California shows why the Republican plan to rely on states to replace Obamacare may not work
Richard Figueroa still shudders at the memory of the calls he fielded as enrollment director of California’s special health plan for sick patients who’d been rejected by insurers.
Desperate callers pleaded to get off the waiting list as cancer or other illnesses worsened. Enrollees struggled to understand why the plan would not cover all the treatment they needed.
Most heart-wrenching were the quiet, polite calls from those who’d received a letter that a sick relative could finally get on the plan. “They would say, ‘Thank you, but you can give our slot to someone else, because my brother or my wife or my daughter has died,’” Figueroa recalled.
California’s high-risk pool — like similar overstretched state plans around the country —became obsolete when the Affordable Care Act established a new federal system to guarantee coverage to Americans even if they’re sick.
Now President Trump and congressional Republicans are trying to shift responsibility for overseeing health protections back to states. This approach, including re-creating state high-risk pools, is a cornerstone of the GOP healthcare bill.
Among other things, California tried to require large employers to provide health coverage to their workers, though that effort was defeated in a statewide referendum just months after it was enacted.
The state adopted insurance rules to give consumers more power to challenge decisions by health plans, though state leaders were never able to make insurers cover all sick patients.
In 1991, the state set up the Major Risk Medical Insurance Program, commonly called “Mr. Mip,” a high-risk insurance pool to offer a lifeline to patients who’d been turned down for coverage on the commercial insurance market.
By the late ’90s, the plan, which was funded in part by premiums and in part by a voter-approved tobacco tax, was serving 22,000 people.
But as premiums soared because insuring sick patients was so expensive, the program became increasingly difficult to sustain. Enrollment was capped, as were benefits. The plan would only cover $75,000 of enrollees’ medical costs per year.
By 2010, when Obamacare was signed, the cost for a 50-year-old consumer in the Sacramento area who wanted a PPO plan had soared to $878 a month.
“It was a nice little program for a few thousand people,” said Lucien Wulsin, former head of the Insure the Uninsured Project, a state advocacy group. “But we never got close to reaching the hundreds of thousands of Californians who needed help.”
Finally in 2007, then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican, launched a sweeping campaign to push through a major healthcare overhaul to extend coverage to millions of uninsured Californians.
The landmark effort, in which Schwarzenegger partnered with Democrats in the state Assembly, picked up critical support from hospitals, patient groups and even some insurers and leading businesses.
But the effort ultimately collapsed amid opposition from advocacy groups on the left and right, and questions about how the state could pay for extending health coverage.
California shows why the Republican plan to rely on states to replace Obamacare may not work
Richard Figueroa still shudders at the memory of the calls he fielded as enrollment director of California’s special health plan for sick patients who’d been rejected by insurers.
Desperate callers pleaded to get off the waiting list as cancer or other illnesses worsened. Enrollees struggled to understand why the plan would not cover all the treatment they needed.
Most heart-wrenching were the quiet, polite calls from those who’d received a letter that a sick relative could finally get on the plan. “They would say, ‘Thank you, but you can give our slot to someone else, because my brother or my wife or my daughter has died,’” Figueroa recalled.
California’s high-risk pool — like similar overstretched state plans around the country —became obsolete when the Affordable Care Act established a new federal system to guarantee coverage to Americans even if they’re sick.
Now President Trump and congressional Republicans are trying to shift responsibility for overseeing health protections back to states. This approach, including re-creating state high-risk pools, is a cornerstone of the GOP healthcare bill.
Among other things, California tried to require large employers to provide health coverage to their workers, though that effort was defeated in a statewide referendum just months after it was enacted.
The state adopted insurance rules to give consumers more power to challenge decisions by health plans, though state leaders were never able to make insurers cover all sick patients.
In 1991, the state set up the Major Risk Medical Insurance Program, commonly called “Mr. Mip,” a high-risk insurance pool to offer a lifeline to patients who’d been turned down for coverage on the commercial insurance market.
By the late ’90s, the plan, which was funded in part by premiums and in part by a voter-approved tobacco tax, was serving 22,000 people.
But as premiums soared because insuring sick patients was so expensive, the program became increasingly difficult to sustain. Enrollment was capped, as were benefits. The plan would only cover $75,000 of enrollees’ medical costs per year.
By 2010, when Obamacare was signed, the cost for a 50-year-old consumer in the Sacramento area who wanted a PPO plan had soared to $878 a month.
“It was a nice little program for a few thousand people,” said Lucien Wulsin, former head of the Insure the Uninsured Project, a state advocacy group. “But we never got close to reaching the hundreds of thousands of Californians who needed help.”
Finally in 2007, then-Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, a Republican, launched a sweeping campaign to push through a major healthcare overhaul to extend coverage to millions of uninsured Californians.
The landmark effort, in which Schwarzenegger partnered with Democrats in the state Assembly, picked up critical support from hospitals, patient groups and even some insurers and leading businesses.
But the effort ultimately collapsed amid opposition from advocacy groups on the left and right, and questions about how the state could pay for extending health coverage.
California shows why the Republican plan to rely on states to replace Obamacare may not work