Essential The Africa the Media Doesn't Tell You About

Bawon Samedi

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World Bank Says Liberian Economy Expects Growth in 2017
Monrovia - Liberia’s economic growth fell from 0.7% to 0% in 2015, the World Bank said Thursday in its annual publication of the state of the African economy.

World Bank Liberian Chief Economist for Liberia Daniel Boakye said the sharp fall was as the result of the fall in prices of major commodities such as iron ore and rubber, coupled with the drawdown of UNMIL.

“Concession companies are no longer sustainable,” Boakye told reporters on the margin of the Africa’s Pulse report, released in Washington D.C., in the United States of America.

“They have slashed down their activities-iron ore and rubber exports have declined by 50 percent in terms of revenues (US$500 million to US$250 million).”

He said Liberia had a lot of potential in the agricultural sector, but much was not being done to improve the sector, nothing policy makers should accelerate structural reforms to boast economic growth.

But the good news, according to Boakye, is the country is expected to experience economic growth of two percent in 2017 owing to the rise in the infrastructure and services sectors.

The report outlined that the continents economic slowed to percent in 2015 and economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to fall further to 1.6 percent in 2016, the lowest level in over two decades.

The sharp decline in aggregate growth reflects challenging economic conditions in the region’s largest economies and commodities exporters—Nigeria, South Africa and Angola—the report said.

While Africa’s economic growth continues to falter on the overall average, some countries show signs of resilience.

The report names Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Tanzania as countries that have continued to post annual average growth rates of over 6 percent.

“Several countries including Cote d’Ivoire and Senegal have become top performers due to strong economic policy put in place.

“Our analysis shows that the more resilient growth performers tend to have stronger macroeconomic policy frameworks, better business regulatory environment, more diverse structure of exports, and more effective institutions, “said Albert Zeufack, World Bank Chief Economist for Africa.

Meanwhile, a release from the World Bank noted that despite a recent pick up, commodity prices are expected to remain largely below their 2011-14 peaks, reflecting the weak global recovery.

Faced with growing financing needs, commodity exporters have begun to adjust, but efforts have been uneven and remain insufficient.

Against this backdrop, the report maintained that a modest recovery was expected, with real GDP in Sub-Saharan Africa forecasted to grow 2.9 percent in 2017, and then rising moderately to 3.6 percent in 2018.

The release quoted the World Bank as noting that the decline in oil and commodity prices hurt resource-rich countries and signals and urgent need for economic diversification in the region, including through improvements in agriculture. It added that agriculture productivity growth in Africa has lagged than in other regions.

“While productivity increases elsewhere driven by better use of inputs better improvements in production technologies, in Africa they resulted mainly from expanding the area under cultivation.

Public agricultural spending in Africa has also lagged other developing regions yet agriculture accounts for a third of region-wide GDP and employs two-thirds of the labor force, with the poorest countries most heavily reliant on it”.

In order to move forward, Africa’s Pulse recommended that countries took urgent steps to adjust to low commodity prices, address economic vulnerabilities, and new sources of sustainable, inclusive growth.

“By boosting agriculture productivity, countries will not only raise the incomes of farm households, but will also lower food costs and promote development of agro-industry,” the World Bank concluded.
FrontPageAfrica Newspaper - World Bank Says Liberian Economy Expects Growth in 2017
 

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Just looking at the women in the diaspora all day :wow:

Continent 1. SA 2. Guinea 3. Rwanda 4. Angola 5. Ivory Coast 6. Somalia 7. Ghana 8. Ethiopia 9. Zimbabwe 10. Liberia

Greater diaspora top 10 (No order) AA Brazil Guinea Rwanda Trinidad Angola SA DR Ivory Coast Somalia
 

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ESPN is Launching in Africa as Part of Game-Changing, Pan-African Partnership
ALYSSA KLEIN
Huge news for the sports world: Walt Disney’s ESPN is officially launching in Africa. (Well technically it’s relaunching—ESPN previously had an ESPN and ESPN Classic channel in Africa, but they were closed in 2013.)

