Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

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Kenya's SGR railway almost complete. Nairobi-Mombasa section is finished. Much of the line is elevated above National Parks and wildlife so commuters will be able to look down below and see wildlife. It will be fukking amazing.
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Kenya’s Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) will fundamentally alter the future of the country and region’s economics.The Sh400 billion infrastructure investment links the Port of Mombasa to Kenya’s capital Nairobi. Plans are underway to extend it to the landlocked Uganda, Rwanda and South Sudan. Once complete, it is expected to cut the cost of transport in the region and stimulate industrial growth. Five new stations at Mariakani, Voi, Mtito Andei, Sultan Hamud and Athi River will likely stimulate the growth of these business centres.

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These stations will be served by locomotive workshops. There will be a constant need to supply the workshops with electricity, water, signalling, communications and ICT systems. Small and medium enterprises with the ability to meet the needs will be awarded the lucrative tenders.

The completion of the Standard Gauge Railway is going to be one of the big stories this year. The modern railway is expected to open to first commercial traffic in June 2017.

Transport CS James Macharia is already sounding optimistic, lauding the progress made so far and noting that big impact on the economy will be recorded this year even as the tracks are laid on the 500-kilometre railway.

“The laying of the tracks in itself will have a huge impact on the GDP even before completion of the project,” said Mr Macharia, adding: “local businesses are expected to contribute up to 40 per cent of all supplies whilst more than 50,000 Kenyans will be employed either directly or indirectly by the project.”

The plan to construct the SGR began in 2009 through a memorandum of understanding between Kenya and Uganda to connect Kampala to the coastal port city of Mombasa.

However, it took a regional approach in 2013 when Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda signed a tripartite deal committing to fast track the construction of the railway to their respective capital cities. Later, South Sudan joined.

The Kenya Railways Commission project manager in charge of the SGR Eng Maxwell Mengich told Smart Company that 65 per cent of the civil works are complete.

“We are way ahead of schedule,” said Eng Mengich, adding that “the government has been so committed to have this project completed on time.”
Mombasa Terminus,
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Miasenyi Station
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Nairobi Terminus.
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Voi Station
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Mitito Andei Station.
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Kenya's SGR railway almost complete. Nairobi-Mombasa section is finished. Much of the line is elevated above National Parks and wildlife so commuters will be able to look down below and see wildlife. It will be fukking amazing.
SGR_Route2.jpg

the-standard-gauge-railway-and-nairobi-national-park.jpg

npViVLp.jpg


Mombasa Terminus,
16996243_1261451580556878_2851502910847067048_n.jpg


Miasenyi Station
16832172_1828899580702353_6807800546421389785_n.jpg


Nairobi Terminus.
17021373_1434753756576570_7742484235699710302_n.jpg

17021353_1577824592232115_8056226853120878957_n.jpg


Voi Station
VApHi2Fg.jpg


Mitito Andei Station.
3SLlkhM.jpg

Here is the full extent of the project.

14%20kenya%20rail%20COL.jpg
 

Yehuda

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We've to shut Dadaab for security, Uhuru Kenyatta tells UN

By AGGREY MUTAMBO
WEDNESDAY MARCH 8 2017

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President Kenyatta and UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres after a joint press conference at State House, Nairobi, on March 8, 2017. PHOTO | EVANS HABIL | NATION MEDIA GROUP.

President Uhuru Kenyatta says the Dadaab refugee complex will have to be closed for the good of the region, in spite of incessant campaigns by rights groups to have the plan abandoned.

At a joint press conference with UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, President Kenyatta argued the camp as it is today no longer serves its original purpose of offering temporary shelter.

REPARTRIATION

“Our policy has been clear for some time: The events that led to the establishment of Dadaab are terribly tragic and the best response to that tragedy is to help refugees to return and rebuild their nation,” he said at State House, Nairobi.

“And that is Kenya’s policy and our efforts to hasten repatriation and resettlement of refugees. But as always, these efforts shall remain guided by relevant domestic and international laws.”

But Mr Guterres, touring the region for the first time, after taking over as the 9th UN chief, said he had had had “positive” discussions with the Kenyan President on various issues affecting the Horn of Africa.

