RUSSIA 🇷🇺 Thread: Wikileaks=FSB front, UKRAINE?, SNOWED LIED; NATO Aggression; Trump = Putins B!tch

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Putin’s Activation of ‘Iskander-M’ Ballistic Missile Is a Message to Obama
The KGB officer in the Kremlin seeks one last, grand strategic humiliation for our president before he leaves office
By John R. Schindler • 10/07/16 11:00am
Opinion

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Russian President Vladimir Putin. Yuri Kadobnov/AFP/Getty Images

It’s long been obvious that Vladimir Putin and his inner circle view Barack Obama with utter contempt. To the hard men in Moscow, who got their schooling in the KGB, our diffident, wordy Ivy League lawyer president is a weakling—almost a caricature of everything they despise about the postmodern West.

Here the Kremlin mirrors most Russians, who find Obama a puzzling and contemptible man. This is nothing new. I’ve heard remarkable put-downs of our commander-in-chief for years, going back to 2008, even from the mouths of highly educated Russians. Their comments are invariably earthy, insulting, and nowhere near politically correct.

It’s therefore no surprise that Russians view Obama with contempt—and so does their leader. As our president winds up his second term and prepares to move out of the White House, the Kremlin simply isn’t bothering to hide that contempt any longer, even in high-level diplomacy, where a modicum of tact is expected.

Take Syria, the foreign policy nightmare that hangs darkly over Obama’s legacy. The pathetic attempts of John Kerry, Obama’s sad-sack secretary of state, to assert America’s role in that sordid conflict have been rudely rebuffed by Moscow. The Kremlin has made it indelibly clear that it has no interest in further parley with Washington about Syria: We won, you lost, get over it.

This has now descended into farce, with Russia’s foreign ministry tweeting mocking insults at America’s top diplomat. Like the infamous honey badger, the Kremlin simply doesn’t care one whit what we think. We can at least count our blessings that Secretary Kerry hasn’t dispatched James Taylor to Moscow.

To be fair to the Kremlin, why on earth would the Obama administration think it had a dog in the Syrian fight anymore? Over three years ago, the White House outsourced American policy there to Moscow, as was obvious to everybody except Obama and his coterie of self-styled foreign policy geniuses. We gave Putin what he wanted in Syria—preserving his Assad client regime while demonstrating Russian resolve and power—and for that we have nobody to blame but ourselves.

Such reckless antics have worked well for the Russians so far, given Obama’s preference to avert eyes and hope for the best whenever Moscow misbehaves.

This has become deeply embarrassing as the Syrian nightmare has descended into war crimes and even genocide on a truly horrifying scale. For an administration that prided itself on its alleged humanitarianism, this is an appalling ending which the world will not soon forget. The Russians, of course, have acted like Russians, bombing and shelling haphazardly, adding impressively to the death toll among Syrian civilians. This, too, was easily foreseeable by anyone who witnessed what happened to Chechnya. Moscow does not believe in tears, as they say.

Not content with diplomatic gloating, Moscow is flexing its muscles in Syria now, showing off its strength for political effect. Russia has just sent more late-model anti-aircraft missiles to that country—an odd choice in weaponry given that the Islamic State, which the Kremlin boasts of fighting energetically while accusing Washington of collaborating with it, has no aircraft.

Just in case anybody in the Pentagon missed that unsubtle move, Russia’s defense ministry this week bluntly stated that any effort by American airpower to change “facts on the ground” in Syria will be countered with live fire. Responding to rumors that the U.S. military wants enhanced airstrikes against the Assad regime, the Kremlin spokesman minced no words: “I would recommend our colleagues in Washington to carefully weigh possible consequences of the fulfillment of such plans.”

This was all predictable. Ever an opportunist, Putin is simply running the table in the waning months of Obama’s presidency. The Kremlin may never see an American president this weak-willed again, so the Russians are making the most of this undeserved geostrategic gift while they still can. Signs of this aggressive opportunism are everywhere.

Although we are accustomed to Moscow playing dangerous games when American warships are close to Russian shores—jets buzzing our vessels low and fast, usually—this is now spreading far beyond the Black Sea. Reports that the Russian navy has created a new strategic bomber division in the Far East to monitor and harass the Americans across the Pacific region indicate where this is headed. Soon Tu-22M3 Backfire bombers, long-range carrier-killers, will be shadowing the U.S. Navy as far east as Hawaii, in a manner not seen since the 1980s.

