appreciate them spending this money, cause without these weddings I don’t know where the Nigerian economy would be,” says Weruche Majekodunmi, founder of Newton & David, a local company specialized in event design and décor. “The weddings keep our economy going. Normally the rich Nigerians will spend their money abroad, whenever they go shopping. Thanks to the wedding industry the money is being invested back into our economy. Jobs of caterers, tailors, carpenters and upholsterers are being sustained. Prior to these major weddings, the profession of make-up artist wasn’t even considered a full-time job,” she explains.
Weruche started working with flowers at church as a hobby, around twenty-five years ago. It was at a time in which Nigerians paid little to no attention, to the decoration of their wedding venue. “Up to fifteen years ago, some weddings wouldn’t even have a table cloth on the tables and they wouldn’t have any flowers except for the bridal bouquet. Nowadays Nigerian weddings will feature expensive flowers from France, silk table cloth and lots of crystal. A lot of the elite Nigerian kids have been educated abroad, so they’re used to the international standard when it comes to detail. They’ve become accustomed to a certain standard, so to import something isn’t unusual to them” the décor specialist slash wedding planner explains. Currently trending amongst the international kids is the flower wall, which surged in popularity after Kim Kardashian’s marriage to Kanye West.
Weruche goes on saying, “It has happened three times in the last five years that I’ve organized a wedding that cost over $2 million. They spent the most on food, Cristal champagne, entertainment and gifts to their guests. At one wedding all the invitees got their wedding outfit with their invitation. At another wedding they handed out microwave ovens, smart phones and rice cookers, to all of their guests. At some other weddings they’ll fly in their guests and arrange their accommodation in case they decide to get married overseas. You must understand, that our reasoning is different from that in the West.”
http://www.forbes.com/sites/declane...-spend-over-2-million-on-their-dream-wedding/
50 Things You Didn't Know About Africa
Produced by: The World Bank Africa Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Unit
The Africa Development Indicators 2012/2013 is an annual report which provides the most recent, detailed, data on development in Africa. It contains macroeconomic, sectoral, and social indicators, covering 53 African countries with a focus on Sub-Saharan Africa.
The ADI is designed to provide all those interested in Africa with a focused and convenient set of data to monitor development programs and aid to the region, providing an invaluable reference tool for analysts and policy makers who want a better understanding of the economic and social developments occurring in Africa.
The data revealed several interesting development facts and trends about Sub-Sharan African countries. Discover 50 things you didn't know about Africa:
Economy
Infrastructure
Tracking MDGs and IDA
Produced by: The World Bank Africa Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Unit
The Africa Development Indicators 2012/2013 is an annual report which provides the most recent, detailed, data on development in Africa. It contains macroeconomic, sectoral, and social indicators, covering 53 African countries with a focus on Sub-Saharan Africa.
The ADI is designed to provide all those interested in Africa with a focused and convenient set of data to monitor development programs and aid to the region, providing an invaluable reference tool for analysts and policy makers who want a better understanding of the economic and social developments occurring in Africa.
The data revealed several interesting development facts and trends about Sub-Sharan African countries. Discover 50 things you didn't know about Africa:
Economy
- Nigeria has the largest population in Sub-Saharan Africa (158.4 million people) and accounts for 19% of the continent’s total population.
- South Africa’s and Nigeria’s GDP in nominal prices comprised about 50% of total SSA’s GDP.
- SSA GDP growth was 5%. Chad, Liberia, Ethiopia and Zimbabwe had the largest growth at 13%, 10.3%, 9.9% and 9% respectively by rank. Twenty-six of the 48 SSA countries had a growth of over 5% for the same period.
- South Africa has SSA’s largest real GDP ($187 billion); the smallest is Guinea Bissau ($244 million).
- The Gross National Income (GNI) per capita of the richest Sub-Saharan African country (Equatorial Guinea) is 76 times larger than the GNI per capita of the poorest (Democratic Republic of Congo.).
- The total GDP per capita of the richest 10 African countries was 22.6 times of the poorest 10. The ten richest by order are Seychelles, Equatorial Guinea, Mauritius, Gabon, Botswana, South Africa, Namibia, Cape Verde, Swaziland and Angola while the ten poorest by rank are Congo Democratic Republic, Burundi, Eritrea, Guinea-Bissau, Niger, Malawi, Ethiopia, Central African Republic, Madagascar and Liberia.
- Between 1990 and 1999 PPP GNI per capita growth was 15% ($1,176.3 to $1,357.2) for Sub-Saharan Africa; and between 2000 and 2010 it was 63% ($1,403.4 to $2,288.7).
- SSA experienced an increase in both exports and imports. Exports increased from $300 billion in 2009 to $375 billion in 2010, a 25% increase; while imports increased from $330 billion in 2008 to $379 billion in 2010, a 15% increase.
- In 21% of Sub-Saharan African countries, one or two products accounts for at least 75% of total exports.
- The largest recipient of net official development assistance (ODA) in Sub-Saharan Africa received an amount 72 times larger than the smallest recipient. The largest recipient is Democratic Republic of Congo (US $3,543 million), and the smallest is São Tomé and Príncipe (US $49 million).
- In 3 countries by rank, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia and Togo, the agriculture value-added as percentage of GDP was over forty percent (49%, 48%, and 43%, respectively); in South Africa it is lowest at 2.5%.
- In 2009, South Africa utilizes the most electric power per person (4,532kW/h); Ethiopia utilizes the least (45 kW/h).
- Tanzania has the highest proportion of women aged 15-24 in its labor force (81%); Mauritania had the lowest (22%): Equatorial Guinea has the highest proportion of men aged 15-24 in its labor force (88%); Gabon has the lowest (27%).
- 27 countries have their female participation rates higher than the SSA average (64.3 percent). Burundi, Malawi, Mozambique and Rwanda have higher female participation rates than male. Mauritania and Sudan have the lowest women participation rates (29 and 32 respectively).
- In 2009, HIV/AIDS caused the death of 310,000 adults and children in South Africa, and less than 1,000 in Comoros, Equatorial Guinea, Gambia, Mauritania, and Mauritius respectively.
- Flows of international development assistance to Sub-Saharan African countries to fight HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases increased by 14.5% from 2009 to 2010; US $3,887.6 in 2009 to US $ 4,450 in 2010.
- In the decade (2000-2010) Liberia and Rwanda have made the greatest gains in life expectancy: 10 and 9 years respectively. Conversely, life expectancy has decreased in 3 countries namely, South Africa (3 years), Swaziland (0.3 years) and Lesotho (0.2 years).
