Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

Sonni

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Mozambique sees $30 bln investment for 2018 LNG exports startup

PEMBA- More than $30 billion will be invested initially in Mozambique's natural gas sector to build capacity to produce 20 million tonnes per year of liquefied natural gas (LNG), with the first exports due to start in 2018, the national oil company said. The investments will be made to develop the northern ports of Pemba and Palma, where a giant logistics base and LNG production plants are planned that will use gas produced from offshore fields in the Rovuma Basin being developed by U.S. oil major Anadarko Petroleum Corp and Italy's Eni.

Mozambique, which still bears the scars of a 1975-1992 civil war, is hoping revenues from its large gas deposits and its fledgling coal mining industry will help it emerge from years of poverty and dependence on foreign donors. The country holds presidential elections on Oct. 15.

"In an initial phase, liquefaction units with a total capacity for 20 million tonnes a year of LNG will be built and operated. The investment to be made tops $30 billion," Nelson Ocuane, president of the state oil company ENH, told Reuters. The initial exports from 2018 will come from a first LNG train of 5 million tonnes a year, with overall capacity for the industry to be ramped up subsequently to 20 million tonnes per year.

Ocuane, speaking on the sidelines of the launch of the project for the Pemba port logistics base on Wednesday, did not give a detailed breakdown of who would make the investments, between foreign partners, the government and state entities. Anadarko and Eni's commitments already run into several billions of dollars, but Ocuane's estimate was the first to put an overall cost tag on the first phase of Mozambique's LNG ambitions.

Mozambique's parliament last week approved amended legislation for the gas and oil sector, including a "special regime" for LNG development in Rovuma Basin Areas 1 and 4 where Anadarko and Eni are operating. This covered the construction and operation of LNG facilities and related activities.

Government officials have said this regime, aimed at attracting investment, includes the possibility of certain "exemptions" in contracts, but these have not been specified."Mozambique has good conditions to start exporting in 2018 because all the investment plans indicate that the essential infrastructure will be in place by then," Ocuane said.

Officials say fresh bidding rounds for Mozambican gas and oil concessions would be held in the coming months. The International Monetary Fund, which sees Mozambique's economy growing 8 percent annually in the medium term - one of the highest rates in Africa - has said the country can expect "substantial revenues" from LNG by 2022.

But it says Mozambique faces risks from climate disasters, commodity price shocks and variations in global demand for its coal and gas, as well as "financing risks for megaprojects". Some industry analysts say Mozambique may struggle to meet its target date of 2018 for the start of LNG exports. They say it must develop its LNG potential by the end of this decade as other supplies come on the market from West and East Africa and the global supply/demand scenario shifts, with the United States moving from energy importer to exporter.

Of the world's LNG, about 70 percent is consumed by China, South Korea, India, Japan and Taiwan, and Ocuane said it was these Asian customers Mozambique would aim to supply. Around 180 trillion cubic feet of gas has been found in Mozambique's offshore Rovuma Basin. This would be enough to supply Germany, Britain, France and Italy for 18 years.

MOZAMBIQUE "PREFERS" ONSHORE LNG PLANTS
Italy's Eni has proposed constructing two floating offshore LNG plants to process gas from its Rovuma Basin area, which would be quicker to complete than an onshore facility.

Ocuane said Mozambique's government was giving technical consideration to the Eni proposal, and would give its answer "in due course". But he added: "The government prefers the construction of LNG units onshore because this has the potential of creating employment and allowing the possibility of a series of investments in support areas for the gas industry."

Under the new legislation for the sector, foreign operators who win licences to explore for oil and gas must do so in partnership with state oil company ENH. The law also says that 25 percent of all gas and oil produced should go to the domestic market. Anne Fruhauf, Senior Vice-President for Africa for New York-based Teneo Intelligence, said the legislation "reflects key political priorities, namely industrial development, local procurement and a stronger role for national oil company ENH." "For investors the planned domestic market obligation (DMO) - targeting 25 percent of petroleum companies' production - will be one of the most controversial aspects of the legislation," she said in emailed comments. She expected further details of the operating framework to be defined in secondary regulations.

Mozambique recently set up a public company, Portos de Cabo Delgado, bringing together the state rail operator, CFM, and the national oil company to develop the northern LNG infrastructure.
http://www.reuters.com/article/2014...N0QR49C20140821?type=companyNews&feedType=RSS
 

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Kenyans move Sh1.1trn ($13 billion) on mobile phones in 6 months
August 10 2014

Kenyan consumers used mobile money services to transfer more than Sh1 trillion($13b) in the first six months of the year, the latest industry statistics show.

The new Central Bank of Kenya’s (CBK) report shows the value of mobile payments grew by nearly a third to Sh1.1 trillion in the first six months of the year compared to Sh872.1 billion last year. This means that consumers moved an average of Sh186.4 billion monthly or Sh6.2 billion per day compared to the Sh4.8 billion a day they moved in a similar period last year.

