Kamala Harris Presidential Campaign (Official Thread)

bnew

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@bnew shilling like no tomorrow. :mjlol: can we like have an investigation to who some of these people really are? @CHICAGO how many of these paid shills are posting from the same ip address

how does one shill versus sharing information others might deem helpful?
 

bnew

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1/1
“You will be thrown into a system where everybody gets health care.” ~Trump threatening Americans with healthcare if Kamala Harris is elected.


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1/1
Trump: You're all going to be thrown into a communist system. You will be thrown into a system where everybody gets health care.


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bnew

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BREAKING. Vice President Harris just unveiled her economic policy agenda, which includes:

* Eliminating medical debt for millions of Americans
* A ban on price gouging for groceries and food
* A cap on prescription drug costs
* A $25,000 subsidy for first-time homebuyers
* A Child Tax Credit that would provide $6,000 per child to families for the first year of a baby's life


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Kamala Harris unveils populist policy agenda, with $6,000 credit for newborns​


The vice president endorses government action on housing, groceries, medical debt, drugs and other issues.

9 min

Vice President Kamala Harris and Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz on Aug. 9, in Glendale, Ariz. (Melina Mara/The Washington Post)

By Jeff Stein
and
Dan Diamond

August 16, 2024 at 7:07 a.m. EDT

Vice President Kamala Harris on Friday unveiled an aggressively populist economic agenda, providing the most detailed vision yet of her governing priorities since becoming the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee.

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Ahead of Harris’s speech in North Carolina, her campaign announced her support for more than a dozen economic policies aimed at “lowering costs for American families,” including some that went beyond what President Joe Biden had promised.

The most striking proposals were for the elimination of medical debt for millions of Americans; the “first-ever” ban on price gouging for groceries and food; a cap on prescription drug costs; a $25,000 subsidy for first-time home buyers; and a child tax credit that would provide $6,000 per child to families for the first year of a baby’s life.

The last item followed a suggestion earlier this month from JD Vance, the GOP vice-presidential nominee, that the credit be raised from $2,000 per child to $5,000. Harris is also calling for restoring the Biden administration’s child tax credit that expired at the end of 2021, which raised the benefit for most families from $2,000 per child to $3,000.

The flurry of policy positions — just days before the Democratic National Convention in Chicago — represented the clearest articulation yet of how Harris, who has only had a relatively brief time on the national stage, would handle economic policy if elected this fall. Harris has thus far surrounded herself with many former aides to Biden, and her team had made some overtures to business leaders that they hoped reflected a more centrist approach. But the policy positions she embraced Friday suggest she will continue, if not deepen, the party’s transformation under Biden, who pushed for more aggressive government intervention in the economy on industrial, labor and antitrust policies.

In the weeks leading up to this announcement, at least two outside advisers privately suggested to the Harris campaign that she signal a move to the center by backing income tax cuts for middle-class households or a tax break for small businesses, according to the people aware of the matter, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to describe the private conversations. Those suggestions were not included in the final package, although they may be released at a later date. The plan also alludes to cutting “red tape” and lowering the deficit but provided no specifics.

“Harris has made a set of policy choices over the last several weeks that make it clear that the Democratic Party is committed to a pro working-family agenda. The days of ‘What’s good for free enterprise is good for America’ are over,” said Felicia Wong, president of Roosevelt Forward, a left-leaning think tank.

The costs of the proposals were not immediately clear. Marc Goldwein, senior vice president of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, said restoring the original Biden tax credit — which provided $3,000 for most children — would cost roughly $1.1 trillion over 10 years, relative to current policy. Harris’s call for an additional $6,000 credit for newborns would probably cost an additional $100 billion over a decade, Goldwein said.

Harris’s policy push was not without its detractors. Policy experts in the Democratic Party lamented her recent endorsement of Trump’s plan to eliminate taxes on tips, as well as her promises not to raise taxes on Americans earning under $400,000 per year — positions they see as incompatible with Democrats’ ambitions to approve major new expansions of the nation’s safety net. Business leaders who had hoped for a warmer relationship under Harris also balked at being blamed for higher prices in her push against corporate price gouging.