- In 2009 Equatorial Guinea had the highest adult literacy rate (93%); Chad had the lowest (34%).
- In 2009, Lesotho had 95% of women literate; compared to the lowest the figure of 23% for Chad.
- Seychelles has the highest gross enrolment rate in secondary education (119%); Central African Republic has the lowest (13%).
- In Seychelles there are 13 children per primary school teacher; there are almost 84 in Central African Republic.
- The number of clinical cases of malaria reported in Sub-Saharan Africa decreased by almost 1% between 2009 and 2010, while the number of reported deaths due to malaria increased by 15% during the same period.
- Sierra Leone had the highest increase in reported deaths due to malaria from 2009 to 2010 (1,734 to 8,188); the highest decrease is in Côte d’Ivoire (18,156 to 1,023).
- The literacy rate among youth (15-24) in Gambia went up by 19% in 10 years, from 52.6% in 2000 to 65.5% in 2010.
- Infant mortality declined in almost all countries during 1990-2010. The largest decline was in Madagascar and Malawi, by 56%.
- The average number of children per woman in Sub- Saharan Africa decreased from 6 in 1990 to 5 in 2010. Seven (7) countries (Burundi, Cape Verde, Ethiopia, Namibia, Swaziland, and Togo) had the average number per women decline by 2.
Infrastructure
- The highest connection charge for a business phone is $355 in Benin; the lowest is in Mozambique at $14. Benin had the highest connection charge ($195) for a residential phone.
- For fixed broadband Internet, the highest connection charge is $2,371.7 in Guinea; the lowest is in Madagascar and Nigeria.
- The countries with the highest and lowest number of mobile phones per 1,000 people in Sub-Saharan Africa were Seychelles with 1359 mobile phones per 1,000 people and Eritrea 35 per 1,000 people, respectively.
- For the period 2000-09, the ratio of paved roads to total roads was the highest in Mauritius (98%); and lowest in Chad (less than 1%).
- In 2011, to start a business required 160 days for each procedure in Congo, Republic; it took three days in Rwanda. In Guinea-Bissau the number of days reduced from 216 in 2010 to 9 in 2011.
- In 2011, Guinea-Bissau had the highest number of procedures to enforce contracts (1,715); Rwanda had the lowest at 230.
- It takes 18 days average time to clear customs on direct exports in Democratic Republic of Congo and 6.2 days in Botswana; conversely for imports it takes 45.4 days in Democratic Republic of Congo and 3.7 days in Botswana.
Tracking MDGs and IDA
- The primary school completion rate for ten Sub- Saharan countries (Burkina Faso, Chad, Cape Verde, Guinea, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritania, Mozambique, Niger, and Togo) more than doubled between 1990 and 2010. (MDG 2)
- The lowest net primary enrolment ratio is found in Eritrea (34%); the highest is in Rwanda (99%). (MDG 2)
- In 2009 youth literacy (ages 15-24) is highest in Zimbabwe at 99% and lowest in Chad at 46%. (MDG 2)
- Rwanda has the highest number of women in national parliament with 56% of total seats. Comoros has the lowest with 3%. (MDG 3)
- In Sierra Leone 114 out of 1,000 children die before the age of one; in Seychelles the rate is 12 per 1,000. (MDG 4)
- In Somalia 180 children per 1,000 die before the age of five; in Seychelles, the rate is 14 per 1,000 and 15 per 1,000 in Mauritius. (MDG 4, IDA 2)
- Sixteen (16) countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have child immunization rate for measles of over 90%. The highest in Eritrea, Mauritius and Seychelles at 99% respectively while the lowest in Chad and Somalia at 46%, respectively. (MDG 4)
- For the period 2000-10, skilled personnel attended 6% of births in Ethiopia; they attended 99% of births in Mauritius. (MDG 5, IDA 4)
- Only 3 countries (Mauritius 60, Sao Tome and Principe 70 and Cape Verde 79), have maternal mortality rates (modeled) less than 100 per 100,000 live births. Conversely, Chad has the highest rate at 1,100 per 100,000 live births. (MDG 5)
- Contraceptive use (any method) is highest in Mauritius at 76%; lowest is Chad at 5% for the period 2000-10. (MDG 6)
- For the period 2000-10, in Mali and Rwanda, 70% of children under age 5 slept under insecticide-treated nets to prevent malaria; they were 1% in Equatorial Guinea and Swaziland. (MDG 6)
- Only 23% of the rural population of Sub-Saharan Africa has access to improved sanitation compared to 42% of the urban population.
- Seychelles had the highest percentage of forest area with 89%, whilst Mauritania had the lowest at less than 0.2%. (MDG 7)
- In 2008, South Africa had the highest carbon dioxide emissions per capita of 8.9 metric tons, whilst Burundi had the lowest of 0.02 metric tons. (MDG 7)
- In Democratic Republic of Congo, Ethiopia, Guinea, and Niger 1 persons per 100 are internet users; there are 41 in every 100 people in Seychelles. (MDG 8).
- Incidence of tuberculosis per 100,000 people was highest in Swaziland (1,287 per 100,000 people). This was 58.5 times higher than the lowest (Mauritius at 22 per 100,000 people). (MDG 6)
Profile: The Gambia's Yahya Jammeh
By Farouk ChothiaBBC Africa
Known for walking around with his trademark prayer beads and a stick, Yahya Jammeh is reputed to be one of the world's most eccentric and ruthless leaders.
Born in May 1965, he came to power in 1994 as a 29-year-old army lieutenant. Now, he is a portly president who portrays himself as a devout Muslim with miraculous powers, such as the power to cure people of Aids and infertility. He also believes that homosexuality threatens human existence.
Mr Jammeh divorced his first wife Tuti Faal and subsequently married two other women, though his official website refers only to Zineb Yahya Jammeh, who holds the title of First Lady.
According to The Gambia's privately owned Point newspaper, he married his second wife, Alima Sallah, in 2010, but Mr Jammeh's office issued an instruction that she should not be referred to as First Lady - in contrast to South Africa where all four wives of President Jacob Zuma hold the title.
"She is not to be addressed as the First Lady because, according to protocol, there can only be one First Lady and, in this case, that is Madam Zineb Yahya Jammeh," the newspaper quoted the presidency as saying.
Mr Jammeh, claiming that he has the support of most Gambians, nearly all of whom are Muslims, has won four multi-party elections - his latest victory was in 2011 when he obtained 72% of the vote.
But in a sign that his credibility among African leaders had plummeted, the regional body, the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas), refused to endorse his victory, saying voters and the opposition had been "cowed by repression and intimidation".