Kenya has six main mobile money platforms —Safaricom’s M-Pesa, Airtel Money, yuCash, Orange Money, MobiKash and Tangaza Pesa — backed by a network of about 120,781 agents.

The increased uptake of mobile money comes at a time when mobile money providers are fighting for a piece of the lucrative retail payments market with the launch of mobile payment products.

The merchant platforms include Safaricom’s Lipa Na M-Pesa; Lipa Sasa Na MobiKash; Airtel Money and yuCash. Tangaza Pesa is currently piloting MyDuka – a new online shopping product.

Safaricom reckons that the success of M-Pesa - Kenya’s pioneer mobile money service – has inspired ordinary consumers, companies, banks as well as government agencies to embrace mobile commerce.

“I think that the early success of M-Pesa has encouraged ordinary citizens to have confidence in a concept that otherwise would have been difficult for them to comprehend or accept,” said Bob Collymore, the Safaricom chief executive. “This growth is driven primarily by an increase in active M-Pesa customers and an increase in the average number of transactions per customer.”

Kenya had a total of 25.9 million mobile money subscribers at the end of June, having risen from 23.75 million in June 2013, a growth of 9.2 per cent.

The CBK’s data shows that the value of mobile money transactions more than tripled in the past five years to reach Sh1.1 trillion compared to the Sh322.5 billion that was moved in the first six months of 2010.

Sustained growth of mobile money is further attributed to the convenience it offers users beyond the traditional money transfer to include payment of utility bills such as water, rent and electricity, and for shopping and bus fare.

Safaricom in June 2013 launched Lipa Na M-Pesa - a service that enables consumers to pay for goods and services using M-PESA – which has so far enlisted 122,000 outlets including airlines, hotels, supermarkets, public service vehicles and oil marketers.

Lipa Na M-Pesa has enabled cashless merchant payments and facilitated trade between businesses and their customers while improving business efficiency,” Safaricom said in a statement. Safaricom charges a flat processing fee of one per cent on the value of every Lipa Na M-Pesa transaction.

The Nairobi bourse-listed telecoms company has 19.3 million registered M-Pesa users who are serviced by 81,025 agents across Kenya. M-Pesa earned Safaricom Sh26.56 billion or nearly a fifth of total revenue in the financial year ended March 2014, confirming the growing importance of mobile money as a revenue stream.
http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/...onths/-/539552/2414794/-/y22x2tz/-/index.html
 

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Japan’s Suburu to return to Mozambique
August 11th, 2014

The Japanese company Subaru aims to return to the Mozambique market, its representative in Mozambique, Chris Grobler, announced last week, as reported by the Maputo daily Notícias.

The Subaru representative indicated that he has been in Mozambique for some time, researching possible investment areas beyond the traditional automobile sector.

Grobler said that one area identified was tourism, where steps have begun to be taken with specific projects in Macaneta, in Maputo’s Marracuene district.

Besides the automobile industry, Subaru also invests in industry, civil aviation and infrastructures
http://www.macauhub.com.mo/en/2014/08/11/japan’s-suburu-to-return-to-mozambique/
 

CASHAPP

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Brehs I mean I like the AL Jazeera main website and its exceedingly informative for things wack ass CNN and MSNBC do not talk about.....but god damn I am in the search bar now and the only positive story on Africa I recall seeing is the one they had months ago on Nigeria overtaking South Africa for the largest economy....

with that being said.....when we become more prominent with phone manufacturers the way south Korea did with Samsung.....we also need to not drop the ball ad use those businesses to be under phone services like Verizon, Sprint, and AT&T....because it would defeat the purpose of black owned businesses....if we gonna make it ...we might as well promote a Black service that isn't one of the big companies above....

secondly....i really hope that Nigerian laptop "VEDA" did not get the idea of the name from the Indian word :snoop:
 

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Nigeria’s smart ID card roll-out kicks off
Published on 28 August 2014

By Simnikiwe Mzekandaba

NigeriaIDCard.jpg
Nigeria officially begins its roll out of a national smart identity (ID) card with electronic payment functionality on Thursday, following three previously unsuccessful attempts.

The West African nation's new ID card is powered by international electronics payment company MasterCard.

MasterCard, the Nigerian National Identity Management Commission (NIMC) and Access Bank have all partnered to issue 13 million Nigerians with the cards, in what is a pilot phase.

Access Bank is one of Nigeria's top five banks with more than 60% market share.

READ MORE
Social security debit cards number 10 million in SA
MasterCard inks Nigerian ID cards deal
MasterCard
Access Bank

Daniel Monehin, division president for sub-Saharan Africa at MasterCard, told ITWeb Africa that national ID card holders will be able to transact and receive payments from government and individuals. Payments can also be made internationally and domestically using the cards.