Obama has gone to great lengths to deny that we’re in Cold War 2.0, as I explainedafter Moscow’s annexation of Crimea, but Putin isn’t playing along with that script. This week, his defense ministry announced that it’s considering re-opening military bases in Cuba and Vietnam. These were shuttered after the last Cold War, and any indications that the Kremlin wants them back, particularly in Cuba, conveniently close to Florida, likewise indicate where this is headed.

Much of this is just for show, hardly more than chest-thumping by Moscow. Newsthat Putin is building up his nuclear arsenal while Obama cuts ours as rapidly as possible—Russia’s military today has over 400 more nuclear warheads than the United States—means more politically than militarily.

That said, some of the Kremlin’s current military moves are deeply alarming and indicate a risk-taking mood in Russia’s leadership that ought to seriously worry NATO and the Pentagon. Things are getting scary in the tightly packed and jumpy Baltic Sea region, where Moscow is eagerly flexing its military muscle, seeming not to care what anybody thinks or feels about it.

Overflights of Finland and Estonia—the latter is in NATO while the former is not—by Russian aircraft have become almost routine, an on-going demonstration of Kremlin honeybadgerness. But those aerial cat-and-mouse games are customarily done by slow, unarmed Russian planes, just to send a message to the Finns and Estonians to not get any ideas about disobeying Moscow.

This week, however, Putin upped the ante by sending armed fighter jets to intimidate Helsinki and Tallinn. Yesterday, two Su-27 fighters of the Russian air force, called Flankers by NATO, overflew Finland. Their incursions were brief but, significantly, the Flankers were armed for combat.

Then, early this morning, another Flanker violated Estonian airspace—fully armed and with its transponder turned off. This incident, the fifth violation of Estonian airspace by the Kremlin so far this year, is significant since that country belongs to NATO. None of the Baltic republics have their own fighter jets. That’s handled by a composite Alliance jet squadron. If the Russians keep sending armed jets over Estonia, the odds of a confrontation with NATO fighters rise dramatically.

Today’s biggest news, however, comes from Estonian reports that the Russian military is sending Iskander-M missiles to Kaliningrad on a civilian freighter. It’s expected to dock in Kaliningrad today with its alarming cargo.

The Iskander-M system, called SS-26 by NATO, is the replacement of the Scud missile of American Gulf War memory. It has a range of 300 miles and can carry either a conventional or a nuclear warhead. An Iskander-M based in Kaliningrad can strike targets deep in Poland and across the whole Baltic region. Make no mistake, this is primarily an offensive weapons system.

There’s a reason that the Kremlin promised to not ship this missile system to Kaliningrad back in 2009, in exchange for President Obama’s scuppering of missile defense in Poland and the Czech Republic. Activating an Iskander-M unit in Kaliningrad, west of the Baltic republics, is rightly seen as destabilizing by NATO’s whole eastern flank which, despite security promises by the White House, remains vulnerable to Russian attack. For Warsaw and several other NATO capitals, this move resembles a Baltic version of the Cuban Missile Crisis.

This constitutes a direct challenge to Washington by Moscow—and by Vladimir Putin to Barack Obama, personally. The KGB officer in the Kremlin is seeking to get in one last, grand strategic humiliation for our president before he leaves office. And why not? Such reckless antics have worked well for the Russians so far, given Obama’s preference to avert eyes and hope for the best whenever Moscow misbehaves.

Not to mention that Putin is surely aware that his window of opportunity is closing soon. The campaign of the very Kremlin-friendly Donald Trump is in free-fall, so Moscow will likely have to contend with an angry Hillary Clinton in the White House in a little more than three months. She knows all too well that the Kremlin has pulled out all the stops to hurt her election chances—between spying, hacking, intimidation, and leaks of Democratic emails—and if the Clintons excel at anything it’s personal vendettas. The time for Putin to act, therefore, is now. Get ready, it’s going to be a bumpy autumn.

John Schindler is a security expert and former National Security Agency analyst and counterintelligence officer. A specialist in espionage and terrorism, he’s also been a Navy officer and a War College professor. He’s published four books and is on Twitter at @20committee.
 