“Start Quote
I will deliver to the Gambian people and if I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so”
Yahya JammehThe Gambia's president
His decision to withdraw from the Commonwealth, which had been pushing for reforms in the tiny West African state, is a further sign of Mr Jammeh's growing isolation, analysts say.
The Gambia, portrayed in tourist brochures as an idyllic holiday destination, is the second African country to pull out of the Commonwealth in the past decade - Zimbabwe took a similar decision in 2003 after the body extended sanctions against President Robert Mugabe's government because of its human rights record.
Many African leaders, including South Africa's then-President Thabo Mbeki, rallied around Mr Mugabe, believing he was the victim of a Western plot to oust him.
'Aids cure'
Although Mr Jammeh will probably seek to whip up anti-Western feelings, he is unlikely to gain much support in Africa as he lacks the political stature of Mr Mugabe, who led his country's struggle for independence from colonial rule in the 1970s.
Soldiers celebrated Mr Jammeh's victory in the 2011 elections
In an interview in 2011 with the BBC's Focus on Africa radio programme, Mr Jammeh said he did not fear a fate similar to Libya's killed leader Muammar Gaddafi or Egypt's ousted President Hosni Mubarak.
"My fate is in the hands of almighty Allah," he told the BBC.
"I will deliver to the Gambian people and if I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so."
Mr Jammeh said he was not bothered by the criticism of human rights groups.
Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil, antihuman as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers”
Yahya JammehThe Gambia's president
"I will not bow down before anybody, except the almighty Allah and if they don't like that they can go to hell," he said.
'Executions'
Mr Jammeh is known for expressing bizarre views. In 2007, he claimed that he could cure Aids with a herbal concoction - a view condemned by health experts.
Later, he also claimed that he could cure infertility among women.
Mr Jammeh is also known for his virulent opposition to gay rights, having once threatened to behead gay people.
During an address to the UN General Assembly last month, Mr Jammeh lamented that Western governments were pushing for homosexuality to be legalised.
"Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil, anti-human as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers," he said.
The Gambian government's treatment of journalists and opposition parties has also caused huge concern among human rights groups.
Mr Jammeh's government has been under intense pressure to solve the murder of the editor of The Point newspaper, Deyda Hydara.
Gunned down in 2004, he has become a symbol of the campaign for press freedom in The Gambia.
The international media group Reporters Without Borders (RSF) says there is "absolute intolerance of any form of criticism" in The Gambia, with death threats, surveillance and arbitrary night-time arrests the daily lot of journalists "who do not sing the government's praises".
In the BBC interview, Mr Jammeh denied his security agents had killed Mr Hydara.
Yahya Jammeh: At a glance
In August last year, Mr Jammeh used a speech to celebrate the Muslim festival of Eid to announce that all prisoners on death row would be executed, effectively ending a moratorium that had been in place for 27 years.
"By the middle of next month, all the death sentences would have been carried out to the letter; there is no way my government will allow 99% of the population to be held to ransom by criminals," Mr Jammeh said at the time.
Nine people were executed, including Alieu Bah, a former lieutenant in the army who was arrested and jailed in 1997 for plotting to oust Mr Jammeh.
He agreed to halt further executions, following unprecedented pressure from the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU).
Despite Mr Jammeh's isolation on the world stage, there is little sign that his hold on power within The Gambia is under threat at this point.
He runs one of the most feared intelligence agencies in Africa, with its tentacles spread across the country - so much so that people in cities and villages fear speaking ill of the man who is officially referred to as his "His Excellency Sheikh, Professor, Alhaji, Doctor Yahya AJJ Jammeh".
Profile: The Gambia's Yahya Jammeh
By Farouk ChothiaBBC Africa
Who is the man behind Gambia's Commonwealth exit? Daniela Ritorto explains
Known for walking around with his trademark prayer beads and a stick, Yahya Jammeh is reputed to be one of the world's most eccentric and ruthless leaders.
Born in May 1965, he came to power in 1994 as a 29-year-old army lieutenant. Now, he is a portly president who portrays himself as a devout Muslim with miraculous powers, such as the power to cure people of Aids and infertility. He also believes that homosexuality threatens human existence.
Mr Jammeh divorced his first wife Tuti Faal and subsequently married two other women, though his official website refers only to Zineb Yahya Jammeh, who holds the title of First Lady.
According to The Gambia's privately owned Point newspaper, he married his second wife, Alima Sallah, in 2010, but Mr Jammeh's office issued an instruction that she should not be referred to as First Lady - in contrast to South Africa where all four wives of President Jacob Zuma hold the title.
"She is not to be addressed as the First Lady because, according to protocol, there can only be one First Lady and, in this case, that is Madam Zineb Yahya Jammeh," the newspaper quoted the presidency as saying.
Mr Jammeh, claiming that he has the support of most Gambians, nearly all of whom are Muslims, has won four multi-party elections - his latest victory was in 2011 when he obtained 72% of the vote.
But in a sign that his credibility among African leaders had plummeted, the regional body, the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas), refused to endorse his victory, saying voters and the opposition had been "cowed by repression and intimidation".
“Start Quote
I will deliver to the Gambian people and if I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so”
Yahya JammehThe Gambia's president
His decision to withdraw from the Commonwealth, which had been pushing for reforms in the tiny West African state, is a further sign of Mr Jammeh's growing isolation, analysts say.
The Gambia, portrayed in tourist brochures as an idyllic holiday destination, is the second African country to pull out of the Commonwealth in the past decade - Zimbabwe took a similar decision in 2003 after the body extended sanctions against President Robert Mugabe's government because of its human rights record.
Many African leaders, including South Africa's then-President Thabo Mbeki, rallied around Mr Mugabe, believing he was the victim of a Western plot to oust him.
'Aids cure'
Although Mr Jammeh will probably seek to whip up anti-Western feelings, he is unlikely to gain much support in Africa as he lacks the political stature of Mr Mugabe, who led his country's struggle for independence from colonial rule in the 1970s.
Soldiers celebrated Mr Jammeh's victory in the 2011 elections
In an interview in 2011 with the BBC's Focus on Africa radio programme, Mr Jammeh said he did not fear a fate similar to Libya's killed leader Muammar Gaddafi or Egypt's ousted President Hosni Mubarak.
"My fate is in the hands of almighty Allah," he told the BBC.
"I will deliver to the Gambian people and if I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so."
Mr Jammeh said he was not bothered by the criticism of human rights groups.
“Start Quote
Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil, antihuman as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers”
Yahya JammehThe Gambia's president
"I will not bow down before anybody, except the almighty Allah and if they don't like that they can go to hell," he said.