"This card is a EMV based card and it will be a source of unique identification as well as payments," he said.

"The two biggest barriers to financial inclusion are unique identification and access to financial services. With this card that is being launched today you solve both of these together on the same platform in a cost effective and most efficient manner," he explained.

Nigeria's national smart ID cards will give holders (everyone from 16 years and older) access to financial services, he stated.

According to Monehin, 70% of Nigeria's population has no access to financial services, and only 30% is banked. Nigeria has a population of 170 million, according to the Nigeria National Bureau of Statistics.

The national ID card will also be a tool for several channels such as government making social grant and pension payments to citizens.

Once the pilot stage's registration process of the project has been completed, MasterCard's plan is to introduce more than 100 million cards to all Nigerians.

Monehin also said Nigerian president Goodluck Jonathan would be the first official recipient of the new smart ID card at the launch on Thursday.

- See more at: http://www.itwebafrica.com/ict-and-...l-out-kicks-off#sthash.kWxqsfdO.m28eoeaY.dpuf
 

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What is driving the ‘African growth miracle’?

Margaret McMillan 30 August 2014

Some argue that growth across Africa is fundamentally a result of rising commodity prices and that if these prices were to collapse, so too would Africa’s growth rates. This column documents substantial shifts in the occupational structure of most African economies between 2000 and 2010 and thus provides a good reason for cautious optimism about the continent’s economic progress.


Some argue that growth across Africa is fundamentally a result of rising commodity prices and that if these prices were to collapse, so too would Africa’s growth rates (Lipton 2012). Others lament the so-called de-industrialisation of Africa. They worry that without a vibrant manufacturing sector, unemployment will remain high and the economies of Africa will not catch up to the more advanced countries of the world (Rodrik 2014). Finally, some warn that youth unemployment could lead to social unrest in sub-Saharan Africa (Filmer and Fox, 2014). Taken together, one could conclude that Africa’s recent success will be short-lived. But these observations fail to account for substantial shifts in the occupational structure of most African economies that provide a good reason for cautious optimism about the continent’s economic progress.

In particular, in my paper with Ken Harttgen - ‘What is Driving the ‘African Growth Miracle?’ - we show, for the first time, that roughly half of Africa’s recent growth can be traced to a significant decline in the share of the labour force engaged in agriculture. Previous researchers have shown that agriculture is by far the least productive sector in Africa (McMillan and Rodrik 2011, Gollin, Lagakos and Waugh 2014) and that income and consumption are lower in agriculture than in any other sector (McMillan and Verduzco-Gallo 2012, Gollin, Lagakos and Waugh 2014). Researchers have also noted that real consumption is growing in Africa (Young 2012) and that poverty is falling (Shimeles and Page 2014). To our knowledge, our paper is the first to connect these improvements in living standards to important occupational changes.

Outside of Africa, it has been well documented that structural change – that is, the reallocation of economic activity away from the least productive sectors of the economy towards more productive ones – is a fundamental driver of economic development (Duarte and Restuccia 2010, Herrendorf et al. 2014). But there has been very little evidence on how structural change has evolved in Africa since independence across the continent was achieved half a century ago. For example, Africa is absent from the analysis by Duarte and Restuccia (2010). And the analysis by Herrendorf et al. (2014) includes only a handful of African countries for which data on employment shares are available in the World Bank’s World Development Indicators. Thus, a major reason for the lack of research on structural change in Africa has been the absence of rigorous economic data. A deeper reason is poverty itself. Until recently, few African countries have enjoyed the sustained economic growth needed to trace out the patterns of structural transformation achieved in earlier decades elsewhere.

Structural change in Africa
We begin our analysis by asking whether it is reasonable to compare structural change in Africa to other regions during the same time period. Average incomes in Africa are significantly lower than in East Asia, Latin America and all other regions. If countries at different stages of development tend to exhibit different patterns of structural change, the differences between Africa and other developing regions may be a result of their different stages of development. Motivated by this possibility, we explore how the level of employment shares across sectors in African countries compare to those in other countries, controlling for levels of income. We find that African countries appear to fit seamlessly into the pattern observed in other countries. In other words, given current levels of income per capita in Africa, the share of the labour force in agriculture, manufacturing, and industry is roughly what we would expect.

Having confirmed that African countries were characterised by very high employment shares in agriculture in 1990, we turn to an investigation of changes in agricultural employment shares. For a sample of 19 African countries, we find that for the period 2000-2010:

  • the share of the labour force engaged in agriculture declined by an average of 10.61 percentage points;
  • the share of the labour force engaged in manufacturing expanded by an average of 2.15 percentage points;
  • and, the share of the labour force engaged in services increased by an average of 8.23 percentage points.
Combining these data on employment shares with data on value-added, we show that for the period 2000-2010, structural change accounted for roughly half of Africa’s growth in output per worker.