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Closing the Gap: NATO Moves to Protect Weak Link in Defenses Against Russia

Closing the Gap: NATO Moves to Protect Weak Link in Defenses Against Russia

Known as the Suwalki Gap, a 64-mile strip of Poland’s eastern border has become a growing focus of U.S. military planning
By
Julian E. Barnes
June 17, 2016 7:14 p.m. ET
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Polish troops land with parachutes at a military compound near Torun in central Poland as part of a NATO military exercise this month. Photo: janek skarzynski/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

WARSAW—The most vulnerable spot in the Western alliance is a 64-mile slice of the Polish border that extends from the Russian exclave of Kaliningrad to Belarus, according to allied officials.

Known as the Suwalki Gap, the narrow land route between Poland and Lithuania has become a growing focus of U.S. military planning, U.S. and allied officials say.

Military officers worry that in the event of a conflict with Moscow, the Russian military could use its forces in Kaliningrad, home to numerous military bases and bristling with advanced missiles, to effectively cut off the Suwalki Gap and sever the Baltic states from the rest of the alliance, they said. U.S. war planners believe the allies could have as little as 72 hours to reinforce the Suwalki Gap before Moscow would be able to effectively block access.

This week, as more than 30,000 U.S., Polish and allied forces rehearsed the defense of the Baltic region, North Atlantic Treaty Organization defense ministers approved a deterrent force on the alliance’s eastern flank that likely includes an American battalion positioned in or near the Suwalki Gap.

In response, Russian President Vladimir Putin called for large snap exercises to last through Wednesday, a significant show of force which defense experts said was designed to demonstrate Moscow’s ability to move quickly in the Baltic region.

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Demonstrating Western allies’ ability to move quickly and decisively has been a key focus of the multinational exercises this month in the area, according to officials.

German and British army forces practiced making an amphibious military bridge in Chelmno, Poland, last week. The U.S. 2nd Cavalry Regiment rolled its Stryker armored vehicles over the bridge in a long convoy and then proceeded some 300 miles, first to the Polish city of Torun and then on to the Suwalki Gap and Lithuania.

The U.S. Army also dropped some 550 paratroopers from the 82nd Airborne Division into the Polish countryside outside Torun, to practice securing the route for the 2nd Cavalry. Flying from Fort Bragg, N.C., the airborne operation was designed to illustrate to both allies and Russia the ability of U.S. forces to deploy its forces halfway around the world in less than 24 hours.

“Frankly, it is about demonstrating resolve and demonstrating capability for rapid response in the event it was ever required,” said Gen. Mark Milley, the U.S. Army chief of staff said.

Gen. Milley visited Poland last week for the opening of Anakonda-16, one of several large military operations that the U.S. and its allies are undertaking in the region in the name of strengthening their ability to move faster, work together more seamlessly and show a united front against what the allies see as Russian aggression.

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ENLARGE
German and British army forces practiced making an amphibious military bridge in Chelmno, Poland, last week. Photo: cpl jamie dudding/BRITISH MINISTRY OF DEFENCE/European Pressphoto Agency
“For the U.S. Army, it is very important we have the ability to deliver ground combat forces to wherever the president orders them in a rapid and timely manner,” Gen. Milley said.

In all, some 31,000 allied troops have assembled in Poland for Anakonda and related exercises. And 43 naval ships are in the Baltic Sea for a large maritime exercise known as “Baltops.”

While the Polish Defense Minister Antoni Macierewicz said the Anakonda exercise was purely defensive, Russian officials dismissed those claims.

Alexander Grushko, the Russian ambassador to NATO, said Moscow was casting a wary eye on the stepped up exercises, the alliance deployments and the additional American military presence in Eastern Europe. “We are responding to all of this negatively because these measures significantly impair regional security, in fact, turning Eastern Europe into an arena of military confrontation,” Mr. Grushko said. “None of this is necessary.”

During the Cold War, military leaders focused much of their training on the Fulda Gap, an area of the border between East and West Germany where war planners thought a massive tank-on-tank battle would take place were tensions between the Soviet Union and the West to rise to a full conflict.

Today, the Suwalki Gap—or SK Gap in American military parlance—has replaced the Fulda Gap as the focus for the current generation of Army officers.

U.S. and allied officials emphasize that the current tensions with Russia aren’t a new Cold War. But any potential conflict, if it should ever come to Suwalki, could be a major tank-on-tank battle or dominated by guided-missile salvos, according to defense officials.

In addition to the NATO force of 4,000 troops approved this week, the U.S. will position a heavy brigade of 3,500 troops that will work in both the Baltic region and in Bulgaria and Romania, where a key base is being expanded for U.S. use as a training center.