'Executions'
Mr Jammeh is known for expressing bizarre views. In 2007, he claimed that he could cure Aids with a herbal concoction - a view condemned by health experts.
Later, he also claimed that he could cure infertility among women.
Mr Jammeh is also known for his virulent opposition to gay rights, having once threatened to behead gay people.
During an address to the UN General Assembly last month, Mr Jammeh lamented that Western governments were pushing for homosexuality to be legalised.
"Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil, anti-human as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers," he said.
The Gambian government's treatment of journalists and opposition parties has also caused huge concern among human rights groups.
Mr Jammeh's government has been under intense pressure to solve the murder of the editor of The Point newspaper, Deyda Hydara.
Gunned down in 2004, he has become a symbol of the campaign for press freedom in The Gambia.
The international media group Reporters Without Borders (RSF) says there is "absolute intolerance of any form of criticism" in The Gambia, with death threats, surveillance and arbitrary night-time arrests the daily lot of journalists "who do not sing the government's praises".
In the BBC interview, Mr Jammeh denied his security agents had killed Mr Hydara.
Yahya Jammeh: At a glance
In August last year, Mr Jammeh used a speech to celebrate the Muslim festival of Eid to announce that all prisoners on death row would be executed, effectively ending a moratorium that had been in place for 27 years.
"By the middle of next month, all the death sentences would have been carried out to the letter; there is no way my government will allow 99% of the population to be held to ransom by criminals," Mr Jammeh said at the time.
Nine people were executed, including Alieu Bah, a former lieutenant in the army who was arrested and jailed in 1997 for plotting to oust Mr Jammeh.
He agreed to halt further executions, following unprecedented pressure from the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU).
Despite Mr Jammeh's isolation on the world stage, there is little sign that his hold on power within The Gambia is under threat at this point.
He runs one of the most feared intelligence agencies in Africa, with its tentacles spread across the country - so much so that people in cities and villages fear speaking ill of the man who is officially referred to as his "His Excellency Sheikh, Professor, Alhaji, Doctor Yahya AJJ Jammeh".
By Farouk ChothiaBBC Africa
Known for walking around with his trademark prayer beads and a stick, Yahya Jammeh is reputed to be one of the world's most eccentric and ruthless leaders.
Born in May 1965, he came to power in 1994 as a 29-year-old army lieutenant. Now, he is a portly president who portrays himself as a devout Muslim with miraculous powers, such as the power to cure people of Aids and infertility. He also believes that homosexuality threatens human existence.
Mr Jammeh divorced his first wife Tuti Faal and subsequently married two other women, though his official website refers only to Zineb Yahya Jammeh, who holds the title of First Lady.
According to The Gambia's privately owned Point newspaper, he married his second wife, Alima Sallah, in 2010, but Mr Jammeh's office issued an instruction that she should not be referred to as First Lady - in contrast to South Africa where all four wives of President Jacob Zuma hold the title.
"She is not to be addressed as the First Lady because, according to protocol, there can only be one First Lady and, in this case, that is Madam Zineb Yahya Jammeh," the newspaper quoted the presidency as saying.
Mr Jammeh, claiming that he has the support of most Gambians, nearly all of whom are Muslims, has won four multi-party elections - his latest victory was in 2011 when he obtained 72% of the vote.
But in a sign that his credibility among African leaders had plummeted, the regional body, the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas), refused to endorse his victory, saying voters and the opposition had been "cowed by repression and intimidation".
“Start Quote
I will deliver to the Gambian people and if I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so”
Yahya JammehThe Gambia's president
His decision to withdraw from the Commonwealth, which had been pushing for reforms in the tiny West African state, is a further sign of Mr Jammeh's growing isolation, analysts say.
The Gambia, portrayed in tourist brochures as an idyllic holiday destination, is the second African country to pull out of the Commonwealth in the past decade - Zimbabwe took a similar decision in 2003 after the body extended sanctions against President Robert Mugabe's government because of its human rights record.
Many African leaders, including South Africa's then-President Thabo Mbeki, rallied around Mr Mugabe, believing he was the victim of a Western plot to oust him.
'Aids cure'
Although Mr Jammeh will probably seek to whip up anti-Western feelings, he is unlikely to gain much support in Africa as he lacks the political stature of Mr Mugabe, who led his country's struggle for independence from colonial rule in the 1970s.
Soldiers celebrated Mr Jammeh's victory in the 2011 elections
In an interview in 2011 with the BBC's Focus on Africa radio programme, Mr Jammeh said he did not fear a fate similar to Libya's killed leader Muammar Gaddafi or Egypt's ousted President Hosni Mubarak.
"My fate is in the hands of almighty Allah," he told the BBC.
"I will deliver to the Gambian people and if I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so."
Mr Jammeh said he was not bothered by the criticism of human rights groups.
Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil, antihuman as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers”
Yahya JammehThe Gambia's president
"I will not bow down before anybody, except the almighty Allah and if they don't like that they can go to hell," he said.
'Executions'
Mr Jammeh is known for expressing bizarre views. In 2007, he claimed that he could cure Aids with a herbal concoction - a view condemned by health experts.
Later, he also claimed that he could cure infertility among women.
Mr Jammeh is also known for his virulent opposition to gay rights, having once threatened to behead gay people.
During an address to the UN General Assembly last month, Mr Jammeh lamented that Western governments were pushing for homosexuality to be legalised.
"Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil, anti-human as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers," he said.
The Gambian government's treatment of journalists and opposition parties has also caused huge concern among human rights groups.
Mr Jammeh's government has been under intense pressure to solve the murder of the editor of The Point newspaper, Deyda Hydara.
Gunned down in 2004, he has become a symbol of the campaign for press freedom in The Gambia.
The international media group Reporters Without Borders (RSF) says there is "absolute intolerance of any form of criticism" in The Gambia, with death threats, surveillance and arbitrary night-time arrests the daily lot of journalists "who do not sing the government's praises".
In the BBC interview, Mr Jammeh denied his security agents had killed Mr Hydara.
Yahya Jammeh: At a glance
- Born in May 1965
- Seized power in a coup in 1994
- Last year he vowed to stay in power for "a billion years", if God wills
- He also ordered the execution of criminals and political opponents on death row
- Claimed in 2007 he can cure Aids and infertility with herbal concoctions
- Warned in 2008 that gay people would be beheaded
- Denies his security agents killed journalist Deyda Hydara in 2004
In August last year, Mr Jammeh used a speech to celebrate the Muslim festival of Eid to announce that all prisoners on death row would be executed, effectively ending a moratorium that had been in place for 27 years.