The results above are encouraging, but how much can the estimates be trusted? Even if the quality of the surveys is strong, there are differences in methodology and definitions across surveys and across countries that can contaminate the estimates. Thus, an additional goal of this paper is to verify the robustness of our employment share estimates (and the changes in employment shares) using the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS). The DHS are nationally representative surveys designed to collect demographic and health information for women and their partners between the ages of 15 and 49. Importantly, the design and coding of variables - especially on the type of occupation, educational achievements, households assets, and dwelling characteristics - are generally comparable across countries and over time. Finally, the sample includes 31 African countries and, for most countries, multiple surveys (up to six) have been conducted between 1989 and 2012.

Using the DHS we find that the changes in employment shares are consistent with the results described above. In particular, we show that the share of the labour force in agriculture increased by around 2 percentage points between 1990 and 1999, and fell by a little under 10 percentage points from 2000 onward. We also show that there is a significant degree of cross-country heterogeneity in the changes in agricultural employment shares, with the most rapid decline occurring in Burkina Faso and the smallest decline occurring in Lesotho.

Having documented a meaningful decline in the share of the labour force engaged in agriculture over the past decade, we explore potential explanations for the decline. We find that:

  • the agricultural employment share is falling faster in countries that started with a higher share of the labour force engaged in agriculture;
  • in countries where the rise in commodity prices coincided with a relatively higher quality of governance, the female share of the labour force fell more rapidly;
  • countries that have achieved at least one of the Comprehensive African Agriculture Development Program targets have experienced more rapid declines in the agricultural employment share;
  • and increases in rural schooling (especially for females) are correlated with small declines in agricultural employment shares in the subsequent period.
So, where does this leave us? It is encouraging that Africa’s recent growth has been accompanied by structural change. But there is clearly a lot that we still don’t understand about the process of growth in Africa. Fist, the analysis of correlates of structural change in African countries presented above only touches on possible explanations for the decline in agricultural employment shares. Much more could be done along these lines both to deepen our understanding of the process of structural change and to better understand the factors driving growth in Africa. Second, we know that agricultural employment shares are contracting but we know much less about the activities that are expanding. Without knowing more about these activities, it is difficult to make predictions about the sustainability of Africa’s recent growth. Finally, at least half of the recent growth is a result of within sector productivity growth – much of it driven by agriculture. This is not driven by commodity prices since all calculations are in constant prices. Understanding what is driving this could help promote faster productivity growth in agriculture across the continent.

References
Rodrik, D (2014), "An African Growth Miracle?", NBER Working Paper No. 20188, April 2014.

Duarte, M and D Restuccia (2010), "The role of the structural transformation in aggregate productivity", The Quarterly Journal of Economics, MIT Press, vol. 125(1), pages 129-173, February.

Filmer, D and L Fox. (2014), Youth Employment in Sub-Saharan Africa, Africa Development Series, Washington, DC: World Bank. DOI: 10.1596/978-1-4648-0107-5.

Gollin D, D Lagakos and M E Waugh (2012), “The Agricultural Productivity Gap”, The Quarterly Journal of Economics, 2013.

Herrendorf B, R Rogerson and A Valentinyi, “Two Perspectives on Preferences and Structural Transformation,” American Economic Review, American Economic Association, vol. 103(7), pages 2752-89, December.

Lipton, M (2012), "Income from Work: The Food-Population-Resource Crisis in the 'Short Africa", Leontief Prize lecture, Tufts University, Medford, MA, 3 April 2012.

McMillan, M S, and K Harttgen (2014), What Is Driving the ‘Africa Growth Miracle’? NBER Working Paper No. 20077, April 2014.

McMillan, M S, and D Rodrik (2011), “Globalization, structural change and productivity growth.” In (M. Bacchetta and M. Jense, eds.) Making Globalization Socially Sustainable, 49-84. Geneva: International Labor Organization and World Trade Organization.

McMillan, M S and I Verduzco-Gallo (2012), "Measuring the Impact of Structural Change on Labor’s Share of Income", Background Paper, World Development Report 2013.

Page, John and Abebe Shimeles (2014) "Aid, employment, and poverty reduction in Africa", WIDER Working Paper 2014/043 Helsinki: UNU-WIDER

Young, A (2012), “The African Growth Miracle”, Journal of Political Economy, 120 (August):696-739.
 

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High Stakes in Africa: Can the U.S. Catch China?
By Howard W. French July 31, 2014

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Illustration by 731

To be attentive to history is to be on the lookout for pivotal moments, and in the geopolitics surrounding Africa, the 1990s stand out as a hugely pivotal time.

With the Cold War scarcely over, the West turned its attention away from the continent, largely defining its problems as humanitarian issues, which are traditionally the lowest station of foreign policy priorities. Western Europe, which had colonized Africa decades earlier, reoriented its focus to Eastern Europe, attracted by what it saw as large, capital-starved markets with well-educated workers who would nonetheless be satisfied being paid bargain-basement wages by the standards of that continent.