The network will soon be available in 19 countries across the continent as part of a game-changing, pan-African partnership with Kwesé, the sports subsidiary of African telecom and pay TV operator Econet.

The deal was announced on Tuesday.

Financial specifics were not disclosed, but the partners vowed to “deliver the most comprehensive sports coverage in Africa, offering a wide range of sports and thousands of hours of programming.”

The deal will take effect in early 2017 with the launch of an ESPN channel in 19 countries. The channel will be exclusive to Kwesé.

ESPN will also produce daily SportsCenter updates for Africa.

Together, ESPN and Kwesé are planning to launch an African edition of the ESPN website and mobile app by mid-2017. KweseESPN.com will combine ESPN’s coverage of global sports with local African sports coverage from Kwesé.

“African audiences will benefit from industry-leading content from the world’s leading sports media company in ESPN, in conjunction with Kwese’s premium sports offering, while Kwese’s pan-African reach and its TV everywhere multi-platform distribution capability will deliver the content to viewers through TV and digital platforms making it accessible to sports fans wherever they are,” a statement read.

“This long-term collaboration across television and digital media will…serve millions of sports fans across Africa with exceptional products, content and coverage,” said ESPN International’s executive vp and managing director, Russell Wolff. “We are very excited about the opportunities that lie ahead as we bring ESPN’s great content, including SportsCenter, and decades of experience in sports media together with one of Africa’s most dynamic and vibrant companies.”

Econet Media CEO Joseph Hundah added: “Ultimately our goals are the same, to bring fans the best in global sports. The synergies between Kwese and ESPN allow us to achieve that goal by leveraging our collective ability to deliver premium African and global sports programming to sports fans across Africa.”

tags espn, kwesé

ESPN is Launching in Africa as Part of Game-Changing, Pan-African Partnership

@Malta
 

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Divisions in oil-rich Delta undermine Nigeria's bid to end insurgency

Thu Oct 27, 2016 | 2:03pm BST

By Ulf Laessing and Libby George | LAGOS/LONDON, NIGERIA

Oct 27 An angry crowd blocks access to a Chevron facility in Nigeria's oil-producing south to demand jobs and housing, a common refrain from poor communities in the Niger Delta swamps.

But this incident in August was different. The young men were not just angry with the U.S. company. They were also claiming that rival factions in their community were being given an unfair share of development funds from the oil industry.

The incident shows what the government must address when it meets community leaders and militants in Abuja next week in an attempt to end armed attacks on oil facilities in the Niger Delta, which reduced oil output by a third earlier this year.

Officials hope the meeting - which will be attended by President Muhammadu Buhari - will lead to an agreement for militants to lay down their arms in exchange for funds for the region that produces most of Nigeria's oil.

But divisions between the militant groups and the communities where they live, as well as disputes among different groups of residents, will make it hard to reach a deal.

Community leaders warn that if they do not receive development funds, it will be hard to keep their jobless young men away from the militant groups.

An amnesty in 2009 between the previous government and the militants provided about $300 million a year in cash payments and job training to stop the fighters blowing up pipelines.

But much of the money ended up in the pockets of the militants' leaders, known as "generals". This made them rich and favoured their ethnic groups and villages, while angering those left out of the spending spree.

DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME

The issued bubbled to the surface during the two-week protest at Chevron in August, as the unemployed demonstrators demanded access to a development programme funded by the U.S. firm that has benefited other areas.

"The oil producing communities were having rivalry among themselves," said Thank-God Seibi, special assistant to the Delta state government. "They had a power tussle on who controls ... Chevron's community development strategy embracing all the oil producing communities."

Chevron, like other oil companies in Nigeria such as Royal Dutch Shell, ExxonMobil and ENI, aims to help local communities benefit from the oil wealth. Winning the loyalty of local people is vital, as those who feel left out often allow militants to hide in the network of creeks around their Delta villages.

But the oil companies are wary of money disappearing into the pockets of generals or local leaders. Chevron puts cash into accounts from which only a company executive and an official appointed by local communities can withdraw funds after agreeing on where, for example, a road will be built.