"By the middle of next month, all the death sentences would have been carried out to the letter; there is no way my government will allow 99% of the population to be held to ransom by criminals," Mr Jammeh said at the time.
Nine people were executed, including Alieu Bah, a former lieutenant in the army who was arrested and jailed in 1997 for plotting to oust Mr Jammeh.
He agreed to halt further executions, following unprecedented pressure from the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU).
Despite Mr Jammeh's isolation on the world stage, there is little sign that his hold on power within The Gambia is under threat at this point.
He runs one of the most feared intelligence agencies in Africa, with its tentacles spread across the country - so much so that people in cities and villages fear speaking ill of the man who is officially referred to as his "His Excellency Sheikh, Professor, Alhaji, Doctor Yahya AJJ Jammeh".
Profile: The Gambia's Yahya Jammeh
By Farouk ChothiaBBC Africa
Who is the man behind Gambia's Commonwealth exit? Daniela Ritorto explains
Known for walking around with his trademark prayer beads and a stick, Yahya Jammeh is reputed to be one of the world's most eccentric and ruthless leaders.
Born in May 1965, he came to power in 1994 as a 29-year-old army lieutenant. Now, he is a portly president who portrays himself as a devout Muslim with miraculous powers, such as the power to cure people of Aids and infertility. He also believes that homosexuality threatens human existence.
Mr Jammeh divorced his first wife Tuti Faal and subsequently married two other women, though his official website refers only to Zineb Yahya Jammeh, who holds the title of First Lady.
According to The Gambia's privately owned Point newspaper, he married his second wife, Alima Sallah, in 2010, but Mr Jammeh's office issued an instruction that she should not be referred to as First Lady - in contrast to South Africa where all four wives of President Jacob Zuma hold the title.
"She is not to be addressed as the First Lady because, according to protocol, there can only be one First Lady and, in this case, that is Madam Zineb Yahya Jammeh," the newspaper quoted the presidency as saying.
Mr Jammeh, claiming that he has the support of most Gambians, nearly all of whom are Muslims, has won four multi-party elections - his latest victory was in 2011 when he obtained 72% of the vote.
But in a sign that his credibility among African leaders had plummeted, the regional body, the Economic Community of West African States (Ecowas), refused to endorse his victory, saying voters and the opposition had been "cowed by repression and intimidation".
“Start Quote
I will deliver to the Gambian people and if I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so”
Yahya JammehThe Gambia's president
His decision to withdraw from the Commonwealth, which had been pushing for reforms in the tiny West African state, is a further sign of Mr Jammeh's growing isolation, analysts say.
The Gambia, portrayed in tourist brochures as an idyllic holiday destination, is the second African country to pull out of the Commonwealth in the past decade - Zimbabwe took a similar decision in 2003 after the body extended sanctions against President Robert Mugabe's government because of its human rights record.
Many African leaders, including South Africa's then-President Thabo Mbeki, rallied around Mr Mugabe, believing he was the victim of a Western plot to oust him.
'Aids cure'
Although Mr Jammeh will probably seek to whip up anti-Western feelings, he is unlikely to gain much support in Africa as he lacks the political stature of Mr Mugabe, who led his country's struggle for independence from colonial rule in the 1970s.
In an interview in 2011 with the BBC's Focus on Africa radio programme, Mr Jammeh said he did not fear a fate similar to Libya's killed leader Muammar Gaddafi or Egypt's ousted President Hosni Mubarak.
"My fate is in the hands of almighty Allah," he told the BBC.
"I will deliver to the Gambian people and if I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so."
Mr Jammeh said he was not bothered by the criticism of human rights groups.
“Start Quote
Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil, antihuman as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers”
Yahya JammehThe Gambia's president
"I will not bow down before anybody, except the almighty Allah and if they don't like that they can go to hell," he said.
'Executions'
Mr Jammeh is known for expressing bizarre views. In 2007, he claimed that he could cure Aids with a herbal concoction - a view condemned by health experts.
Later, he also claimed that he could cure infertility among women.
Mr Jammeh is also known for his virulent opposition to gay rights, having once threatened to behead gay people.
During an address to the UN General Assembly last month, Mr Jammeh lamented that Western governments were pushing for homosexuality to be legalised.
"Homosexuality in all its forms and manifestations which, though very evil, anti-human as well as anti-Allah, is being promoted as a human right by some powers," he said.
The Gambian government's treatment of journalists and opposition parties has also caused huge concern among human rights groups.
Mr Jammeh's government has been under intense pressure to solve the murder of the editor of The Point newspaper, Deyda Hydara.
Gunned down in 2004, he has become a symbol of the campaign for press freedom in The Gambia.
The international media group Reporters Without Borders (RSF) says there is "absolute intolerance of any form of criticism" in The Gambia, with death threats, surveillance and arbitrary night-time arrests the daily lot of journalists "who do not sing the government's praises".
In the BBC interview, Mr Jammeh denied his security agents had killed Mr Hydara.
Yahya Jammeh: At a glance
- Born in May 1965
- Seized power in a coup in 1994
- Last year he vowed to stay in power for "a billion years", if God wills
- He also ordered the execution of criminals and political opponents on death row
- Claimed in 2007 he can cure Aids and infertility with herbal concoctions
- Warned in 2008 that gay people would be beheaded
- Denies his security agents killed journalist Deyda Hydara in 2004
In August last year, Mr Jammeh used a speech to celebrate the Muslim festival of Eid to announce that all prisoners on death row would be executed, effectively ending a moratorium that had been in place for 27 years.
"By the middle of next month, all the death sentences would have been carried out to the letter; there is no way my government will allow 99% of the population to be held to ransom by criminals," Mr Jammeh said at the time.
Nine people were executed, including Alieu Bah, a former lieutenant in the army who was arrested and jailed in 1997 for plotting to oust Mr Jammeh.
He agreed to halt further executions, following unprecedented pressure from the African Union (AU) and the European Union (EU).
Despite Mr Jammeh's isolation on the world stage, there is little sign that his hold on power within The Gambia is under threat at this point.
He runs one of the most feared intelligence agencies in Africa, with its tentacles spread across the country - so much so that people in cities and villages fear speaking ill of the man who is officially referred to as his "His Excellency Sheikh, Professor, Alhaji, Doctor Yahya AJJ Jammeh".
Our pick of the 10 best non-fiction books on Africa in 2014 - good for 2015 too
30 DEC 2014 13:05LEE MWITI
Spruce up your knowledge of the continent, by putting your mind to the right literature.
Martin Meredith, the author of such titles as The State of Africa and The Fate of Africa, was at it again this year.
