Official Bernie Sanders HQ: Not Me, Us!
- Thread starter Berniewood Hogan
- Start date
King Kreole
natural blondie like goku
storyteller
Veteran
honestly what is project veritas gonna release that bothers bernie supporters? peter dao said he saw all the oppo research in 2016 and theres nothing there. by the same token, is any repub not gonna vote for trump even if an N word tape drops? dont forget he got away with grab em by the p*ssy
afterlife2009
Superstar
The fact that she blamed Bernie bros for the 2016 loss was revealing af lol. Since she no longer has a path to the nomination, their campaign strategy is do what Hillary did but replace Hillary's ruthlessness with Liz's grandma energy
i think it'll be an awkward convo with a bernie volunteer or random field organizer. if they're dropping it this early it's most likely lame
storyteller
Veteran
King Kreole
natural blondie like goku
PMC fighting like hell to keep their position as the thought leaders of the party
OfTheCross
Veteran
Pmc?
professional managerial class
First formulated by Barbara Ehrenreich and John Ehrenreich in a pair of essays in the journal Radical America in the late 1970s, the idea of the “professional-managerial class” was originally part of an attempted materialist explanation of the political stability of American capitalism in the 20th century, and in particular the failure of the New Left to overthrow it. While industrial capitalism had liquidated the 19th-century middle class, much as Marx had predicted, society had not subsequently polarized into two hostile camps. Instead, the “monopoly capitalism” that evolved in the 20th century—the bureaucratic, administered, managerial system that replaced the entrepreneurial chaos of Victorian laissez-faire—had thrown up a new middle class, whose purpose was to supervise the accumulation process and keep the unruly proletariat in line: researchers and engineers to transform the production process; teachers, doctors, nurses, and managers to sculpt, maintain, and control the workforce; cultural workers to produce commercialized mass entertainment and ideology, displacing the pathologized pleasures of the ghetto; social workers and lawyers to deal with the ensuing social problems when people deviated from this disciplinary grid.
In the early years of the 20th century, the professions emerged in their modern forms, establishing uniform standards of practice and conduct in all these fields. The new professionals were in general politically progressive, seeing their purpose as the renovation of American democracy and the modernization of conditions of work and life, in keeping with the momentous social and technological changes that had remade the world. Early on, they tended to imagine themselves as the antagonists of capitalists, not workers—or at least as brokers between the two. Social control, the production of rationalized plebeian behavior, was necessary for democracy to function, and might even gradually transform into socialism—the apotheosis of the principle of social rationality.
Yet the raison d’etre of the PMC, seen at a formal level, was the reproduction of capitalist society writ large. “Their emergence in force near the turn of the century is parallel and complementary to the transformation of the working class,” wrote the Ehrenreichs. “The relationship between the PMC and the working class is objectively antagonistic. The functions and interests of the two classes are not merely different; they are mutually contradictory.”
Professional-Managerial Chasm
In the early years of the 20th century, the professions emerged in their modern forms, establishing uniform standards of practice and conduct in all these fields. The new professionals were in general politically progressive, seeing their purpose as the renovation of American democracy and the modernization of conditions of work and life, in keeping with the momentous social and technological changes that had remade the world. Early on, they tended to imagine themselves as the antagonists of capitalists, not workers—or at least as brokers between the two. Social control, the production of rationalized plebeian behavior, was necessary for democracy to function, and might even gradually transform into socialism—the apotheosis of the principle of social rationality.
Yet the raison d’etre of the PMC, seen at a formal level, was the reproduction of capitalist society writ large. “Their emergence in force near the turn of the century is parallel and complementary to the transformation of the working class,” wrote the Ehrenreichs. “The relationship between the PMC and the working class is objectively antagonistic. The functions and interests of the two classes are not merely different; they are mutually contradictory.”
Professional-Managerial Chasm
OfTheCross
Veteran
Anyone got a link to the in immigration research referenced by the Times?
BA:
I think that there’s a lot of research suggesting that that’s not actually the case, yes.
That if I pay you five bucks an hour, it doesn’t have an impact on her wages.
BA: That immigration ——
I didn’t say immigration.
BA: The immigration under current circumstances, which is substantially under ——
Buh-buh-buh-buh-buh. Hold on. You’re misstating me. All I am saying is that if for whatever reason, I’m paying you $5 an hour, O.K.? You don’t think that’s going to lower the wages that she gets?
BA: There’s a lot of economic research suggesting that it does not.
Not that I have seen.
BA: O.K.
BA:
I think that there’s a lot of research suggesting that that’s not actually the case, yes.
That if I pay you five bucks an hour, it doesn’t have an impact on her wages.
BA: That immigration ——
I didn’t say immigration.
BA: The immigration under current circumstances, which is substantially under ——
Buh-buh-buh-buh-buh. Hold on. You’re misstating me. All I am saying is that if for whatever reason, I’m paying you $5 an hour, O.K.? You don’t think that’s going to lower the wages that she gets?
BA: There’s a lot of economic research suggesting that it does not.
Not that I have seen.
BA: O.K.