It's Black History Month in HL brehs....

[Im Kemet Rocky & I like penis]

somebody please tell me why this fakkit ass nikka @Billy Costigan just negged me? the fukk is wrong with you? this thread has nothing to do with our quarrels.

 

[The 2020 New Member]

somebody please tell me why this fakkit ass nikka @Billy Costigan just negged me? the fukk is wrong with you? this thread has nothing to do with our quarrels.

stop being emotional and stay on topic.

 

[Im Kemet Rocky & I like penis]

My nikka Nat Turner

Nat Turner (October 2, 1800 – November 11, 1831) was an African American slave who led a slave rebellion in Virginia on August 21, 1831 that resulted in 55 white deaths. Whites responded with at least 200 black deaths.[2] He gathered supporters in Southampton County, Virginia. Turner was convicted, sentenced to death, and hanged. In the aftermath, the state executed 56 blacks accused of being part of Turner's slave rebellion. Two hundred blacks were also killed after being beaten by white militias and mobs reacting with violence.[3] Across Virginia and other southern states, state legislators passed new laws prohibiting education of slaves and free blacks, restricting rights of assembly and other civil rights for free blacks, and requiring white ministers to be present at black worship services.

Turner started with a few trusted fellow slaves. “All his initial recruits were other slaves from his neighborhood”.[13] The neighborhood had to find ways to communicate their intentions without giving up their plot. Songs may have tipped the neighborhood members on movements. “It is believed that one of the ways Turner summoned fellow conspirators to the woods was through the use of particular songs.” [14] The rebels traveled from house to house, freeing slaves and killing the white people they found. The rebels ultimately included more than 70 enslaved and free blacks.[15]

Because the rebels did not want to alert anyone to their presence as they carried out their attacks, they initially used knives, hatchets, axes, and blunt instruments instead of firearms.[16] The rebellion did not discriminate by age or sex, until it was determined that the rebellion had achieved sufficient numbers. Nat Turner only confessed to killing one of the rebellion's victims, Margret Whitehead, whom he killed with a blow from a fence post.[16]

Before a white militia was able to respond, the rebels killed 60 men, women, and children.[17] They spared a few homes "because Turner believed the poor white inhabitants 'thought no better of themselves than they did of negros.'"[18][19] Turner also thought that revolutionary violence would serve to awaken the attitudes of whites to the reality of the inherent brutality in slave-holding, a concept similar to 20th century philosopher Frantz Fanon's idea of "violence as purgatory".[20] Turner later said that he wanted to spread "terror and alarm" among whites.[21]

 

[GreatestLaker]

Pedro Alonso Niño (also Peralonso Niño) (1468–c. 1505) was a Spanish explorer, also known as El Negro (the Black).

Born in Palos de Moguer, Spain,and of African Descent, he explored the coasts of Africa in his early years. He piloted one of Columbus' ships in the expedition of 1492, and accompanied him during his third voyage that saw the discovery of Trinidad and the mouths of the Orinoco River. After returning to Spain, Niño made preparations to explore the Indies independently, looking for gold and pearls. Empowered by the Council of Castile to seek out new countries, avoiding those already found by Columbus, he committed to give 20% of his profits for the Spanish Crown (see Quinto Real).

In the company of brothers Luis and Cristóbal de la Guerra, respectively a rich merchant and a pilot, he left San Lucas in May 1499, and, after twenty-three days, they arrived at Maracapana. Visiting the islands of Margarita, Coche, and Cubagua, they exchanged objects of little value for a large quantity of pearls before sailing up the coast to Punta Araya, where they discovered salt mines.

After just two months they were back in Bayona, Spain, loaded with wealth, but also accused of cheating the King out of his portion of the spoils. Arrested, and with his property confiscated, Niño died before the conclusion of his trial.

 

[GreatestLaker]

François-Dominique Toussaint Louverture, also Toussaint L'Ouverture, Toussaint-Louverture, or Toussaint Bréda, nicknamed The Black Napoleon[1] (20 May 1743 – 7 April 1803), was the leader of the Haitian Revolution. His military and political abilities transformed an entire society of slaves into the independent state of Haiti.[2] The success of the Haitian Revolution shook the institution of slavery throughout the New World.[3]

Toussaint Louverture began his military career as a leader of the 1791 slave rebellion in the French colony of Saint Domingue; he was by then a free black man. Initially allied with the Spaniards of neighboring Santo Domingo, Toussaint switched allegiance to the French when they abolished slavery. He gradually established control over the whole island and used political and military tactics to gain dominance over his rivals. Throughout his years in power, he worked to improve the economy and security of Saint Domingue. He restored the plantation system using paid labour, negotiated trade treaties with Britain and the United States, and maintained a large and well-disciplined army.[4]

In 1801 he promulgated an autonomist constitution for the colony, with himself as governor for life. In 1802 he was forced to resign by forces sent by Napoleon Bonaparte to restore French authority in the former colony. He was deported to France, where he died in 1803. The Haitian Revolution continued under his lieutenant, Jean-Jacques Dessalines, who declared independence in early 1804. The French had lost two-thirds of forces sent to the island in an attempt to suppress the revolution; most died of yellow fever.[4]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toussaint_L%27Ouverture

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Toussaint_L'Ouverture#cite_note-Cauna.2C_pp.7-8-4

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

Today I'm on some Pan African shyt, so I figured I'd drop Sekou Toure today.