$4 BILLION

With drought ravaging the region, the UN has put up a $4 billion funding appeal to deal with the crisis that has affected Kenya, Somalia, parts of Ethiopia and South Sudan.

On Tuesday, he was in Mogadishu where he raised the alarm of a possible famine if new funding is not met.

On Wednesday, he was in Nairobi where he declared “total support” for efforts to combat drought in the country.

But the former head of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) also knows he has to plead with Kenya not to send back refugees just yet.

COPURT ORDER

President Kenyatta spoke just weeks after the High Court in Nairobi ruled that the planned repatriation of refugees would be unconstitutional.

Justice John Mativo ruled that Interior Cabinet Secretary Joseph Nkaissery and his PS Karanja Kibicho had no powers to order closure of the camp, despite claims that there were serious security, environmental and economic concerns.

The government initially said it would appeal the decision.

IGAD MEET

On Wednesday, the President said his government would continue to discuss the matter with stakeholders to find a possible solution.

On March 25, Nairobi will be hosting an extra-ordinary summit of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (Igad), a regional bloc of eight countries in the eastern Africa.

“The conference shows that Kenya is willing to consult and ready to listen to views from those who wish Somalia, and indeed our entire region, well,” the President said.

260,000

Dadaab is the largest refugee camp in the world by population.

At one time in 2011, it hosted up to 500,000 people mostly Somali refugees fleeing both violence and drought.

That number has since dropped to 260,000, according to February figures from the UNHCR.

In 2013, Kenya, Somalia and the UNHCR signed a tripartite agreement to have the refugees voluntarily returned.

3-YEAR PACT

But the challenge of funds, and the problem of convincing them to leave, meant the three-year agreement could not be met.

In February, UNHCR said the target for voluntary repatriation would be met as there are about 2,000 refugees leaving the camp every week on their own.

Kenya had argued the camp needed to be closed as soon as possible to eliminate the security threat it poses.

Humanitarian agencies think different.

We have to close Dadaab, Uhuru tells UN
 

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Reservoir of Laúca dam in Angola begins to be filled on 11 March

MARCH 10TH, 2017

The reservoir of the Laúca hydroelectric facility, under construction on the river Kwanza, in Angola’s Malanje Province, will start filling up with water on 11 March, with the closure of tunnel number 2 of the river diversion, Angolan news agency Angop reported.

The process will last 120 days, after which the reservoir will have accumulated 2.68 billion cubic metres of water, which will allow the facility to start producing power.

With a height of 132 metres and covering an area of 24,000 hectares, including the reservoir, the Laúca dam, with projected capacity of 2,070 megawatts, is currently the largest civil and mechanical engineering project in Angola.

The project, at a cost of US$4.5 billion, involves the construction, production, supply and commissioning of the power transmission system, and is the largest dam under construction on the Kwanza River, after the Cambambe with 960 megawatts and Capanda with 520 megawatts.

The start of operation, in July, of the main power plant at Laúca, with six generator groups of 334-megawatts each and an ecological centre with 67 megawatts in 2018, will benefit more than 8 million people and the industrial centres under construction in north, centre and south of the country.

The project to build dams on the middle region of the Kwanza River was based on an inventory conducted in the 1950s, requested by the then public company Sociedade Nacional de Estudo e Financiamento de Empreendimentos Ultramarinos (Sonefe) from the Hydrotechnic Corporation (USA), and was taken up again in 2008, with the completion of feasibility studies requested by the Angolan government.

A total of seven dams may be built in the middle Kwanza region, which includes the municipalities of Cacuso, in Malanje and Cambambe in the province of Kwanza Norte and when in operation, they will produce a total of 7,000 megawatts of electricity. (macauhub)