War plans call for that force to quickly come together and converge on a trouble spot, officials said.

Lt. Gen. Ben Hodges, the commander of U.S. Army forces in Europe, said the U.S. and its allies have improved their “ability to move and assemble.”

“All of these exercises by the nations of NATO are an indication that we are willing to do what is necessary to improve responsiveness,” he said.

The problem, said Gen. Hodges, is that Russia has boosted its forces as well. Russia has built up its medium-and longer-range air-defense systems in Kaliningrad over the last two years, giving Moscow the power to threaten ground, naval and air forces with precision guided missiles and other air defenses.

“The Russian capability in Kaliningrad has only gotten stronger,” he said.

A number of war games run by American think tanks have indicated that Russia could quickly take over the Baltic states, overwhelming those countries’ small military forces easily, should it decide to mount an overt conventional attack.

U.S. war planning for Europe is focused on what military officers call “phase zero”—the days before a crisis escalates into a conflict—and are looking for ways to quickly and safely reinforce the Baltic region, officials said.

“The presence of NATO forces in front-line forces can raise the threshold for a Russian act of aggression, and those forces could be first responders if a crisis did break out,” said Mark Gunzinger, a defense analyst at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Affairs in Washington. “Time is not in the favor of NATO when you are talking about the Baltic states and Poland.”

The U.S. has also been prodding allies to do more.

Vaidotas Urbelis, the defense-policy director for the Lithuanian ministry of defense, says Lithuania has created a rapid-reaction force that can move within hours to try to keep the Suwalki Gap open.

But, he said, Lithuania wants as many NATO forces in the region as possible before a crisis erupts.

“Speed, in terms of military action and decision making, is critical,” he said.

NATO has been developing a rapid-reaction spearhead force, but only a small portion of that force, about 150 soldiers, can move within three days, according to allied and U.S. officials. As a result, U.S. war planners are planning on supplementing those forces with the 82nd Airborne, which can be ready to deploy in as little as 18 hours.

Corrections & Amplifications:
An earlier version of this article contained a map that incorrectly labeled the Baltic Sea as the Balkan Sea.

Write to Julian E. Barnes at julian.barnes@wsj.com
 

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Russian hacking crisis tests Obama's nerve
Demands for swift retaliation against Moscow grow, but all the options carry big risks.
By Bryan Bender and Michael Crowley

10/07/16 08:41 PM EDT
President Barack Obama came under immediate pressure Friday night to punish Russia for hacking into US political institutions — with calls to rally European allies behind sweeping new sanctions against Moscow.

The demands for swift action followed the administration's extraordinary public statement accusing the Russian government of targeting the Democratic National Committee and other political organizations, amounting to the most significant effort by a foreign power to interfere in U.S. domestic politics in American history.

"The first step comes with the public attribution. I think it was a powerful statement," said Rep. Adam Schiff of California, the ranking Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee. "But we are not the first to be affected by this. There has been far worse Russian meddling in Europe. We need to come up with our allies to find a concerted response. That could take the form of sanctions or it could take another form.”

Other political and military experts suggested actions ranged from disrupting sensitive Russian computer networks, exposing Russian emails or secrets to embarrass and undermine officials of President Vladimir Putin's government, to bringing criminal charges against the Russian individuals allegedly involved in the hacking.

The demands highlighted a larger dilemma facing the Obama administration: how best to retaliate against Russia without having the confrontation spin out of control. This could prove to be the thorniest challenge since the end of the Cold War, warned current and former officials.

"This is a big, big deal,” said Michael Morell, a former acting director and deputy director of the CIA. “I can’t remember another time in American history where we have publicly accused another country of trying to interfere in our elections."

While a tit-for-tat payback in the form of a U.S. exposure of Russian computers might be politically and viscerally satisfying, Obama officials are worried about the unintended consequences of escalation.

There is little doubt that the United States could go on the cyber offensive to demonstrate to Russia that it, too, can play at that game, as it reportedly did in attacking Iran's nuclear weapons program with a computer virus,

"No doubt the U.S. has the ability to reach into Russia networks," said Matthew Wallin, who runs the Project on U.S.-Russia Relationship at the American Security Project, a nonpartisan think tank. "Could you disable their capabilities to an extent? That is a possibility."

But he said the consequences would be wholly unpredictable.