At the Chevron protest, one group of local people wanted to nominate a point person who could have a say in where the development funds went, forcing the Delta state government to mediate between rival factions.

Community leaders said oil companies made payments or gave contracts to some local groups but not others.

"When such a development becomes known to the others it becomes a source of conflict resulting in agitations," said youth leader Oweikeye Endoro.

Chevron said it had spent more than one billion naira ($3 million) on a housing project for the Ugborodo community, to which the protesters belong, and awarded contracts worth more than $1 billion to community members for a gas project alone.

The oil firm said its Ugborobo development scheme was compromised by a "perennial internal leadership crisis, with different factions jostling for power".

OIL SLUMP

Elizabeth Donnelly, deputy head of the Chatham House Africa Programme, said it would be more difficult for the government to pay off militants as it did in 2009, as the slump in oil revenues meant the government did not have money to spare.

"Expectations of what can be achieved in negotiations at this stage should not be high," she said.

Even if the government were flush with cash, there are 40 ethnic groups seeking development funds, and traditional leaders are struggling to control jobless young men who could end up joining the militants, residents say.

"The Delta and the spread of its people is so wide and huge, the biggest disparity is going to be, who are the people the government will continuously engage with to get a comprehensive resolution," said Kola Karim, chief executive of Shoreline, a local oil firm whose pipelines have been attacked.

"There are a lot of different groups springing up."

Militant attacks began in January after officials tried arresting a "general" on corruption charges. The violence reduced production to around 1 million barrels per day, the lowest in 30 years.

The government persuaded the most active group, the Niger Delta Avengers, to agree a ceasefire in August, allowing output to rise to 1.9 million barrels per day this week.

The Avengers operate out of the heartland of the biggest ethnic group, the Ijaw, which has benefited more than others from the 2009 amnesty, and resumed attacks this week.

But even during the "ceasefire", another group called Greenland Justice Mandate emerged, saying it acted on behalf of smaller groups left out of the previous amnesty.

The group claimed several attacks and warned Shell against reopening a pipeline blown up by the Avengers in February. "Please go ahead (and) restart the facility and see what will happen. Enough said," it said in a statement.

Chatham House's Donnelly said there was a risk of "ugly violent conflict" between competing militant groups.

Oil firms are well aware that their pipelines and storage tanks are vulnerable in the creeks, where attackers can easily disappear despite a stronger military presence.

"The reality across the board for all major oil companies is continued vigilance, Karim said. ($1 = 314.5000 naira) (Additional reporting by Anamesere Igboeroteonwu and Tife Owolabi; editing by Giles Elgood)

Divisions in oil-rich Delta undermine Nigeria's bid to end insurgency
 

Yehuda

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Magufuli’s visit should end the grandstanding between Tanzania and Kenya

November 2, 2016 6.03am EDT

Author
  1. Sekou Toure Otondi
    PhD Candidate, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Nairobi
image-20161101-15814-4xpzqo.jpg

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta (right) and visiting Tanzanian President John Magufuli. EPA/Daniel Irungu

Tanzanian President John Pombe Magufuli has finally made his maiden visit to Kenya, only his third official state visit to a foreign country since he took office a year ago. All his previous visits were short trips to neighbouring countries Rwanda, twice, and Uganda.

That all his engagements have been within the East African Community seems to underline a foreign policy shift re-positioning Tanzania as a leading regional actor. His predecessor, President Jakaya Kikwete, was less enthusiastic about regional integration. Tanzania’s apparent aloofness under Kikwete gave rise to the formation of a so-called “coalition of the willing”. This saw Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda acting together to fast track regional development projects.

Magufuli’s visit to Kenya is therefore being seen as as an attempt to reaffirm Tanzania’s place within the East African Community. Just as importantly, it is also being seen as an attempt to reset bilateral relations with Kenya which, at best, have been lukewarm under his watch.

The talks between Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta and Magufuli appear designed to put to one side their perceived personal and ideological differences. This will not only have an impact on the two countries but also regional integration efforts.