Reservoir of Laúca dam in Angola begins to be filled on 11 March
 
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The Economist explains Why does Kenya lead the world in mobile money? (M-PESA)
PAYING for a taxi ride using your mobile phone is easier in Nairobi than it is in New York, thanks to Kenya’s world-leading mobile-money system, M-PESA. Launched in 2007
, it is now used by over 17m Kenyans, equivalent to more than two-thirds of the adult population; around 25% of the country’s gross national product flows through it. M-PESA lets people transfer cash using their phones, and is by far the most successful scheme of its type on earth. Why does Kenya lead the world in mobile money?
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M-PESA was originally designed as a system to allow microfinance-loan repayments to be made by phone, reducing the costs associated with handling cash and thus making possible lower interest rates. But after pilot testing it was broadened to become a general money-transfer scheme. Once you have signed up, you pay money into the system by handing cash to one of Safaricom’s 40,000 agents (typically in a corner shop selling airtime), who credits the money to your M-PESA account. You withdraw money by visiting another agent, who checks that you have sufficient funds before debiting your account and handing over the cash. You can also transfer money to others using a menu on your phone. Cash can thus be sent one place to another more quickly, safely and easily than taking bundles of money in person, or asking others to carry it for you. This is particularly useful in a country where many workers in cities send money back home to their families in rural villages. Electronic transfers save people time, freeing them to do other, more productive things instead.
http://www.economist.com/blogs/economist-explains/2013/05/economist-explains-18
 
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M-Pesa 10th Anniversary, as Kenya continues to teach the World about Mobile Money
February 28, 2017

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When it comes to mobile money, Kenya is leading, and the rest of the world is playing catch up.
As M-Pesa (coined from the Swahili word ‘pesa’ meaning money) celebrates its 10th anniversary come March 2017. The United States and indeed other parts of the developed world regions have just started using smartphone payments solutions; Apple Pay, Samsung Pay, Facebook Messenger payment and Google Wallet among others.
Today, M-Pesa boasts of over 30 million users across 10 countries and a wider range of services including the ability to pay utility bills, savings accounts, loan services, international fund transfer, and health provision. Last year, M-Pesa reached a peak rate of 529 transactions per second with a total cash handling of about 6 billion.

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Mobile payment has been in existence in East Africa for a long time now, and the majority of the population uses one form of mobile money or the other, with M-Pesa being most popular. The service was launched in 2007 as a simple payment solution.
 

The Odum of Ala Igbo

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A racing start in spite of the rocky finances | Article | Africa Confidential
Several hefty economic obstacles will test the government's determination to push ahead with education and health reforms


Harsh financial realities are starting to impinge on the bold programme to modernise the economy, and boost education and health, which swept the new government to power after December's elections. So, in his first state of the nation address on 21 February, President Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo pushed ahead with his ambitious agenda for social and economic reform, after first sounding some grave warnings about his government's economic inheritance.

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His years as a campaigner and courtroom advocate showed as Akufo-Addo set out his strategy and principles to a packed Parliament. 'Some amongst us seem to be flirting with authoritarianism and romanticising it as an acceptable price to pay to achieve rapid development.' Having won the presidency on his third attempt, Akufo-Addo reiterated his rejection of autocratic methods: 'I have an unshakeable belief in freedom and the democratic process and their capacity to inspire rapid development.'

That will be tested as the government tries to balance the books and reform the creaking state bureaucracy. 'I was not elected by the majority of Ghanaians to complain. I was elected to fix what is broken and my government is determined to do just that,' said the new President. It was a lengthy list (AC Vol 58 No 1, New order tackles old debts).

An affirmative action programme is to ensure that a third of state jobs be held by women, starting with top government positions. The new Attorney General, Gloria Akuffo, is to work with Akufo-Addo to set up an independent Special Prosecutor's Office along with a dedicated team of investigators to tackle corruption cases in a non-partisan way, to augment existing organisations such as the Economic and Organised Crime Office.

Making it clear that his pledge to offer free secondary high school education to all Ghanaians was non-negotiable, Akufo-Addo affirmed that this would start with this year's intake of students in September. That could be the signal battle for the President as bankers and policy wonks argue for the plan to be ramped down.

The preceding government under President John Dramani Mahama allocated 6.5 billion cedis (US$1.4 bn.) for all levels of education out of a total budget of C46.5 bn. yet standards in the state sector have come under increasing fire for poor results. This particularly stings a country that once had one of the highest literacy rates in Africa and Asia.

Meanwhile, a highly profitable system of private schools and universities has grown, pulling in students from across the world. The fees charged are way beyond the reach of the average Ghanaians who expect Akufo-Addo to deliver on his pledge. No detailed figures have emerged for the cost of free secondary education but it will be in the hundreds of millions of cedis.