The past year was hardly punctuated by prolificacy but what did come out more than made up for it. We sample ten of the most thought-provoking ones here, and if you missed them they are still good for 2015 and beyond:
1: Fortunes of Africa: A 5,000 Year History of Wealth, Greed, and Endeavor—Martin Meredith
Martin Meredith’s mastery of Africa’s history is uncontested, captured in a series of books, and with Fortunes of Africa he hits the same heights as before, maybe too fast, so leading to an overview instead of analyses.
The renowned journalist, biographer and historian in the new account says Africa’s history is summed up as one of plunder, both ancient and current, with a myriad of examples chronologically drawn from all over the continent.
Some reviewers note that there is a dearth of African characters in the book, but few African enthusiasts will be disappointed.
2: Ghandi before India—Ramachandra Guha
You would hardly lack literature on Mohandas Gandhi, but in this book Ramachandra Guha breaks new ground with this richly explored account of Gandhi’s time in South Africa, before his eventual departure in 1914.
He for example is able to both prop up and challenge Gandhi’s own historical accounts including by mining primary data not accessed before. In one revealing narration Guha shows how contact with Pakistan’s revered founding father Muhammad Ali Jinnah took place a full ten years before previously documented. He also captures the conflicted role of Indians in African nationalist movements, among a dazzling array of other uncharted areas.
3: The Sixth Extinction: An Unnatural History—Elizabeth Kolbert
This book may not strictly fall in the category of books on Africa, but we include it because it addresses a topic that disproportionately affects the continent: climate change.
Elizabeth Kolbert, a staffer at The New Yorker, is a renowned science writer, and in this book she examines at the role of man-made climate change in what biologists term the sixth mass extinction—the loss of animals and plants that could end up to 50% of all living species of earth within this century.
Five mass extinction events have already occurred, since the origin of life on earth 3.8 billion years ago. We bet you didn’t know that—all the more reason for you to delve into this book.
4: Emerging Africa: How the Global Economy’s ‘Last Frontier’ Can Prosper and Matter—Kingsley Moghalu
This is one of the more outstanding books by an African author on how Africa can beat the hype and achieve a lasting economic take-off, and comes as the world debates “Africa Rising”.
Kingsley Moghalu, a former Nigeria central bank deputy governor with extensive experience working for the United Nations, sets this book on a strong foundation, with a focus on how the region must first shift its entire paradigm by adopting a “world view”.
He the details the role of policy, strong institutions and political will in crafting a sustainable growth, drawing in bits from the high performing Asian ‘miracle’ economies but adding a distinctly African flavour to it. If you overlook the obvious emphasis on Nigeria you will be enthralled by this book.
5: Congo: The Epic History of A People—David Van Reybrouck
The Congo remains one of the most written about polities in Africa, with seemingly a book every other year. But David Van Reybrouk’s version is still refreshing, capturing the country’s journey through hundreds of years in its history through a mix of strong research and some 500 interviews.
He even manages to weave in his own family’s history—his father was a railway engineer there before he was born, helping “intimise” the book. Crucially, he talks to the people who really matter: the Congolese, including a 126-year-old source, rendering the book both readable and academically rigorous.
6: What’s gone wrong?: South Africa on the Brink of a Failed Statehood—Alex Boraine
Looking at modern South Africa, it is hard to shake off the feeling of a greatly missed opportunity, just two decades after the African National Congress won the country’s first democratic elections in 1994.
Alex Boraine draws on his wide experience as a parliamentarian, church man and a deputy chair of the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission to track where the wagons fell of the track for the Rainbow Nation. He delves into both the political and social, discarding the velvet gloves, but importantly, also offers a way forward.
7. China’s Second Continent: How a Million Migrants are Building a New Empire in Africa—Howard French
Drawing from his deep and nuanced experiences on the continent, journalist Howard French chronicles how deep China’s tentacles spread into the Africa, as thousands of Chinese make their way in search of a fortune on the continent.
As expected tensions with locals have taken root, and French, a former New York Times bureau chief in both West Africa and China, in a very observant way captures the emerging social trends beyond the headline economic activities, leaving the reader with the gripping feeling that China’s bitter-sweet dalliance with Africa has a long way to run.
8: Why States Recover: Changing Walking Societies into Winning Nations—Greg Mills
Using a rich tapestry of deep case studies, South African political scientist Greg Mills shows why states’ prosperity ultimately depends on leadership, institutions and the nature of politics.
From Zimbabwe to Somaliland, Kenya to Sierra Leone, Mills does a convincing analysis of the individual country challenges, and shows how they can be turned round to transform struggling states into strong, viable ones.
9: Africa is Open for Business: Ten Years of Game Changing Headlines—Victor Kgomoeswana
South African author, media personality and business speaker Victor Kgomoeswana puts out this collection of 50 strong individual essays on Africa’s socio-economic landscape, and like Moghalu, weaves into it strong Afro-optimism, talking of the continent’s renaissance being a reality.
He however does not shy away from highlighting the challenges and risks of trading within the continent, but captures the rich opportunities drawn from his work with multinationals, including through a review of business success stories, and inspiring business leaders.
10: Good Morning, Mr Mandela: A Memoir—Zelda la Grange
Simply one of the most debated books in Africa this year, many descriptions have been employed to describe the account by Nelson Mandela’s private secretary Zelda la Grange of life under the statesman.
Intriguing, funny, bitter, engaging, stuffy, humanising, revealing, heartbreaking, vindictive, remarkable… are just some of them. We urge you to form your own judgment.
30 DEC 2014 13:05LEE MWITI
Spruce up your knowledge of the continent, by putting your mind to the right literature.
Martin Meredith, the author of such titles as The State of Africa and The Fate of Africa, was at it again this year.
The past year was hardly punctuated by prolificacy but what did come out more than made up for it. We sample ten of the most thought-provoking ones here, and if you missed them they are still good for 2015 and beyond:
1: Fortunes of Africa: A 5,000 Year History of Wealth, Greed, and Endeavor—Martin Meredith
Martin Meredith’s mastery of Africa’s history is uncontested, captured in a series of books, and with Fortunes of Africa he hits the same heights as before, maybe too fast, so leading to an overview instead of analyses.
The renowned journalist, biographer and historian in the new account says Africa’s history is summed up as one of plunder, both ancient and current, with a myriad of examples chronologically drawn from all over the continent.
Some reviewers note that there is a dearth of African characters in the book, but few African enthusiasts will be disappointed.