The U.S. took a different route. With a focus dominated by security, it invested its energy and treasure in a series of interventions in the greater Middle East, leading to a series of costly and inconclusive wars in the Islamic world.

STORY: In His First Year, China's Xi Puts Unprecedented Focus on Africa
In the 1990s, China’s economic reforms were just beginning to rev up, and the People’s Republic was able to survey the world with the fresh eyes that an emergence from a long period of relative isolation brings. The leadership understood that the good run the country had enjoyed since opening its economy to foreign investment in the 1980s could carry it only so far, and that to sustain growth, China had to hold its own in the global economy by finding new international markets. In 1996 the Chinese committed to a policy known simply as Going Out and selected Africa as a priority zone for expansion.

Many people who have focused on China’s burgeoning ties with Africa since then have made the easy mistake of believing the country’s strategy is mostly a natural resources play. They’ve missed the big picture of why Africa has become so important to China and of why this is so relevant to the U.S. and other big, globalized economies that may now have to hustle to get into the Africa game.

Africa’s resource wealth is certainly of huge importance to China, a manufacturing superpower that is urbanizing and building infrastructure on an unprecedented scale. Unlike Western powers, however, China sees raw materials as only one of the three pillars of its Africa strategy. The second pillar involves using Africa as a springboard to help Chinese businesses emerge as global players.

VIDEO: Does GDP Growth Make Nigeria Ripe for Investment?
Over the past decade, Chinese companies have built bulging order books in Africa, cutting their teeth in a part of the world where Western competitors, when present at all, have not brought their A team. The Chinese astutely calculate that the wealth they accumulate in Africa and the lessons they learn will serve them well as they push into bigger, richer, and tougher markets. Examples of this strategy are particularly abundant in telecommunications, where companies such as Tecno (cell phones) and ZTE (000063:CH) (mobile phone infrastructure) have relied on Africa in part to launch themselves globally.

Boasting scores of already mature multinational corporations, Western countries would not be mistaken to think they had relatively little to learn from this aspect of China’s expansion into Africa. The third pillar of Beijing’s strategy, though, could well become the game changer. Understanding that, for the remainder of the century, the bulk of global population growth will take place in Africa, China is making a long bet on the emergence of vibrant, high-consuming middle classes there, and with each year this wager is looking smarter and smarter.

Although at a glance Africa still looks overwhelmingly poor, it’s recently become the fastest-growing region of the world, and its share of global gross domestic product has increased to 4.1 percent, from 3.4 percent in 2000—a trend that figures to accelerate. Africa already has a middle class larger than India’s, albeit a balkanized one. And as the economic emergence continues, it will benefit more and more from new technologies that will allow it to leapfrog communication and infrastructure hurdles.

STORY: The World Isn't As Fragile as the U.S. Thinks
Perhaps most important is Africa’s so-called demographic dividend, which over the next few decades will place most of the population in the most productive, youthful, and heavily consuming phase of life. Young people in Africa resemble less and less the peasant multitudes of the past. Instead, they are urban and highly globalized in terms of culture. African investment in education, among the highest in the world in terms of percentage of GDP, can barely keep up with the heavy demand for learning. The thirst for education can be seen in United Nations data that show enrollment in secondary schools jumped 48 percent in sub-Saharan Africa from 2000 to 2008; higher-education rates grew 80 percent.

STORY: Turning Ethiopia Into China's China

China’s dreams of Africa are not unlike the Western dreams of China over the past century, which consisted of an immense volume play: a vision of selling a yard of cloth or a gadget or a bauble to every Chinese person. The only difference is that the Chinese are increasingly in a position to make their dream come true.

China’s investment isn’t limited to a natural resources play. Africa has a middle class larger than India’s

Anyone who travels in Africa today can see that vision being patiently implemented. It consists of gradually familiarizing consumers with Chinese products, from mattresses to mobile phones. Building brand equity in the markets of the West is daunting and prohibitively costly. The biggest and best Chinese brands are fighting for a toehold there, but for the most part China is placing its chips on this demographic end run in Africa, seeing past the aging, debt-saturated markets of the West.

Where does this leave the U.S. and others who have been sleeping on Africa? The mature, rich economies have little interest in competing with China in low-end manufacturing and cheap consumer goods. That said, there is a worrisome complacency in the U.S. corporate world about the continent, which leaves an open path for China to move up the value chain in African markets.

