Ted Cruz decompressed from his crushing 2016 loss by starting to plan for 2020.
Yes, he and his wife went to Mexico less than three weeks after losing the Indiana primary. But the Cruzes didn’t go alone. They were joined by his campaign chairman, Chad Sweet, his national finance chairman, Willie Langston, and his campaign manager, Jeff Roe, who came for part of the trip even though his second daughter (name: Reagan) had been born only about 10 days earlier.
It was a sign of just how tight-knit Cruz’s inner circle had become by the end of the campaign and Cruz’s unquenchable thirst for politics.Cruz has kept a lower profile since withdrawing but behind-the-scenes his political organization has continued to hum. Most of Cruz’s senior team is staying in his orbit as he has shuffled staff, had allies launch two new political groups and tended closely to the big donors who helped underwrite his campaign.
Cruz has already announced he will run for reelection to the Senate in 2018—but there are plenty of signs he still has an eye on the White House. Cruz and Roe have commissioned a massive, top-to-bottom review of the decisions made in the presidential primary, from big choices, like where they traveled and advertised, to small ones, like whether it made economic sense to rent dormitory halls in Iowa and New Hampshire for volunteers, rather than book them hotel rooms.
Cruz, an obsessive about the mechanics of politics, revels in such minutiae. “Most campaigns treat data as an afterthought, and they don't invest in it, and they're not willing to have decision-making follow the data,” Cruz said on Politico’s Off Message podcast this week.
The post-mortem’s findings, presumably, would yield a how-to manual for 2020.“Most wars,” as Cruz said in the podcast, “are not won in a single battle.”
In late June, Cruz invited more than 100 of his top bundlers and donors to a retreat in La Jolla, California, that is reported here for the first time. They were treated to meals, a cruise and detailed presentations about how the campaign spent their money and what was coming next by some of Cruz’s top brass, including Roe, chief strategist Jason Johnson, data and research director Chris Wilson, political director Mark Campbell and senior adviser David Polyansky, according to two attendees.
Campbell, meanwhile, is launching two new nonprofit groups, a 501(c)(3) and a 501(c)(4), to house some of Cruz’s senior team, as first reported by
National Review, including Paul Teller, his former chief of staff, Bryan English, his Iowa state director, and Brian Phillips, his campaign rapid response director. Polyansky, who began on Scott Walker’s staff but rose to become one of Cruz’s most trusted advisers during the primary, has since taken the helm of his Senate office as chief of staff.
The idea is that the allied nonprofits will tend to Cruz’s grass-roots donor base, synergize with other movement groups, generate fresh legislative ideas, and organize Cruz’s early-state travels. One Cruz adviser compared the entities to what Ronald Reagan’s allies created after 1976 and that paved the way for his nomination four years later.
“These groups are important to keep that movement intact,” said another Cruz aide.
In Cleveland, Cruz and his allies began working even before most of the delegates arrived. Another of Cruz’s former campaign hands, Ken Cuccinelli, pushed to incentivize Republican-only closed primaries—the contests where Cruz performed best—in 2020. The effort failed. And last Friday, Cruz quietly flew in and out to appear before a gathering of conservative leaders, known as the Council for National Policy, where his introduction was greeted with a thunderous, minutes-long standing ovation, according to two attendees.
He ishosting a
thank-you reception at a waterfront bar on Wednesday for his supporters who are serving as delegates, and on Wednesday he will deliver an address that aides say will focus on the conservative movement and principles—essentially his supporters and his agenda. Cruz has so far declined to endorse Trump. It is highly unusual to be granted a prominent speaking slot without an endorsement but with hundreds of loyal delegates, and Trump seeking party unity, Cruz has carved himself an exemption.
Others are angling for the future, too. Sen. Tom Cotton, who has endorsed Trump, has scheduled meetings with the Iowa, New Hampshire and South Carolina delegations, as has Gov. Scott Walker, who lasted only briefly in the 2016 contest. Both Walker and Cotton are slated to deliver convention speeches. Cotton already headlined a big South Carolina fundraiser, and in August is headed to a
GOP gathering in Nevada, hosted by the state’s Republican attorney general.
Then there are the Trump foes—Ben Sasse of Nebraska, who has been the most outspoken senator opposing Trump, and Gov. Nikki Haley of South Carolina, who rebuked Trump in the national State of the Union response in January. They are staying away from Cleveland and tamping down talk of their political futures but are nonetheless discussed as among the party’s rising stars.
“The overt activity of a number of failed candidates is unprecedented,” said Scott Reed, chief strategist for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which itself has sparred with Trump over trade. “And quite unseemly.”
Read more:
Inside the GOP’s Shadow Convention
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