The Senior Minister, Yaw Osafo-Maafo, a former Finance Minister, has suggested some education spending could be financed from the state's Heritage fund, the sovereign wealth fund into which the government has to pay a percentage of oil export revenue (Confidentially Speaking, AC Blog, 24 Jan 2017).

Others are less convinced, arguing that fixing the national finances and hard-headed restructuring should precede more social spending. However, a close ally of the President's told Africa Confidential: 'Free secondary education for Akufo-Addo is like healthcare for Obama, he sees it as his legacy and will do it whatever it takes…'. Like Donald Kaberuka, the Rwandan former President of the African Development Bank, Akufo-Addo argues that providing high quality education to all citizens is the best means of ending the transmission of poverty from one generation to the next.

The discovery last month of some 7 bn. cedis of unplanned spending by the previous government and a further $2 bn. of debt in the power sector are complicating the balance between the government's pledges and the need to stabilise the economy. Although export earnings from cocoa, gold and oil are due to edge up this year, world prices are far below the commodity boom levels of the past decade. It will be up to the technocrats in the New Patriotic Party government – a cluster of investment bankers, lawyers, and engineers – to fix the finances while making good on their campaign commitments. They are looking for new areas to boost revenue while planning some unpalatable cuts in public spending.

A massive boost to agriculture would form the backbone of the country's economic revival, Akufo-Addo told Parliament. He launched a new national campaign, Planting for Food and Jobs, to transform farming with a coordinated plan to expand extension services massively and boost the distribution of seed and fertiliser. Initially the focus will be on raising the production of rice, corn, soya, sorghum and vegetables. Although it's the world's biggest cocoa producer after neighbouring Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana currently imports over two-thirds of its staple foods, such as rice and wheat.

The campaign, starting in April, aims to create 750,000 new jobs this year and double that in 2018. Agronomists and other experts say the targets are tough but reckon that well-coordinated investment could create many new jobs from planting and harvesting to processing and transport.

It would also help to reduce inflation; food prices are rising by about 10% a year. A lot of produce is left in the fields because of poor roads and transport. The new Agriculture Minister, Owusu Afriyie Akoto, says much more use will be made of locally developed high-yielding and drought-resistant seed varieties.

A close ally of Akufo-Addo's, Akoto agrees the agricultural push will also strengthen national finances, both by cutting spending on food imports and by increasing production of cocoa, the biggest cash crop. The government has already raised producer prices for cocoa but will have to do much more to dissuade the thousands of young people working on cocoa farms from quitting and migrating to cities such as Accra, Takoradi and Kumasi.

Industrialisation
Akufo-Addo's other big economic theme is industrialisation. The state-owned industries have been in unremitting decline since the heyday of founding President Kwame Nkrumah, who tried to recycle earnings from cocoa exports into state-backed textile, pharmaceutical, aluminium, vehicle assembly and machine-parts industries. Although a Nkrumahist in his student days, Akufo-Addo now wants a much more limited role for the state, focused on modernising the roads, railways and ports, fixing the chronic power cuts (known in Ghana as dumsor) and clearing vast expanses of land for industrial parks (AC Vol 57 No 1, Power cuts may sway polls).

For now, the political mood is bullish. Under its new President, the government got down to work quickly, putting together most of the new ministerial team by the inauguration on 7 January. A few days later, the key appointees went to Parliament for vetting. They are Ken Ofori-Atta, Finance; Gloria Akuffo, Attorney General; Alan Kyerematen, Trade and Industry; Shirley Ayorkor Botchwey, Foreign Affairs; and Boakye Kyeremateng Agyarko, Energy. With 36 ministers, this is one of Ghana's biggest ever governments, although Treasury officials insist they will come down hard on costs and extra ministers will not mean building more grandiose ministerial offices.

One innovation is to group six ministers in the President's office to deal with railways, business, inner cities, regional decentralisation and development. The Minister for Regional Reorganisation and Development, Daniel Kwaku Botwe, is to establish four new regions, carved out of the Western, Brong Ahafo, Northern and Volta regions (AC Vol 48 No 24, Who spends, wins). Also working out of the Presidency, next year Botwe will have to organise referenda in each region – a new region requires 80% electoral support.