STORY: U.S. Oil Imports From Africa Are Down 90 Percent
The Obama administration, which has generally made little impression on the continent, has been smart to push electricity generation as a priority aim in Africa. Over the past decade or so, China has been the main actor in terms of African infrastructure development, with its companies racking up huge profits constructing highways, ports, airports, and railway systems. The continent is as underserved in electrical power as it is in roads, and this is a sector in which the U.S., if it is disciplined and ambitious, can make a huge difference in the years ahead, doing good while doing well. The Obama initiative, known as Power Africa, was announced in June 2012. It relies on a mixture of government and private financing and aims to double the African electricity supply, by adding 10,000 megawatts to production. A recent Senate bill proposes doubling that goal.

Being disciplined means not only maintaining consistent priorities toward Africa, but also rethinking how one talks about the continent. The U.S. corporate world is in need of massive reeducation about Africa, and Washington must learn to speak about opportunity there without muddling the message with talk of terrorism and security, which have increasingly dominated U.S. policy toward the region since the end of the Cold War. Obama’s pan-Africa summit, starting on Aug. 4 in Washington, is a chance to start making a difference.

This does not mean abandoning an emphasis on democracy or neglecting the importance of stability and good governance. On the contrary, it means recognizing that Africa is overdue for a more mature kind of conversation, in which its economic life is not subsumed by other topics. That means recognizing, belatedly, that robust, inclusive economic growth can probably do more for the continent than any amount of military planning.

STORY: What America Can Teach the World About Defeating Obesity
Finally, Western countries may never compete across the board with their Chinese counterparts in the African infrastructure boom, but they are neglecting another kind of infrastructure in which they hold a massive advantage: education.

American schools are investing heavily in China and the Middle East, but their biggest potential markets and greatest potential impact are arguably in Africa, where the population is expected to nearly triple, to a projected 3 billion.

The prolific bank robber Willie Sutton, asked why he robbed banks, had a charmingly simple answer: “That’s where the money is.” Almost every young Chinese person dreams of an American education. Why should American universities and other schools train their sights on Africa? Because in the 21st century, that’s where the students will be.

STORY: Foreign Students in the U.S.: A Good, Cheap Way to Spread Democracy
 

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america could be a great potential ally with africa, given its black population and culture. edit: just read both, Interesting articles
 
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Pentagon set to open second drone base in Niger as it expands operations in Africa

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A drone sits at a French army base in Niamey, Niger. France and the United States have ramped up their cooperation in Africa to counter terrorist threats. (Martin Bureau/AFP/Getty Images)
By Craig Whitlock September 1 at 6:48 PM
The Pentagon is preparing to open a drone base in one of the remotest places on Earth: an ancient caravan crossroads in the middle of the Sahara.

After months of negotiations, the government of Niger, a landlocked West African nation, has authorized the U.S. military to fly unarmed drones from the mud-walled desert city of Agadez, according to Nigerien and U.S. officials.

The previously undisclosed decision gives the Pentagon another surveillance hub — its second in Niger and third in the region — to track Islamist fighters who have destabilized parts of North and West Africa. It also advances a little-publicized U.S. strategy to tackle counterterrorism threats alongside France, the former colonial power in that part of the continent.

Although the two allies have a sporadic history of quarreling when it comes to military action, U.S. and French troops have been working hand in glove as they steadily expand their presence in impoverished West Africa. Both countries are alarmed by the presence of jihadist groups, some affiliated with al-Qaeda, that have taken root in states whose governments are unable to exert control over their own territory.

In Niamey, Niger’s capital, U.S. and French forces set up neighboring drone hangars last year to conduct reconnaissance flights over Mali, where about 1,200 French soldiers are trying to suppress a revolt that erupted in 2012.


In Chad, the U.S. Air Force has been flying drones and other aircraft from a French military base to search for hundreds of schoolgirls abducted by Islamic militants in northern Nigeria.

The White House approved $10 million in emergency aid on Aug. 11 to help airlift French troops and provide midair refueling for French aircraft deployed to West Africa. Analysts said the monetary sum was less important than what it symbolized: U.S. endorsement of a new French plan to deploy 3,000 troops across the region.

“We have this confluence of interests where both countries are working much more closely than would have been thought possible just a couple of years ago,” said J. Peter Pham, an expert on African security at the Atlantic Council, a Washington think tank.

The cooperation is a turnabout from early 2013, when France deployed troops to northern Mali to try to prevent the country from breaking apart. The Obama administration was slow to respond to requests to provide crucial logistical support to French troops, a reflection of how the two countries have sometimes worked at cross-purposes on security policy.

France is protective of its economic and political interests in West Africa. Yet in 2008 it shrank its military presence on the continent and instead opened a base in the Persian Gulf, an area that the U.S. military sees as its sphere of influence. Around the same time, the Pentagon created an Africa Command and expanded its training partnerships with French-speaking countries on the continent, to the annoyance of some officials in Paris.

In July, however, French President François Hollande announced that his country would again bulk up its forces in West Africa. Under Operation Barkhane (a term for a crescent-shaped sand dune), France will permanently deploy 3,000 troops at bases in Mali, Chad, Niger and Burkina Faso.