And yet despite these drawbacks, Democrats have become increasingly convinced that embracing populist economics is key to beating Trump — the top priority for the party through November. Concerns about the economy and inflation have ranked as among voters’ top issues in the 2024 presidential election, and polling has consistently showed that attacking corporate price gouging is popular.

“Vice President Harris faces a dilemma: On the one hand, America is on a fiscally unsustainable path, and if we’re going to embark on some of the more ambitious programs she’d like to pursue we need more revenue,” said Daniel Hemel, a tax policy expert at the New York University School of Law. “On the other hand, democracy is in peril, and that crisis feels — and is — more imminent than the fiscal crisis, and I think she’s made the correct calculus that sacrificing on fiscal policy for a few hundred thousand middle-class voters in the battleground states is worth it.”

Perhaps Harris’s most surprising policy announcement was her plan to ban “price gouging” in grocery and food prices. While details were sparse, the measure would include authorizing the Federal Trade Commission to impose large fines on grocery stores that impose “excessive” price hikes on customers, her campaign said. Grocery prices remain a top concern for voters: Even though the rate of increase leveled off this year, grocery prices have jumped 26 percent since 2019, according to Elizabeth Pancotti, director of special initiatives at the Roosevelt Institute.

Still, even some Democratic economists balked at that idea and expressed hope that it reflected little more than political messaging. Economists typically say mandatory price-setting creates shortages, by reducing incentives for firms to produce supply, and is the kind of measure far less likely to have been backed under the Clinton or Obama administrations. Biden aides have argued some markets have become distorted by consolidation and require government intervention to be rebalanced on behalf of consumers.

“The good case scenario is price gouging is a message, not a reality, and the bad case scenario is that this is a real proposal,” said Jason Furman, who served as President Barack Obama’s top economist. “You’ll end up with bigger shortages, less supply and ultimately risk higher prices and worse outcomes for consumers if you try to enforce this in a real way, which I don’t know if they would or wouldn’t do.”

On housing, Harris did less to break with the Biden administration but still opted for a more active set of federal proposals than those thus far endorsed by the White House. Harris endorsed a slew of measures to expand housing supply — including an expansion of tax credits to incentivize housing construction — but also a new $25,000 in federal down-payment assistance to more than 1 million first-time home buyers. (Biden had previously proposed a more limited measure only for first-generation home buyers.) Critics say this plan would probably bid up housing prices, which have already soared since the pandemic.

Harris also pledged to work with states to cancel medical debt for millions of Americans, building on one of her signature policy issues as vice president. That effort could involve using federal funds to buy and forgive outstanding medical debt from health providers. Harris’s office also recently worked with the state of North Carolina on a first-of-its-kind initiative to forgive the medical debt of 2 million state residents by creating financial incentives for hospitals to relieve medical debt or prevent it from accumulating in the first place. That initiative received federal approval last month, and all 99 eligible hospitals in North Carolina have since committed to participate — a potential model for other states.

The vice president has been steering federal efforts to combat medical debt, by trying to reduce the burden of unpaid medical debt on credit reports. Prompted by those efforts, credit reporting agencies have already removed medical bills from the credit reports of about 30 million Americans.

Some researchers have concluded that eliminating medical debt may have little effect — noting that many Americans rarely repay long-lasting medical debt — and called for policymakers to tackle the root causes of medical debt, including high health-care prices and insufficient health coverage.

Harris’s health-care proposals also lean into liberal efforts to take on the pharmaceutical industry, building on ideas popularized by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and adopted by Biden. The vice president is pledging to expand several provisions contained in the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act, including capping the out-of-pocket cost of insulin at $35 per month, and capping Americans’ annual out-of-pocket spending on prescription drugs at $2,000. Those two provisions are currently in effect for Medicare beneficiaries. Extending them to all Americans could face resistance from the pharmaceutical industry and Republicans.

Harris also wants to ramp up Medicare’s negotiations with drug companies over their most expensive drugs, although her campaign offered no new details. She and Biden celebrated the results of the first year of Medicare negotiations at an event Thursday, where Democrats said that the initiative had cut list prices on 10 pricey drugs and effectively saved $6 billion for taxpayers.