"With every action, there will be set of consequences, and you have to calculate the positive and negative actions Russian might take," Wallin said. "We, as a country, haven’t decided what the proper path is. We know what we would do if they were pushing conventional or nuclear forces forces. We don’t have a system for escalating cyber conflict."

Rajesh De, former general counsel for the National Security Agency, said it was unlikely that the U.S. would exert revenge against Russian officials by, say, exposing their private emails or financial records.

“I don't think that’s the sort of thing that’s probably being thought about that seriously, and in the big picture, grand scheme is not that productive,” said De, who now leads the cyber practice at the Washington law firm Mayer Brown. “What we’re really talking about is trying to establish norms of behavior.”

"I would be reluctant to recommend we engage in a cyber response," added Schiff. " That would be the wrong road to go down."

The White House has been weighing such risks for months. “[T]he danger of escalation and misinterpretation is such that we have to be responsible about it,” White House homeland security advisor Lisa Monaco said at the Aspen Security Forum in July.

But in the most serious cases, she added, “we have to be very clear we will respond.”

After a meeting with Putin in China last month, in which he is believed to have raised the DNC email hack, Obama told reporters he was wary of “a cycle of escalation” in the cyber realm and that he hoped to “start instituting some norms so that everybody’s acting responsibly.”

“What we cannot do is have a situation in which suddenly, this becomes the wild, wild West, where countries that have significant cybercapacity start engaging in unhealthy competition or conflict through these means,” Obama said.

There is no evidence that Obama has taken punitive cyber action in response to several major cyber breaches in the past few years, although by its nature cyber war is often invisible to outsiders.

After the government of North Korea hacked Sony’s email servers in 2014, for instance, Obama issued a stern condemnation of North Korea’s actions but took no visible action beyond adding modestly to the long list of sanctions against that rogue state.

In May of 2014, the U.S. issued its first criminal charges against state actors for cyber activities when it indicted five Chinese military hackers for what it called economic espionage.

But Obama took no visible action against China after internally concluding—though not publicly announcing—that Beijing electronically stole personal information, including background check files, of more than 20 million Americans from the Office of Personnel Management.

The White House discussed such action, but concerns about the fragile U.S. relationship with China appear to have won out.

Obama officials would not say on Friday afternoon what steps the U.S. might take in response to the Russian hack.

“The President has made it clear that we will take action to protect our interests, including in cyberspace, and we will do so at a time and place of our choosing. Consistent with the practice we have adopted in the past, the public should not assume that they will necessarily know what actions have been taken or what actions we will take,” said a senior administration official.

“The American public and our democracy are resilient to foreign attempts to manipulate public opinion. The U.S. Government is committed to ensuring a secure election process and has robust capabilities to detect efforts to interfere with our elections,” the official added.

A number of government officials suggested the best path for punishment at this stage needs to be an economic one -- namely, tightening sanctions already in place over Russia's military foray into Ukraine.

Schiff called for engaging anew with European allies who are being similarly probed by Russian-directed hackers. "If they see us working together in the cyber realm, it may create a more powerful deterrent than the U.S. acting alone," he said. "That I think would be a good next step. The Russians have shown a real sensitivity to sanctions. I think they would be loathe to see new ones.”

Morell, who also thinks Friday's announcement is aimed in part at “drawing public attention to what Putin is doing -- to kind of name and shame to get him to stop, through global public opinion," believes sanctions or indictments against Russian officials are likely.

Still, others urged caution Friday on taking any dramatic action without fully considering the potential consequences, given the growing distrust between the nuclear powers whose militaries are already too close for comfort in the skies over Syria, where they are backing varying sides in that country's civil war.

They highlighted the need to initiate some form of dialogue with Russia of the sort that existed during the Cold War to guard against an escalation that neither side wants.

"If you put it in the context of Syria and the relationship deteriorating overall, there has to be some sort of menu in which a dialogue can be re-established," said retired marine Gen. James Cartwright, former vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. "We need to find a way to communicate through actions in a way that doesn't let it get emotionally driven. People are starting to look at the tools we had in the Cold War.

"I still would regard Putin as a rational man,' he added. "The question is when does he reach a point where rationality steps in."

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Leasy

Let's add some Alizarin Crimson & Van Dyke Brown
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Philly (BYRD GANG)
Obama doesn't have to do anything but sit back and relax. Russia is desperate because of the sanctions and low oil prices implemented SA. They are spending countless of dollars in Syria and slowly but surely will break. The question is will China or NATO get at Russia first?
 
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