Tetchy times

Relations got off to a rocky start early in Magufuli’s term when he disrupted Kenya’s stewardship role in the “coalition of the willing”. He did so by working with Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni to re-route Uganda’s planned oil pipeline through Tanzania after Kenya appeared to have secured it.

The celebrations that followed in Dar es Salaam were matched in their intensity only by the bitterness felt in Nairobi. Many commentators felt that the move undermined Kenya’s economic plans which were partly hinged on the large scale regional infrastructural projects. These also included the expansion of ports and a brand new standard gauge railway.

Diplomatic relations were brought to boiling point during negotiations to finalise a trade deal between the European Union and the East Africa Community. Kenya signed the final agreement but Tanzania flatly refused citing national interest. Many in the Kenyan government and the business sector saw this as an attempt to undermine Kenya’s economic growth and development

“Winner takes all” mentality

For a start, both countries need to avoid the “winner takes all” mentality that has defined competition between them for regional trade and infrastructure projects.

For instance, after Magufuli’s visits to Rwanda and Uganda, both countries agreed to drop earlier plans of a joint railway with Kenya connecting them to Mombasa. Instead they agreed to work with Tanzania on a railway line connecting to Tanzania’s port city of Dar as Salaam.

Another project to come out of the “coalition of the willing” was a Uganda oil pipeline that would pass through Kenya to Lamu. After intense diplomatic lobbying by Tanzania, Uganda opted to pump its crude exports to the small port of Tanga north of Dar es Salaam.

Mistrust between the two countries has also revolved around bilateral and regional trade negotiations and agreements. At the bilateral level, Kenya has regularly complained about non-tariff barriers on its exports to Tanzania. It has also accused Tanzanian officials of being complicit in the mistreatment of Kenyan business owners through punitive measures such as cancellation of work permits.

In return Kenya has at times reciprocated with debilitating consequences. An example was Nairobi’s decision to bar Tanzanian tour vans from accessing Jomo Kenyatta airport.

Towards a common agenda

Magufuli’s grand posturing has positioned Tanzania as an alternative regional economic powerhouse. This has been seen by some in Kenya as a threat to Kenya’s traditional geostrategic advantage as the gateway to the region.

The result has been Kenya’s attempts to strengthen its trade and diplomatic engagements with its northern neighbours. Just hours before Magufuli’s visit, President Kenyatta was in Sudan on an official trip in what was seen as an effort to strengthen bilateral trade agreements. Diplomatic and trade ties have also been stepped up with Ethiopia and South Sudan.

The strained relationship is unproductive and unnecessary given the significant trade relations between the two countries. This is explained by the fact that Tanzania is currently one of Kenya’s largest export markets within the region. For its part Tanzania relies heavily on Kenyan industries and businesses companies for foreign investments. These provide revenue and employment opportunities as was reiterated by Magufuli during his two day state visit.

In addition to close trade relations, both countries are also partners within the common East Africa Community market, with a set of economic growth and development policies as their priorities. It would therefore be expected that they should jointly try and create a conducive environment for regional and foreign investment.

The two countries should take a common stand in pushing to end the political instability in Burundi and South Sudan. Both are East Africa Community member states. They should also cooperate on strengthening regional trade agreements to ensure sharing of regional public goods. These include the European Union Economic Partnership Agreement with the regional common market countries.

Closer cooperation between Kenya and Tanzania will have two major likely outcomes. The first is bringing to an end divisions among East Africa Community members. The second is to invigorate collective efforts aimed at deepening integration as well as the protection of common interests.

The first example of this is the decision by Tanzania and other regional member states to endorse the candidature of Amina Mohamed for the African Union chairperson.

The renewed commitment to speed up a planned joint commission between Kenya and Tanzania is another. This forum is expected to formulate future areas of cooperation between the two states. It would also provide a framework for avoiding diplomatic tensions that have at times characterised relations between the two countries.