2: Ghandi before India—Ramachandra Guha
You would hardly lack literature on Mohandas Gandhi, but in this book Ramachandra Guha breaks new ground with this richly explored account of Gandhi’s time in South Africa, before his eventual departure in 1914.
He for example is able to both prop up and challenge Gandhi’s own historical accounts including by mining primary data not accessed before. In one revealing narration Guha shows how contact with Pakistan’s revered founding father Muhammad Ali Jinnah took place a full ten years before previously documented. He also captures the conflicted role of Indians in African nationalist movements, among a dazzling array of other uncharted areas.
3: The Sixth Extinction: An Unnatural History—Elizabeth Kolbert
This book may not strictly fall in the category of books on Africa, but we include it because it addresses a topic that disproportionately affects the continent: climate change.
Elizabeth Kolbert, a staffer at The New Yorker, is a renowned science writer, and in this book she examines at the role of man-made climate change in what biologists term the sixth mass extinction—the loss of animals and plants that could end up to 50% of all living species of earth within this century.
Five mass extinction events have already occurred, since the origin of life on earth 3.8 billion years ago. We bet you didn’t know that—all the more reason for you to delve into this book.
4: Emerging Africa: How the Global Economy’s ‘Last Frontier’ Can Prosper and Matter—Kingsley Moghalu
This is one of the more outstanding books by an African author on how Africa can beat the hype and achieve a lasting economic take-off, and comes as the world debates “Africa Rising”.
Kingsley Moghalu, a former Nigeria central bank deputy governor with extensive experience working for the United Nations, sets this book on a strong foundation, with a focus on how the region must first shift its entire paradigm by adopting a “world view”.
He the details the role of policy, strong institutions and political will in crafting a sustainable growth, drawing in bits from the high performing Asian ‘miracle’ economies but adding a distinctly African flavour to it. If you overlook the obvious emphasis on Nigeria you will be enthralled by this book.
5: Congo: The Epic History of A People—David Van Reybrouck
The Congo remains one of the most written about polities in Africa, with seemingly a book every other year. But David Van Reybrouk’s version is still refreshing, capturing the country’s journey through hundreds of years in its history through a mix of strong research and some 500 interviews.
He even manages to weave in his own family’s history—his father was a railway engineer there before he was born, helping “intimise” the book. Crucially, he talks to the people who really matter: the Congolese, including a 126-year-old source, rendering the book both readable and academically rigorous.
6: What’s gone wrong?: South Africa on the Brink of a Failed Statehood—Alex Boraine
Looking at modern South Africa, it is hard to shake off the feeling of a greatly missed opportunity, just two decades after the African National Congress won the country’s first democratic elections in 1994.
Alex Boraine draws on his wide experience as a parliamentarian, church man and a deputy chair of the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission to track where the wagons fell of the track for the Rainbow Nation. He delves into both the political and social, discarding the velvet gloves, but importantly, also offers a way forward.
7. China’s Second Continent: How a Million Migrants are Building a New Empire in Africa—Howard French
Drawing from his deep and nuanced experiences on the continent, journalist Howard French chronicles how deep China’s tentacles spread into the Africa, as thousands of Chinese make their way in search of a fortune on the continent.
As expected tensions with locals have taken root, and French, a former New York Times bureau chief in both West Africa and China, in a very observant way captures the emerging social trends beyond the headline economic activities, leaving the reader with the gripping feeling that China’s bitter-sweet dalliance with Africa has a long way to run.
8: Why States Recover: Changing Walking Societies into Winning Nations—Greg Mills
Using a rich tapestry of deep case studies, South African political scientist Greg Mills shows why states’ prosperity ultimately depends on leadership, institutions and the nature of politics.
From Zimbabwe to Somaliland, Kenya to Sierra Leone, Mills does a convincing analysis of the individual country challenges, and shows how they can be turned round to transform struggling states into strong, viable ones.
9: Africa is Open for Business: Ten Years of Game Changing Headlines—Victor Kgomoeswana
South African author, media personality and business speaker Victor Kgomoeswana puts out this collection of 50 strong individual essays on Africa’s socio-economic landscape, and like Moghalu, weaves into it strong Afro-optimism, talking of the continent’s renaissance being a reality.
He however does not shy away from highlighting the challenges and risks of trading within the continent, but captures the rich opportunities drawn from his work with multinationals, including through a review of business success stories, and inspiring business leaders.
10: Good Morning, Mr Mandela: A Memoir—Zelda la Grange
Simply one of the most debated books in Africa this year, many descriptions have been employed to describe the account by Nelson Mandela’s private secretary Zelda la Grange of life under the statesman.
Intriguing, funny, bitter, engaging, stuffy, humanising, revealing, heartbreaking, vindictive, remarkable… are just some of them. We urge you to form your own judgment.
Ethiopia: U.S.$95 Million Water Project Sees Finalization After Six Years.
Ethiopia: Meta Abo Brewery Launches 'Zemen',...
The Addis Abeba Water and Sewerage Authority (AAWSA) has completed the construction of a water well in Kaliti that can generate 70,000 metric cube of water on a daily basis.
The project that has already started pilot operation on Saturday December 20, 2014, was constructed over the past six years. The project is intended to benefit Lideta and the surrounding areas.
The project, which came into being when the city's 63pc of water supply was from the Legedadi Dam, was constructed with 95 million dollars received from the Chinese export and import (EXIM) bank.
The preliminary estimated amount of yearly groundwater recharge of the country is about 28,000 millimeter cubed as the website of the Ministry of Water, Energy and Irrigation indicates.
A study by Water Aid indicates that 44.3pc of the total population in the country lacks access to safe water and 33,000 children die each year from diarrhea caused by unsafe water and poor sanitation.
Ethiopia: Meta Abo Brewery Launches 'Zemen',...
The Addis Abeba Water and Sewerage Authority (AAWSA) has completed the construction of a water well in Kaliti that can generate 70,000 metric cube of water on a daily basis.
The project that has already started pilot operation on Saturday December 20, 2014, was constructed over the past six years. The project is intended to benefit Lideta and the surrounding areas.
The project, which came into being when the city's 63pc of water supply was from the Legedadi Dam, was constructed with 95 million dollars received from the Chinese export and import (EXIM) bank.
The preliminary estimated amount of yearly groundwater recharge of the country is about 28,000 millimeter cubed as the website of the Ministry of Water, Energy and Irrigation indicates.
A study by Water Aid indicates that 44.3pc of the total population in the country lacks access to safe water and 33,000 children die each year from diarrhea caused by unsafe water and poor sanitation.