French leaders consulted closely with U.S. officials before the operation. Pentagon officials said they were happy to let France take the lead on the ground, enabling the U.S. Air Force to focus on drone flights and other airborne missions that it is better equipped to handle.


“They have a similar strategy and aim about what they are doing,” said Sarah Covington, a sub-Saharan Africa analyst at IHS Country Risk, based in London. “The French have been in that region for decades now and have an extremely strong presence.”

The new base in Agadez will put U.S. drones closer to a desert corridor connecting northern Mali and southern Libya that is a key route for arms traffickers, drug smugglers and Islamist fighters migrating across the Sahara.

The city was once a magnet for adventure tourists from Europe seeking a taste of nomad culture. But rebellions by Tuareg tribesmen in recent years and an influx of Islamists have made it a more dangerous place.

In a written response to questions, Benjamin A. Benson, a spokesman for Africa Command, called Agadez “an attractive option” for a base, “given its proximity to the threats in the region.”

In February, records show, the Pentagon’s Defense Logistics Agencysolicited bids for the delivery of more than 7 million gallons of jet and diesel fuel to Agadez later this year. In July, the Air Force posted a separate solicitation to upgrade the Agadez airport runway, a project estimated to cost between $5 million and $10 million. Documents cautioned that the project was still awaiting authorization from the government of Niger.

The next month, Mahamadou Issoufou, the president of Niger, traveled to Washington to attend the Obama administration’s U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit. On Aug. 7, the day after the summit, Issoufou gave final approval to the Agadez drone base during a meeting with Deputy Defense Secretary Robert Work; Army Gen. David Rodriguez, the leader of Africa Command; and several other participants, according to Nigerien and U.S. officials.

Benson, the Africa Command spokesman, declined to say how many drones or U.S. military personnel will be deployed to Agadez, saying the operation is still in the planning stages.

The Pentagon continues to broaden its drone operations in Africa, despite growing demand for the aircraft in other conflict zones.

Since June, surveillance drones have been redeployed from bases in the Middle East to fly dozens of sorties a day over Iraq. The aircraft are also sorely needed in Afghanistan as the U.S. military draws down its forces there, as well as for counterterrorism missions in Yemen and Somalia.

The Pentagon also keeps watch over northern Libya with Predator drones that cross the Mediterranean from a U.S. base in Sicily, Italy.

The U.S. military would like to increase its reconnaissance flights over Libya, where Islamist factions and tribal militias have shattered the country. Having a drone base in Agadez will make it easier to reach the vast desert terrain in southern Libya, where many itinerant Islamist fighters have regrouped after being expelled from Mali, according to security analysts.

It is unclear whether the Pentagon will continue to operate drones from Niamey, the capital, about 500 miles southwest of Agadez, though some officials said it was unlikely. About 120 U.S. troops are deployed there at a Nigerien military base adjacent to the international airport.

French forces keep their own, small drone fleet in nearby hangars. It consists of two U.S.-built Reaper aircraft, purchased last year, and an older-model Harfang drone.

In contrast to the U.S. military, which is secretive about its drone operations, the French have been eager to show off their spy aircraft. When Hollande visited Niamey in July to tout Operation Barkhane, news photographers were permitted inside the French drone hangar.

Craig Whitlock covers the Pentagon and national security. He has reported for The Washington Post since 1998.

 

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Pentagon set to open second drone base in Niger as it expands operations in Africa

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A drone sits at a French army base in Niamey, Niger. France and the United States have ramped up their cooperation in Africa to counter terrorist threats. (Martin Bureau/AFP/Getty Images)
By Craig Whitlock September 1 at 6:48 PM
The Pentagon is preparing to open a drone base in one of the remotest places on Earth: an ancient caravan crossroads in the middle of the Sahara.

After months of negotiations, the government of Niger, a landlocked West African nation, has authorized the U.S. military to fly unarmed drones from the mud-walled desert city of Agadez, according to Nigerien and U.S. officials.

The previously undisclosed decision gives the Pentagon another surveillance hub — its second in Niger and third in the region — to track Islamist fighters who have destabilized parts of North and West Africa. It also advances a little-publicized U.S. strategy to tackle counterterrorism threats alongside France, the former colonial power in that part of the continent.

Although the two allies have a sporadic history of quarreling when it comes to military action, U.S. and French troops have been working hand in glove as they steadily expand their presence in impoverished West Africa. Both countries are alarmed by the presence of jihadist groups, some affiliated with al-Qaeda, that have taken root in states whose governments are unable to exert control over their own territory.

In Niamey, Niger’s capital, U.S. and French forces set up neighboring drone hangars last year to conduct reconnaissance flights over Mali, where about 1,200 French soldiers are trying to suppress a revolt that erupted in 2012.