Ahmed Sékou Touré (var. Ahmed Seku Turay) (January 9, 1922 – March 26, 1984) was a Guinean political leader and President of Guinea from 1958 to his death in 1984. Touré was one of the primary Guinean nationalists involved in the independence of the country from France.

Early life
Sékou Touré was born on January 9, 1922 into a poor Mandinka family in Faranah, French Guinea, while it was a colonial possession of France. He was an aristocratic member of the Mandinka ethnic group[1] and was the great-grandson of Samory Touré,[2] a famous tribal chief who had resisted French rule until his capture.

Touré's early life was characterized by challenges of authority, including during his education. Touré was obliged to work to take care of himself. He began working for the Postal Services (PTT), and quickly became involved in labor union activity. During his youth and after becoming president, Touré studied the works of communist philosophers, especially those of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin.

Politics
Touré's first work in a political group was in the Postal Workers Union (PTT). In 1945, he was one of the founders of their labour Union, becoming the general secretary of the postal workers' union in 1945. In 1952, he became the leader of the Guinean Democratic Party which was local section of theRDA (African Democratic Rally, French: Rassemblement Démocratique Africain) , a party agitating for the decolonization of Africa. In 1956 he organized the Union Générale des Travailleurs d'Afrique Noire, a common trade union centre for French West Africa. He was a leader of the RDA, working closely with a future rival, Félix Houphouët-Boigny, who later became the president of the Côte d'Ivoire. In 1956 he was elected Guinea's deputy to the French national assembly and mayor of Conakry, positions he used to launch pointed criticisms of the colonial regime

Touré is remembered as a charismatic figure and while his legacy as president is often disdained in his home country, he remains an icon of liberation in the wider African community.[citation needed] Touré served for some time as a representative of African groups in France, where he worked to negotiate for the independence of France's African colonies.

In 1958 Touré's RDA section in Guinea pushed for a "No" in the French Union referendum sponsored by the French government, and was the only one of France's African colonies to vote for immediate independence rather than continued association with France. Guinea became the only French colony to refuse to become part of the new French Community. In the event the rest of Francophone Africa gained its independence only two years later in 1960, but the French were extremely vindictive against Guinea: withdrawing abruptly, taking files, destroying infrastructure, and breaking political and economic ties.

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

As President of Guinea
In 1960, Touré declared his PDG to be the only legal party, though the country had effectively been a one-party state since independence. For the next 24 years, Touré effectively held all governing power in the nation. He was elected to a seven-year term as president in 1961; as leader of the PDG he was the only candidate. He was reelected unopposed in 1968, 1974 and 1982. Every five years, a single list of PDG candidates was returned to the National Assembly.

During his presidency Touré led a strong policy based on Marxism, with the nationalization of foreign companies and strong planned economics. He won the Lenin Peace Prize as a result in 1961. Most of the opposition to his socialist regime was arrested and jailed or exiled. His early actions to reject the French and then to appropriate wealth and farmland from traditional landlords angered many powerful forces, but the increasing failure of his government to provide either economic opportunities or democratic rights angered more. While he is still revered in much of Africa and in the Pan-African movement, many Guineans, and activists of the Left and Right in Europe, have become critical of Touré's failure to institute meaningful democracy or free media.

Opposition to single party rule grew slowly, and by the late 1960s those who opposed his government faced fear of detention camps and secret police. His detractors often had two choices: say nothing or go abroad. From 1965 to 1975 he ended all his relations with France, the former colonial power. Touré argued that Africa had lost much during colonization, and that Africa ought to retaliate by cutting off ties to former colonial nations. Only in 1978, as Guinea's ties with the Soviet Union soured, President of France Valéry Giscard d'Estaing first visited Guinea as a sign of reconciliation.

Throughout his dispute with France, Guinea maintained good relations with several socialist countries. However, Touré's attitude toward France was not generally well received, and some African countries ended diplomatic relations with Guinea over the incident. Despite this, Touré's move won the support of many anti-colonialist and Pan-African groups and leaders.