Harris and Biden hail Medicare drug price cuts

1:43

Vice President Kamala Harris and President Joe Biden celebrated price cuts to top prescription drugs used by Medicare on Aug. 16 in Largo, Md. (Video: Reuters)

Harris also pledged to target pharmaceutical companies that block competition and “abusive practices” by pharmaceutical middlemen. While her fact sheet offered no new details, the pledges could signal support for ongoing work by the Federal Trade Commission, which has been challenging “junk” drug patents and has been probing pharmacy benefit managers — efforts hailed by the populist wing of the party.

Harris’s plan to expand the child tax credit follows years of fighting between Democrats and Republicans over that policy. GOP lawmakers in Congress uniformly resisted extending Biden’s more generous benefit, which some analysts estimated cut child poverty in half. Harris would change the credit so even the poorest families would receive it. Currently, families need to earn above a certain annual income to receive the child benefit in full. The benefit for newborns is aimed at the high costs families face directly after childbirth: Women who have birth on average pay an additional $3,000 relative to women of the same age who do not, according to the Peterson Center on Healthcare and KFF, a nonprofit organization focused on health care.

Other policies endorsed by Harris in her five-page policy document included expanding the Earned Income Tax Credit for lower-wage workers by up to $1,500, as well as extending subsidies for Americans on the Affordable Care Act exchanges.
“The days of pivoting to the center to win on economics are over, even though there are good economic reasons to do so, especially on fiscal policy,” said Bill Galston, a former Clinton policy aide.
 

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Susan Milligan/

August 19, 2024


Kamala Harris Is Redefining How a Woman Runs for President​



She is avoiding the sexist traps that snared Hillary Clinton.​


Bill and Hillary Clinton watch Kamala Harris speak.


MARK FELIX/AFP/Getty Images

There was the “cackle.” The daily musings about the color of her pantsuits. The grossly sexist complaints that her very candidacy—or even her very being—was somehow an assault on masculinity. Donald Trump may have been a threat to mankind, but Hillary Clinton in 2016 was cast as a threat to men. “When she comes on television, I involuntarily cross my legs,” cable news personality Tucker Carlson said on MSNBC at the time, a fear marketed with Hillary Clinton–figured nutcrackers. Sex scandals that once had politically hurt the cheater somehow were used as a weapon against Clinton, who was seen as both too domineering (no wonder he strayed!) and too weak to leave her philandering husband. In her first run for president in 2008, fellow Democrat Barack Obama damned her with the faintest of praise during a New Hampshire primary debate, telling his Senate colleague that she was “likable enough.”

Even before she lost the 2016 election to Trump, Hillary Clinton couldn’t win. Her femaleness—even when it was used as a rallying cry for women tired of being a majority that had never been awarded the job as leader of the country—infused her every event, every message. Her effort to own the sexist tropes was almost painfully awkward: “If you can’t stand the heat, get out of the kitchen,” Clinton told reporters in New Hampshire in November 2007, insisting she was ready for a hot fight for the 2008 nomination. “And I’m very comfortable in the kitchen.”

Vice President Kamala Harris, trying to accomplish what Clinton could not, has not been spared the sexist gauntlet every female candidate must run. But the attacks are just not landing in the same way they did with Clinton. Embracing or just ignoring the gender-based commentary, Harris has redefined what it means to be a female candidate for high office in the United States.

She lambastes Trump without being labeled “shrill.” She wears pantsuits, but no one mentions her clothes, let alone reads some hidden meaning into them. She calls out hecklers but sounds less like a scolding schoolmarm and more like a mother telling a teenager: You can do better than this. Her laugh—ineffectively ridiculed by the GOP—is a selling point for a candidate who says she wants to bring back joy. Female candidates have long had to explain their family situations: If they had children, voters wondered who’d be taking care of them while their mother was in elected office; those without were asked why they didn’t have any (or are dismissed as angry, cat-obsessed subcitizens). “Momala,” with her two stepchildren, unapologetically represents a common American family dynamic.

The Clinton campaign–era days of painting women in unflattering caricatures is not over; witness the descriptions of Senator Elizabeth Warren as hectoring and lecturing, Debbie Walsh, director of Rutgers University’s Center for American Women and Politics, told me. But Harris “is pulling something off here that feels quite different,” she said.