In Chad, the U.S. Air Force has been flying drones and other aircraft from a French military base to search for hundreds of schoolgirls abducted by Islamic militants in northern Nigeria.

The White House approved $10 million in emergency aid on Aug. 11 to help airlift French troops and provide midair refueling for French aircraft deployed to West Africa. Analysts said the monetary sum was less important than what it symbolized: U.S. endorsement of a new French plan to deploy 3,000 troops across the region.

“We have this confluence of interests where both countries are working much more closely than would have been thought possible just a couple of years ago,” said J. Peter Pham, an expert on African security at the Atlantic Council, a Washington think tank.

The cooperation is a turnabout from early 2013, when France deployed troops to northern Mali to try to prevent the country from breaking apart. The Obama administration was slow to respond to requests to provide crucial logistical support to French troops, a reflection of how the two countries have sometimes worked at cross-purposes on security policy.

France is protective of its economic and political interests in West Africa. Yet in 2008 it shrank its military presence on the continent and instead opened a base in the Persian Gulf, an area that the U.S. military sees as its sphere of influence. Around the same time, the Pentagon created an Africa Command and expanded its training partnerships with French-speaking countries on the continent, to the annoyance of some officials in Paris.

In July, however, French President François Hollande announced that his country would again bulk up its forces in West Africa. Under Operation Barkhane (a term for a crescent-shaped sand dune), France will permanently deploy 3,000 troops at bases in Mali, Chad, Niger and Burkina Faso.

French leaders consulted closely with U.S. officials before the operation. Pentagon officials said they were happy to let France take the lead on the ground, enabling the U.S. Air Force to focus on drone flights and other airborne missions that it is better equipped to handle.


“They have a similar strategy and aim about what they are doing,” said Sarah Covington, a sub-Saharan Africa analyst at IHS Country Risk, based in London. “The French have been in that region for decades now and have an extremely strong presence.”

The new base in Agadez will put U.S. drones closer to a desert corridor connecting northern Mali and southern Libya that is a key route for arms traffickers, drug smugglers and Islamist fighters migrating across the Sahara.

The city was once a magnet for adventure tourists from Europe seeking a taste of nomad culture. But rebellions by Tuareg tribesmen in recent years and an influx of Islamists have made it a more dangerous place.

In a written response to questions, Benjamin A. Benson, a spokesman for Africa Command, called Agadez “an attractive option” for a base, “given its proximity to the threats in the region.”

In February, records show, the Pentagon’s Defense Logistics Agencysolicited bids for the delivery of more than 7 million gallons of jet and diesel fuel to Agadez later this year. In July, the Air Force posted a separate solicitation to upgrade the Agadez airport runway, a project estimated to cost between $5 million and $10 million. Documents cautioned that the project was still awaiting authorization from the government of Niger.

The next month, Mahamadou Issoufou, the president of Niger, traveled to Washington to attend the Obama administration’s U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit. On Aug. 7, the day after the summit, Issoufou gave final approval to the Agadez drone base during a meeting with Deputy Defense Secretary Robert Work; Army Gen. David Rodriguez, the leader of Africa Command; and several other participants, according to Nigerien and U.S. officials.

Benson, the Africa Command spokesman, declined to say how many drones or U.S. military personnel will be deployed to Agadez, saying the operation is still in the planning stages.

The Pentagon continues to broaden its drone operations in Africa, despite growing demand for the aircraft in other conflict zones.

Since June, surveillance drones have been redeployed from bases in the Middle East to fly dozens of sorties a day over Iraq. The aircraft are also sorely needed in Afghanistan as the U.S. military draws down its forces there, as well as for counterterrorism missions in Yemen and Somalia.

The Pentagon also keeps watch over northern Libya with Predator drones that cross the Mediterranean from a U.S. base in Sicily, Italy.

The U.S. military would like to increase its reconnaissance flights over Libya, where Islamist factions and tribal militias have shattered the country. Having a drone base in Agadez will make it easier to reach the vast desert terrain in southern Libya, where many itinerant Islamist fighters have regrouped after being expelled from Mali, according to security analysts.

It is unclear whether the Pentagon will continue to operate drones from Niamey, the capital, about 500 miles southwest of Agadez, though some officials said it was unlikely. About 120 U.S. troops are deployed there at a Nigerien military base adjacent to the international airport.

French forces keep their own, small drone fleet in nearby hangars. It consists of two U.S.-built Reaper aircraft, purchased last year, and an older-model Harfang drone.

In contrast to the U.S. military, which is secretive about its drone operations, the French have been eager to show off their spy aircraft. When Hollande visited Niamey in July to tout Operation Barkhane, news photographers were permitted inside the French drone hangar.

Craig Whitlock covers the Pentagon and national security. He has reported for The Washington Post since 1998.


Yo are they adding u.s. basis at Africa?:wtf:
 
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