As well as fitting in with Akufo-Addo's ideas on decentralising government, the regions are likely to benefit the governing party politically, if they produce more spending and projects at the grassroots. The key reality check on these wide-ranging plans will be Anthony Akoto-Osei, a former Deputy Finance Minister and economist at the World Bank, who will run the Monitoring and Evaluation Ministry. This key Ministry will also be based in the Presidency.

Alongside these expansive reform plans, Akufo-Addo took Parliament through a grim tour d'horizon of the economy. It grew last year at 3.6%, its slowest rate since 1990. During the last eight years of National Democratic Congress governments, the national debt had risen from C9.5 bn. to C122 bn., about 74% of gross domestic product.

Most problematic, said Akufo-Addo, was the budget deficit of 10.2% of GDP last year: that is almost twice the 5.3% target that the outgoing Finance Minister, Seth Terkper, had agreed with the International Monetary Fund. That includes some C7 bn. in arrears and outstanding payments that circumvented IMF scrutiny. Less than three months before the elections on
7 December, the Fund's Executive Board had judged that the government's implementation of its reform programme was 'broadly satisfactory'.

The failure of these safeguards has prompted Senior Minister Osafo-Maafo to propose a review of the $918 million programme with the IMF, which is due to wind up in April 2018. The targets are likely to be revised and the programme extended until the end of next year at least.

Bold policies
On the IMF mission's departure from Ghana on 10 February, team leader Joël Toujas-Bernaté said the government would have to adopt bold policies to reduce the budget deficit and manage the ballooning debt servicing costs. He acknowledged that there had been 'large fiscal slippages'. Presumably these had escaped the attention of last year's IMF missions because they bypassed the public finance management system. Toujas-Bernaté welcomed the government's decision to audit all outstanding obligations inherited from its predecessor.

After discussions with Finance Minister Ofori-Atta, who was due to present his first budget on 2 March, Toujas-Bernaté also applauded the government's planned reforms, which would cut tax exemptions and boost tax compliance. Although the IMF delegation leader praised the Bank of Ghana's monetary policy for 'mitigating inflationary pressures' and actions against non-performing loans, the financial position of several banks has deteriorated gravely. The Bank's own figures show that non-performing loans were up to 17.3% of the banks' assets by December 2016, from 11.2% in May 2015.

Addressing this litany of woes, Ofori-Atta's first priority will be to restructure the country's debt, domestic and foreign, to reduce servicing costs. This should give him a little more space to cut some taxes and tariffs that he argues are holding back growth. This year, Ofori-Atta, a former investment banker, will have the most politically testing job, trying to adapt policies and spending to the new financial realities.
 

Yehuda

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The ICC can’t live with Africa, but it can’t live without it either

March 14, 2017 2.59pm EDT
Adam Branch, Lecturer, University of Cambridge

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ICC’s Former Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo looks at a video of Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir. Reuters/Gonzalo Fuentes

On the first of February, 2017, the African Union issued a resolution encouraging member states to withdraw from the International Criminal Court (ICC). Whatever comes of it, the reported plan is the culmination of a highly publicised pushback by African states, which have accused the court of political bias, interference in African affairs and even racism.

Today’s African opposition represents a crisis for the 15-year-old court. But it’s also a symptom of a deeper dilemma faced by the ICC: how to enforce international criminal law impartially in a world of vast inequalities of power?

As I argue in a recent article, the ICC sought to escape this dilemma by focusing exclusively on Africa. At first, African states went along with it because cooperation entailed significant benefits. When the ICC shifted gears, however, and began to prosecute African heads of state instead of siding with them, the relationship went sour.

Africa’s push back is thus a result of the ICC’s own strategy for the continent. But it also needs to be seen in the context of Africa’s long experience of damaging foreign intervention within a highly inequitable international order.

The ICC’s Africa strategy

Without Africa to turn to, the ICC may not have survived in the post-9/11 world. The Middle East was ablaze with US wars, and the US actively threatened the court’s survival. The ICC was without enforcement power and depended on state cooperation to conduct investigations and arrest suspects. So it had to avoid US opposition, while finding support for its prosecutions.