Touré's primary allies in the region were Presidents Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Modibo Keita of Mali. After Nkrumah was overthrown in a 1966 coup, Touré offered him a refuge in Guinea and made him co-president. As a leader of the Pan-Africanist movement, he consistently spoke out against colonial powers, and befriended African American activists such as Malcolm X andStokely Carmichael, to whom he offered asylum (and who took the two leaders names, as Kwame Ture). He, with Nkrumah, helped in the formation of the All-African Peoples Revolutionary Party, and aided the PAIGC guerrillas in their fight against Portuguese colonialism in neighboring Portuguese Guinea. The Portuguese launched an attack upon Conakry in 1970 in order to rescue Portuguese Prisioners of War (POW), overthrow Touré's regime and destroy PAIGC bases. They succeeded in everything but the overthrow.

Relations with the United States fluctuated during the course of Touré's reign. While Touré was unimpressed with the Eisenhower administration's approach to Africa, he came to consider President John F. Kennedy a friend and an ally. He even came to state that Kennedy was his "only true friend in the outside world". He was impressed by Kennedy's interest in African development and commitment to civil rights in the United States. Touré blamed Guinean labor unrest in 1962 on Soviet interference and turned to the United States.

Relations with Washington soured, however, after Kennedy's death. When a Guinean delegation was imprisoned in Ghana, after the overthrow of Nkrumah, Touré blamed Washington. He feared that the Central Intelligence Agency was plotting against his own regime. Over time, Touré's increasing paranoia led him to arrest large numbers of suspected political opponents and imprison them in camps, such as the notorious Camp Boiro National Guard Barracks. Some 50,000 people are believed to have been killed under the regime of Touré in concentration camps like Camp Boiro. Tens of thousands of Guinean dissidents sought refuge in exile. Once Guinea's rapprochement with France began in the late 1970s, another section of his support, Marxists, began to oppose his government's increasing move to capitalist liberalisation. In 1978 he formally renounced Marxism and reestablished trade with the West.

Single-list elections for an expanded National Assembly were held in 1980. Touré was elected unopposed to a fourth seven-year term as president on 9 May 1982. A new constitution was adopted that month, and during the summer Touré visited the United States as part of an economic policy reversal that found Guinea seeking Western investment to develop its huge mineral reserves. Measures announced in 1983 brought further economic liberalization, including the relegation of produce marketing to private traders.

Touré died on 26 March 1984 while undergoing cardiac treatment at the Cleveland Clinic in Cleveland, Ohio; he had been rushed to the United States after being stricken in Saudi Arabia the previous day. Prime Minister Louis Lansana Béavogui then became acting president, pending elections that were to be held within 45 days. On 3 April, however, just as the Political Bureau of the ruling Guinea Democratic Party (PDG) was about to name its choice as Touré's successor, the armed forces seized power, denouncing the last years of Touré's rule as a "bloody and ruthless dictatorship." The constitution was suspended, the National Assembly dissolved, and the PDG abolished. The leader of the coup, Col. Lansana Conté, assumed the presidency on 5 April, heading the Military Committee for National Recovery (Comité Militaire de Redressement National—CMRN). About 1,000 political prisoners were freed.

Touré's tomb is at the Camayanne Mausoleum, situated within the gardens of Conakry Grand Mosque.

In 1985 Conté took advantage of an alleged coup attempt to execute several of Sekou Touré's close associates, including Ismael Touré, Seydou Keita, Siaka Touré, former commander of Camp Boiro, and Moussa Diakité.

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

Gil Noble shyt

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

Walter Rodney (23 March 1942 – 13 June 1980) was a prominent Guyanese historian, political activist and preeminent scholar, who was assassinated in Guyana in 1980.



Dr. Walter Rodney

Born into a working-class family, Walter Anthony Rodney was a very bright student, attending Queen's College in the then British Guiana (now Guyana), where he became a champion debater and athlete, and then attending university on a scholarship at the University College of the West Indies(UCWI) in Jamaica, graduating in 1963 with a first-class degree in History, thereby winning the Faculty of Arts prize.

Rodney earned a PhD in African History in 1966 at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, England, at the age of 24. His dissertation, which focused on the slave trade on the Upper Guinea Coast, was published by the Oxford University Press in 1970 under the title A History of the Upper Guinea Coast 1545-1800 and was widely acclaimed for its originality in challenging the conventional wisdom on the topic.

Rodney traveled widely and became very well known internationally as an activist, scholar and formidable orator. He taught at the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania during the period 1966-67 and later in Jamaica at his alma mater UWI Mona. He was sharply critical of the middle class for its role in the post-independence Caribbean. He was also a strong critic of capitalism and argued for a socialist development template.