Magufuli’s visit should end the grandstanding between Tanzania and Kenya
 

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Magufuli’s visit should end the grandstanding between Tanzania and Kenya

November 2, 2016 6.03am EDT

Author
  1. Sekou Toure Otondi
    PhD Candidate, Department of Political Science and Public Administration, University of Nairobi
image-20161101-15814-4xpzqo.jpg

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta (right) and visiting Tanzanian President John Magufuli. EPA/Daniel Irungu

Tanzanian President John Pombe Magufuli has finally made his maiden visit to Kenya, only his third official state visit to a foreign country since he took office a year ago. All his previous visits were short trips to neighbouring countries Rwanda, twice, and Uganda.

That all his engagements have been within the East African Community seems to underline a foreign policy shift re-positioning Tanzania as a leading regional actor. His predecessor, President Jakaya Kikwete, was less enthusiastic about regional integration. Tanzania’s apparent aloofness under Kikwete gave rise to the formation of a so-called “coalition of the willing”. This saw Kenya, Uganda and Rwanda acting together to fast track regional development projects.

Magufuli’s visit to Kenya is therefore being seen as as an attempt to reaffirm Tanzania’s place within the East African Community. Just as importantly, it is also being seen as an attempt to reset bilateral relations with Kenya which, at best, have been lukewarm under his watch.

The talks between Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta and Magufuli appear designed to put to one side their perceived personal and ideological differences. This will not only have an impact on the two countries but also regional integration efforts.

Tetchy times

Relations got off to a rocky start early in Magufuli’s term when he disrupted Kenya’s stewardship role in the “coalition of the willing”. He did so by working with Uganda’s President Yoweri Museveni to re-route Uganda’s planned oil pipeline through Tanzania after Kenya appeared to have secured it.

The celebrations that followed in Dar es Salaam were matched in their intensity only by the bitterness felt in Nairobi. Many commentators felt that the move undermined Kenya’s economic plans which were partly hinged on the large scale regional infrastructural projects. These also included the expansion of ports and a brand new standard gauge railway.

Diplomatic relations were brought to boiling point during negotiations to finalise a trade deal between the European Union and the East Africa Community. Kenya signed the final agreement but Tanzania flatly refused citing national interest. Many in the Kenyan government and the business sector saw this as an attempt to undermine Kenya’s economic growth and development

“Winner takes all” mentality

For a start, both countries need to avoid the “winner takes all” mentality that has defined competition between them for regional trade and infrastructure projects.

For instance, after Magufuli’s visits to Rwanda and Uganda, both countries agreed to drop earlier plans of a joint railway with Kenya connecting them to Mombasa. Instead they agreed to work with Tanzania on a railway line connecting to Tanzania’s port city of Dar as Salaam.

Another project to come out of the “coalition of the willing” was a Uganda oil pipeline that would pass through Kenya to Lamu. After intense diplomatic lobbying by Tanzania, Uganda opted to pump its crude exports to the small port of Tanga north of Dar es Salaam.

Mistrust between the two countries has also revolved around bilateral and regional trade negotiations and agreements. At the bilateral level, Kenya has regularly complained about non-tariff barriers on its exports to Tanzania. It has also accused Tanzanian officials of being complicit in the mistreatment of Kenyan business owners through punitive measures such as cancellation of work permits.

In return Kenya has at times reciprocated with debilitating consequences. An example was Nairobi’s decision to bar Tanzanian tour vans from accessing Jomo Kenyatta airport.

Towards a common agenda

Magufuli’s grand posturing has positioned Tanzania as an alternative regional economic powerhouse. This has been seen by some in Kenya as a threat to Kenya’s traditional geostrategic advantage as the gateway to the region.

The result has been Kenya’s attempts to strengthen its trade and diplomatic engagements with its northern neighbours. Just hours before Magufuli’s visit, President Kenyatta was in Sudan on an official trip in what was seen as an effort to strengthen bilateral trade agreements. Diplomatic and trade ties have also been stepped up with Ethiopia and South Sudan.