Part of it is the times; part of it is an electorate more used to female leaders, and much of it is the candidate herself. Harris has managed to assert her authority on the trail without appearing too aggressive (also an easier balance to achieve this year given her opponent’s bombastic personality).

“You have to show strength, and you also have to show compassion, empathy, and kindness,” Michigan Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson told me, explaining the tremendous political success women have had in the Wolverine State, where the governor, lieutenant governor, and attorney general are also female. Notably, Governor Gretchen Whitmer was the target of a kidnapping plot, while Benson herself recently was twice “swatted” with false police calls to her home. Those threats to female leaders in Michigan “are efforts to diminish our power as women,” Benson said. But neither public servant has backed down, with Benson saying definitively that “I will not be intimidated.”

When a protester interrupted her at a rally in Michigan, Harris took control. “I’m here because we believe in democracy. Everyone’s voice matters,” Harris said. “But I am speaking now. I am speaking now.” And when the protesters tested her by continuing to chant about Gaza, Harris got more insistent. “You know what? If you want Donald Trump to win, then say that. Otherwise, I’m speaking,” Harris said, getting the crowd on her side as they drowned out the protester with chants of “Kamala!” Next, one might have expected her to threaten to Turn. This Rally. Around. if people didn’t behave.

Trump creepily hovered around Clinton during their 2016 town hall–style debate, pacing behind her as she walked around the stage. She did not confront him—something she regrets, she wrote in her 2017 memoir, What Happened. Trump this year seems to have delegated the stalking role to his running mate, J.D. Vance. He has followed Harris to cities where she was campaigning—but the shadowing hasn’t worked. Vance, saying he was having “a bit of fun,” approached Air Force Two on the tarmac in Eau Claire, Wisconsin, earlier this month, saying he had hoped to speak to her. He didn’t. And the comparison of his events and hers merely underscored the early excitement her campaign is generating.

Nor does Harris talk much about the potentially historic outcome of the race. Instead, it’s more of an understood, underlying fact she doesn’t have to say out loud. When she talks about reproductive rights, voters know it’s personal to her as a woman. When she talks about prosecuting sexual predators, there’s no need to say that women are more often the victims. And her tone, in talking about issues important to women, is different—largely because of her age. While technically a late baby boomer (she’ll turn 60 in October), Harris comes across as a newer-age feminist.

Clinton’s presentation of power “reads to me as ’70s feminist,” unrelatable to younger women, Wayne State University associate professor Janine Lanza, an expert on gender and politics, told me. Women at the forefront of that second wave of feminism fought for very basic rights (such as not being fired for getting pregnant) and tangled with how to be seen as equal to men at work (ask any woman who wore the floppy bows around their necks, meant to be the feminine equivalent to a man’s necktie). Harris, whose feminist message is Beyoncé-era, approaches a female quest for political power in a more modern way. She’s neither constantly reminding voters that she could be a historic first female president nor concealing her unabashed ambition to become the most powerful woman in the world.

Harris has Clinton to thank, however, for paving the way. Clinton may not have won, but she did prove—by getting a popular-vote majority—that Americans are indeed “ready” for a woman president, University of Virginia professor Jennifer Lawless, author of several books on women and elections, told me. And since she was first, Clinton “took bullets for the woman who came after her,” Walsh said. “Kamala Harris has a road map that Hillary Clinton never had.” This time the road map may actually lead to the Oval Office.
 

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yeah after the DNC i'm all the way in for this :blessed:

Trump, MAGA and this Project 25 bullshyt getting officially tossed in the bushes in 3 months :banderas:
 

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1/7
For the people who claim there is no policy from MVP Kamala Harris, this is detailed policy, and not just “drill baby drill”

/search?q=#HarrisWalz /search?q=#Harris2024 /search?q=#MAGA

2/7
Video of MVP speaking on this: Vice President Kamala Harris details economic policy plans | full coverage

3/7
This list is more detailed than Trump’s list. I don’t see y’all asking to see more details…

4/7
Did you require plan to pay for these items ???

5/7
Here’s a link Vice President Harris Lays Out Agenda To Lower Costs for American Families

6/7
Refer here …

7/7



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