Africa seemed the perfect target for the ICC’s first cases. The continent was politically marginal enough that intervention there wouldn’t interfere with US interests. In addition, Africa was politically weak enough that those subject to intervention were considered unlikely to challenge the court.

Involvement was made easier by a history of Africa being represented as a terrain of barbaric violence, of savages committing atrocities against victims in need of a Western saviour. This humanitarian image fit squarely with the international court’s stark moral narrative of inhuman criminals and helpless innocents.

In 2003, Luis Moreno-Ocampo was elected as the ICC’s first Chief Prosecutor. Once he embarked on his Africa adventure, another advantage became clear. African heads of state could be encouraged to refer situations in their own countries to the ICC in a tacit bargain: African leaders provided assistance in arresting suspects, and the ICC gave those leaders effective immunity in return.

Uganda, for instance, called in the ICC to investigate the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). The ICC eagerly undertook the case with close assistance from the Ugandan military, for all purposes taking Uganda’s side in its long-running civil war.

While no one disputes the LRA’s brutality, the ICC’s selective approach raised deep concerns. The Ugandan government was also accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity as part of its counterinsurgency. Despite demands for equal justice for both sides, the ICC has failed to issue any arrest warrants for Ugandan government officials.

In the ICC’s early years, Africa thus came to the court’s rescue. It could avoid US censure while claiming that it was ending global impunity by pursuing a few minor Congolese or Ugandan rebels. Meanwhile, African leaders obtained a new tool in their arsenal of external support to use against internal opposition.

A shift

This cosy relationship changed when the ICC started going after African state elites.

The ICC thought it could depend on Western support to trump African sovereignty. While it was proven correct in Libya, it was wrong in Sudan and Kenya. For their part, while many African states were happy to cooperate with the ICC when it served their interests, when the court turned against them, accusations of neocolonialism were soon heard.

The ICC made gestures to appease its critics. It appointed an African Chief Prosecutor and opened the first formal investigation outside Africa. But these efforts failed, and African states stepped up their opposition. First Burundi, and then The Gambia and South Africa, declared their intention to exit the Rome Statute. Then came last month’s AU resolution.

The ICC and its supporters have taken an uncompromising stance on African moves to withdraw. Moreno-Ocampo denounced uncooperative African heads of state as being complicit with genocide and abandoning African victims.

Of course, the declared intention by The Gambia or Burundi to withdraw from the ICC can be seen, in part, as defensive moves by authoritarian leaders looking to shield themselves from prosecution.

However, to reduce all African opposition against the ICC to the self-interest of African elites ignores the context of Africa’s response. It fails to see that African states and people are justified in having very real concerns about the way the ICC has intervened in the continent, given Africa’s historical experience with destructive international interference.

A decade of criticisms

For one thing, for African actors to reject the ICC’s current involvement in the continent is not to reject international law. Africa has its own histories and traditions of international law, in which international law has been used in the struggle for self-determination, dignity, and sovereign equality within the international community. An ICC that can interfere arbitrarily with fundamental internal political processes, or undermine regional efforts at peace and security, has no place within these African traditions of law.

Africa’s opposition has a specific material foundation - specifically, the ongoing commodity boom, fuelled by heightened demand from rising global powers. For instance, in Kenya, the backlash against the ICC has been couched in an anti-imperialist narrative of a declining West and a future of growth for Africa.

While the pushback by African states has gained the most attention, and poses the greatest threat to the court, it had been foreshadowed by over a decade of intense criticism by African civil societies, peace activists, and academics. They have accused the ICC of taking sides in conflict, being a tool of Western powers, of manipulating victims, and of undermining African ideals of reconciliation.

Today, it’s becoming clear that the ICC cannot live with Africa, given that it faces opposition both for its alliances with African state elites as well as for its efforts to prosecute those elites.

But it’s equally doubtful that the ICC can live without Africa, since intervening anywhere else looks increasingly far fetched. The ICC seems unable to prosecute anyone except minor African rebels who have fallen out with their state sponsors and former African heads of state who have been overthrown by Western military intervention.

The ICC can try to dump the blame for its current problems on the continent, but this dilemma is one that the court looks to have little chance of escaping.

The ICC can't live with Africa, but it can't live without it either
 
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