The strained relationship is unproductive and unnecessary given the significant trade relations between the two countries. This is explained by the fact that Tanzania is currently one of Kenya’s largest export markets within the region. For its part Tanzania relies heavily on Kenyan industries and businesses companies for foreign investments. These provide revenue and employment opportunities as was reiterated by Magufuli during his two day state visit.

In addition to close trade relations, both countries are also partners within the common East Africa Community market, with a set of economic growth and development policies as their priorities. It would therefore be expected that they should jointly try and create a conducive environment for regional and foreign investment.

The two countries should take a common stand in pushing to end the political instability in Burundi and South Sudan. Both are East Africa Community member states. They should also cooperate on strengthening regional trade agreements to ensure sharing of regional public goods. These include the European Union Economic Partnership Agreement with the regional common market countries.

Closer cooperation between Kenya and Tanzania will have two major likely outcomes. The first is bringing to an end divisions among East Africa Community members. The second is to invigorate collective efforts aimed at deepening integration as well as the protection of common interests.

The first example of this is the decision by Tanzania and other regional member states to endorse the candidature of Amina Mohamed for the African Union chairperson.

The renewed commitment to speed up a planned joint commission between Kenya and Tanzania is another. This forum is expected to formulate future areas of cooperation between the two states. It would also provide a framework for avoiding diplomatic tensions that have at times characterised relations between the two countries.

Magufuli’s visit should end the grandstanding between Tanzania and Kenya

They're strategic rivals. What's Magufuli's play here?
 

Yehuda

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Senegal at crossroads as oil boom looms

COMMODITIES | Fri Nov 4, 2016 | 8:22am EDT

r

A man holds a sign during an opposition rally protesting oil contracts with international firms in Dakar, Senegal, October 14, 2016. REUTERS/Edward McAllister

r

Signs are seen after an opposition rally protesting oil contracts with international firms in Dakar, Senegal, October 14, 2016. REUTERS/Edward McAllister

By Edward McAllister | DAKAR

In a report last week detailing sub-Saharan Africa's dire economic outlook, the International Monetary Fund singled out Senegal as a rare bright spot. One key reason: it does not produce oil.

While low crude prices have hobbled exporters Nigeria and Angola this year and African growth staggers to its slowest rate in more than two decades, Senegal's economy will expand by over 6 percent.

Today, however, Senegal is on the verge of its own oil and gas boom. With recent finds promising billion-dollar payoffs within a decade it would do well to learn from the mistakes of others.

"The oil and gas could boost the economy, but at the same time resources can turn into a curse," said Ibrahima Aidara, an economist at the Open Society Initiative for West Africa.

In Africa's top producer Nigeria, billions of dollars of oil revenues have vanished while many in the country remain impoverished. Long-time rulers in Equatorial Guinea, Republic of Congo and Gabon have long used patronage systems fed by oil wealth to help maintain power.

Already, claims of corruption and opacity in the government's managing of the nascent sector have raised concerns in Senegal, one of West Africa's rare, relatively stable democracies.

"You cannot hide in your office and make policy, because this affects everyone," Aidara said.

Companies including Royal Dutch Shell, Exxon Mobil and ConocoPhillips spent 60 years exploring in Senegal before Edinburgh-based Cairn Energy struck oil in deep waters in 2014.

Cairn reckons it could be sitting on upwards of 1 billion barrels and plans to start production in 2021.

Dallas-headquartered Kosmos Energy boasts about 50 trillion cubic feet of gas reserves off the coast of Senegal and neighboring Mauritania - the equivalent of nearly two years' worth of U.S. production.

Senegal's government forecasts that just one planned natural gas project will bring in at least $10-13 billion - almost equivalent to the country's gross domestic product - over the next 25 years.

"We are experiencing the period before a new age for Senegal," said Mahi Kane, a director at PricewaterhouseCoopers in Dakar who has seen the number of energy firms seeking advice on tax and legal issues rise five-fold in the last three years.

"WE NEVER BENEFIT"

When Ghana started exporting oil at the start of the decade on top of gold and cocoa it was considered one of Africa's hottest investment destinations. But its oil sector development has been slower than some had anticipated.