Gambia’s Jammeh Says Former State Guard Head Attempted Coup
By Chris Kay Dec 30, 2014 7:40 AM ET
Gambian President Yahya Jammeh said Lamin Sanneh, the former commanding officer of the State Guards, attempted a coup at about 1 a.m. local time today after entering the country from Senegal.
Forces loyal to Sanneh attacked the Presidential Palace in the capital Banjul and the Denton Bridge military post and in the process four of them were killed and four captured, the Gambian leader said today on his Facebook page. Sanneh was injured and may have died in the attack, Jammeh said.
Jammeh will immediately return from a state visit to France, he said.
Always in France
By Chris Kay Dec 30, 2014 7:40 AM ET
Gambian President Yahya Jammeh said Lamin Sanneh, the former commanding officer of the State Guards, attempted a coup at about 1 a.m. local time today after entering the country from Senegal.
Forces loyal to Sanneh attacked the Presidential Palace in the capital Banjul and the Denton Bridge military post and in the process four of them were killed and four captured, the Gambian leader said today on his Facebook page. Sanneh was injured and may have died in the attack, Jammeh said.
Jammeh will immediately return from a state visit to France, he said.
Always in France
The African dream needs to adapt to leaner times
End of the commodities boom should give all governments pause
©AFP
An oil and gas terminal in Nigeria's Niger delta
Sub-Saharan Africa’s emergence from economic torpor and conflict has been underpinned at most times during the past decade and a half by favourable external conditions. Sustaining the momentum in what looks set to be a less benign external environment will require a more proactive and strategic approach by African governments.
Sounder macroeconomic management and smart policy choices have played significant roles in improving the fortunes of many African countries. Nonetheless, it is hard to imagine the continental turnround that has taken place without the boom in demand for the raw materialsAfrica has in abundance and soaring commodity prices sustained by the growth of China. Nor would the balance sheet of many African states have looked so favourable at the onset of the boom without tens of billions of dollars in debt relief and writedowns backed by western governments and formalised through the Highly Indebted Poor Country initiative.
Consumer demand and foreign investment inflows have also driven growth. On this front, perhaps the most influential evolution since the turn of the millennium has been the rise in mobile phone use. Not only has the telecoms boom added at least a percentage point to growth each year, it has also blazed the trail for other sectors: it showed that demand for services was much greater than anticipated and that far more Africans than previously thought were able to pay the price.
However, liberalising telecommunications was a relatively easy win. To exploit the phones’ potential, the state needed to get out of the way and allow businesses to do the work. To create jobs and improve livelihoods for the continent’s youthful population will require governments to become better at service delivery and policy implementation. For that they need to be more judicious in their use of scarce funds and more strategic in creating a competitive environment for labour intensive industries.
The extent of the shortfalls on these latter fronts remains alarming in some cases. In Nigeria the falling world price of oil has exposed a classic case of what the economist J K Galbraith termed the “bezzle”. This is the sum of funds embezzled during boom times exposed when the tide washes out. When the price of oil, on which Nigeria depends for more than 70 per cent of state revenues, was soaring, tens of billions of dollars were squandered through subsidy scams, oil theft and other fraud. These were funds that could have sustained the country through the leaner times ahead but are now, as the naira tumbles, glaring in their absence.
The commodity boom has allowed many resource-rich African states to paper over cracks. With Chinese growth slowing, commodity prices falling, the dollar strengthening and African currencies under sustained pressure, this can no longer be assured. The Ebola epidemic has exposed the weakness of healthcare systems in the three worst affected west African states. The spread of Islamist militancy in Kenya, across the Sahel and in Nigeria has similarly showed how ill-equipped some African armies are to respond.
Investors are still drawn to Africa’s frontier market story long term. But to provide the stability, rule of law and skills necessary to sustain the continent’s transformation requires investment by African states — in education and healthcare — and a more convincing environment for the hundreds of billions of dollars of long-term financing needed in infrastructure. Some countries have made progress on this front. Leaner times make freewheeling a much more precarious option.
End of the commodities boom should give all governments pause
An oil and gas terminal in Nigeria's Niger delta
Sub-Saharan Africa’s emergence from economic torpor and conflict has been underpinned at most times during the past decade and a half by favourable external conditions. Sustaining the momentum in what looks set to be a less benign external environment will require a more proactive and strategic approach by African governments.
Sounder macroeconomic management and smart policy choices have played significant roles in improving the fortunes of many African countries. Nonetheless, it is hard to imagine the continental turnround that has taken place without the boom in demand for the raw materialsAfrica has in abundance and soaring commodity prices sustained by the growth of China. Nor would the balance sheet of many African states have looked so favourable at the onset of the boom without tens of billions of dollars in debt relief and writedowns backed by western governments and formalised through the Highly Indebted Poor Country initiative.
Consumer demand and foreign investment inflows have also driven growth. On this front, perhaps the most influential evolution since the turn of the millennium has been the rise in mobile phone use. Not only has the telecoms boom added at least a percentage point to growth each year, it has also blazed the trail for other sectors: it showed that demand for services was much greater than anticipated and that far more Africans than previously thought were able to pay the price.
However, liberalising telecommunications was a relatively easy win. To exploit the phones’ potential, the state needed to get out of the way and allow businesses to do the work. To create jobs and improve livelihoods for the continent’s youthful population will require governments to become better at service delivery and policy implementation. For that they need to be more judicious in their use of scarce funds and more strategic in creating a competitive environment for labour intensive industries.
The extent of the shortfalls on these latter fronts remains alarming in some cases. In Nigeria the falling world price of oil has exposed a classic case of what the economist J K Galbraith termed the “bezzle”. This is the sum of funds embezzled during boom times exposed when the tide washes out. When the price of oil, on which Nigeria depends for more than 70 per cent of state revenues, was soaring, tens of billions of dollars were squandered through subsidy scams, oil theft and other fraud. These were funds that could have sustained the country through the leaner times ahead but are now, as the naira tumbles, glaring in their absence.
The commodity boom has allowed many resource-rich African states to paper over cracks. With Chinese growth slowing, commodity prices falling, the dollar strengthening and African currencies under sustained pressure, this can no longer be assured. The Ebola epidemic has exposed the weakness of healthcare systems in the three worst affected west African states. The spread of Islamist militancy in Kenya, across the Sahel and in Nigeria has similarly showed how ill-equipped some African armies are to respond.
Investors are still drawn to Africa’s frontier market story long term. But to provide the stability, rule of law and skills necessary to sustain the continent’s transformation requires investment by African states — in education and healthcare — and a more convincing environment for the hundreds of billions of dollars of long-term financing needed in infrastructure. Some countries have made progress on this front. Leaner times make freewheeling a much more precarious option.