A slide in crude prices since 2014 has meant oil has not brought Ghana the wealth some had hoped for and the West African country is currently receiving aid from the International Monetary Fund to reduce inflation and lower the budget deficit.

In Senegal, where the average annual income barely tops $1,000, not everyone is optimistic the looming oil boom will reverse their fortunes either.

Hundreds took to the streets in the capital Dakar last month arguing that the oil will only benefit international companies.

"The country only gets 10 percent," said Adama Seck, 50, the leader of a small independent political party, referring to the government stake in some contracts.

"We never benefit from our resources," he said, as police fired tear gas and demonstrators scattered.

Despite its relatively high standing in anti-corruption rankings, Senegal has not been immune from high-level graft.

Karim Wade, the son of former president Abdoulaye Wade, was jailed last year for illegally hiding away funds in offshore companies in the British Virgin Islands and Panama.

Wade was released by presidential pardon this year but remains in the spotlight as the Senegalese Democratic Party chose him to run in presidential elections in 2019, though it is unclear whether he is still eligible to run.

"Despite its strong institutions, persistently high levels of government corruption leave Senegal vulnerable to the so-called resource curse," said Anaïs De Meulder, Africa Analyst at global risk consultancy Verisk Maplecroft.

ALSO IN COMMODITIES
LACK OF TRANSPARENCY

Critics of the government's handling of the oil portfolio so far point to one high-profile deal involving President Macky Sall's brother, Aliou Sall.

In 2012, Aliou Sall was a director of Petro-Tim, a company created that year and registered in the Cayman Islands, that won a 90 percent stake in two offshore permits.

In July 2014, Timis Corporation - run by Australian-Romanian businessman Frank Timis - bought Petro-Tim's stake. A month later, Timis Corporation farmed out 60 percent of its stake to Kosmos Energy, which runs the project now.

"The lack of transparency is worrying," said Mamadou Diallo, an opposition member of parliament who believes state oil firm Petrosen should have exercised its right to increase its 10 percent ownership. "There is a use of political positions so that the deal is not favorable to the people of Senegal."

Aliou Sall stepped down from his post at Petro-Tim last month, citing a "campaign of demonization" against him by critics. He took a job at Timis Corporation.

The government says it will ensure oil benefits Senegal. The oil ministry is rewriting its 1998 petroleum code to update tax laws, strengthen the environmental code and add legislation about hiring local workers.

Many oil contracts and company royalty payments have also been made public as Senegal seeks to join the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI).

President Sall last month set up a commission to oversee how the new resources will be managed and plans are being discussed to funnel some 30 percent of oil revenues into Senegal's Sovereign Fund for Strategic Investments (FONSIS), the fund's CEO Amadou Hott said.

Still, Cheikh Toure, a national coordinator for the EITI in Senegal, believes civil society must play a bigger role in managing the sector.

"How do we make sure that we put in place good laws and conditions that will convince investors that they will be operating in a safe environment and that the country will benefit?" he said. "We have a long way to go."



(Editing by Joe Bavier and David Clarke)

Senegal at crossroads as oil boom looms
 

Yehuda

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Ngotwane Bridge to unlock bilateral trade

Source :
BOPA
Author : Bonang Masolotate
Location : SWARTKOPFONTEIN
Event : Official Opening
Date : Nov 09 Wed, 2016

The opening of Ngotwane Bridge between South Africa and Botswana is expected to unlock bilateral trade between the two countries.

The Minister of Transport and Communications, Mr Kitso Mokaila, said this on Monday during official opening of the bridge at Swartkopfontein Boarder Post in South Africa.

He said the bridge would speed up movement of goods, people and further promote development within the region.

“The development of the regional transportation infrastructure and expansion of capacities of transportation corridors remain key in the efficient distribution of goods and development in Southern Africa,” he added.

Mr Mokaila said the SADC road network was one of the region’s largest public sector assets.

He said productivity in virtually every sector of the economy was affected by the quality and related performance of the road and said it was therefore essential that the bridge was managed efficiently and effectively.

Mr Mokaila highlighted that the bridge project dated as far back as 2000 when the two counties met to map a way forward on how they could improve the existing river crossing structures between them.

He said the move initiated the bilateral agreement between the two governments in which Botswana was to fully fund the design and construction of Platjan Bridge while South Africa was tasked with the Swartkopfontein/Ramotswa Boarder Bridge.

Furthermore, he said Botswana completed the design of the Platjan Bridge in November 2009 and due to the financial meltdown, the bridge construction was suspended and added that currently funds are available for the project.

“The project is currently at tendering stage and I would like to point out that there were technical difficulties that caused the delay in implementing this project,” he said.

The South Africa Minister of Transport, Ms Dipuo Peters said the bridge which was constructed to a tune of R78.5 million created employment of about 51 jobs for South Africans and Batswana for a period of 23 months.

Ms Peters said the bridge connect the people of the two countries as well as creating new opportunities especially that the people of the two countries are related.

She said trade has grown between the two countries over the years and so is the movement of goods and people. Ms Peters added that the new bridge will ease pressure and de congestion at Zeerust and Pioneer Boarder gates.

During the bridge construction, nine Botswana labourers were engaged while two companies were also engaged while 42 South Africa and five companies were engaged. ENDS

Ngotwane Bridge to unlock bilateral trade
 

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Ivory Coast's Ouattara enacts new constitution as 'promise of peace'

Tue Nov 8, 2016 | 2:37 PM EST

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Ivory Coast's President Alassane Ouattara attends the official cerimony of promulgation of the third republic of the Cote d'Ivoire after the referendum on a new constitution, in Abidjan, Ivory Coast November 8, 2016. REUTERS/THIERRY GOUEGNON

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Ivory Coast's President Alassane Ouattara speaks during the official ceremony of promulgation of the third republic of the Cote d'Ivoire after the referendum on a new constitution, in Abidjan, Ivory Coast November 8, 2016. REUTERS/THIERRY GOUEGNON

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A man holds a placard during a rally, ahead of the referendum for a new constitution, in Abidjan, October 22, 2016. The placard reads "Yes to new Ivory Coast". REUTER/Luc Gnago

President Alassane Ouattara signed a new constitution into law on Tuesday, casting it as the way to a peaceful future for Ivory Coast, which has emerged as one of Africa's rising economic stars after years of violent upheaval.

In a referendum last month, voters overwhelmingly endorsed the new charter - one of Ouattara's campaign promises during his re-election bid last year - with some 93 percent of ballots cast for the "Yes" on an official turnout of just over 42 percent.

The new constitution's promulgation creates the West African nation's third republic.

"The promises of the Third Republic are the promises of peace, stability, equality and modernity," Ouattara said after signing the text.

Ivory Coast's previous constitution, drafted under military rule following a 1999 coup, was at the heart of a decade of turmoil that included two civil wars.

In its most controversial clause, it said presidential candidates' parents must both be natural-born Ivorians - a swipe at northerners, many of whom, like Ouattara, have family ties that straddle the borders with Burkina Faso and Mali.

The new constitution scraps that rule, which was used to disqualify Ouattara from a vote in 2000, and now only one parent must be Ivorian. It creates the post of vice president and a senate. The president says all these new measures will guarantee more political stability.

"The challenges awaiting our country are numerous and pressing. With this new constitution, Ivory Coast is henceforth equipped to confront these challenges," said Ouattara, whose 2010 election sparked the most recent armed conflict.

Following nearly six years with Ouattara at the helm, the world's top cocoa producer is now on track to be Africa's fastest growing economy this year.

Critics, however, denounced the process of drafting the new constitution and submitting it to referendum as rushed and lacking transparency.

Opposition parties boycotted the Oct. 30 referendum and accused the authorities of employing fraud to inflate the vote's turnout in an effort to boost the constitution's legitimacy.



(Reporting by Joe Bavier and Loucoumane Coulibaly; editing by Mark Heinrich)

Ivory Coast's Ouattara enacts new constitution as 'promise of peace'
 
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