On 15 October 1968 the government of Jamaica, led by prime minister Hugh Shearer, declared Rodney persona non grata. The decision to ban him from ever returning to Jamaica because of his advocacy for the working poor in that country caused riots to break out, eventually claiming the lives of several people and causing millions of dollars in damages. These riots, which started on 16 October 1968, are now known as the Rodney Riots, and they triggered an increase in political awareness across the Caribbean, especially among the Afrocentric Rastafarian sector of Jamaica, documented in his book The Groundings With My Brothers.

In 1969, Rodney returned to the University of Dar es Salaam, where he served as a Professor of History until 1974.

Rodney became a prominent Pan-Africanist, and was important in the Black Power movement in the Caribbean and North America. While living in Dar es Salaam he was influential in developing a new centre of African learning and discussion.

Later years and assassination
In 1974 Rodney returned to Guyana from Tanzania. He was due to take up a position as a professor at the University of Guyana but the government prevented his appointment. He became increasingly active in politics, founding the Working People's Alliance, a party that provided the most effective and credible opposition to the PNC government. In 1979 he was arrested and charged with arson after two government offices were burned.

On 13 June 1980, Walter Rodney at the age of thirty-eight was killed by a bomb in his car, a month after returning from the independence celebrations in Zimbabwe and during a period of intense political activism. He was survived by his wife, Pat, and three children. His brother, Donald Rodney, who was injured in the explosion, said that a sergeant in the Guyana Defence Force named Gregory Smith had given Walter the bomb that killed him. After the killing Smith fled to French Guiana, where he died in 2002.

It was, and is still widely believed - although technically hard to prove - that the assassination was a set-up by then President Linden Forbes Burnham. Rodney's ideas of the various ethnic groups who were all historically disenfranchised by the ruling colonial class, working together, was in conflict with Burnham's maniacal need for control.

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

Academic influence
"Rodney's most influential book was his magnum opus, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, published in 1972. In it he described an Africa that had been consciously exploited by European imperialists, leading directly to the modern underdevelopment of most of the continent. The book became enormously influential as well as controversial. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa was groundbreaking in that it was among the first to bring a new perspective to the question of underdevelopment in Africa. Rodney's analysis went far beyond the heretofore accepted approach in the study of Third World underdevelopment.

"Instead of being interested primarily in the inter-relations of African trade and politics, as many of us were at that time, Walter Rodney focused his attention on the agricultural basis of African communities, on the productive forces within them and on the processes of social differentiation. As a result, his research raised a whole set of fresh questions concerning the nature of African social institutions on the Upper Guinea coast in the sixteenth century and of the impact of the Atlantic slave trade. In doing so, he helped to open up a new dimension. Almost immediately he stimulated much further writing and research on West Africa, and he initiated a debate, which still continues and now extends across the whole range of African history. When teaching at the Universities of Dar es Salaam and the West Indies, he launched and sustained a large number of discussion groups which swept up and embraced many who had had little or no formal education. As a writer, he reached out to contact thousands in The Groundings with my Brothers (1969) and in his influential How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (1972)." — Remarks by Professor John Richard Gray, History Today, Vol. 49, Issue 9, 1980.

"When we think of Walter Rodney as a Revolutionary Scholar we are talking about two things, Radical Scholar and his revolutionary contribution to the study of History ie. History of Africa. Walter Rodney was a pioneering scholar who provided new answers to old questions and posed new questions in relation to the study of Africa." — Remarks by Professor Winston McGowan at the Walter Rodney Commemorative Symposium held at York College, USA, in June 2010.

"Walter Rodney was no captive intellectual playing to the gallery of local or international radicalism. He was clearly one of the most solidly ideologically situated intellectuals ever to look colonialism and its contemporary, heir black opportunism and exploitation, in the eye" — Remarks by Wole Soyinka, Oduduwa Hall, University of Ife, Nigeria, Friday, June 27, 1980.

Legacy
Rodney's death was commemorated in a poem by Martin Carter entitled "For Walter Rodney," by the dub poet Linton Kwesi Johnson in "Reggae fi Radni," and by Kamau Brathwaite in his poem "Poem for Walter Rodney" (Elegguas, 2010).

In 1977, the African Studies Centre, Boston University, inaugurated the Walter Rodney Lecture Series.

In 1982,the American Historical Association posthumously awarded Walter Rodney the Albert J. Beveridge Award for A History of the Guyanese Working People, 1881-1905.

In 1984, the Centre for Caribbean Studies of the University of Warwick established the Walter Rodney Memorial Lecture in recognition of the life and work of one of the most outstanding scholar-activists of the Black Diaspora in the post-World War II era.

In 1993, the Guyanese government posthumously awarded Walter Rodney Guyana's highest honour, the Order of Excellence of Guyana. The Guyanese government also established the Walter Rodney Chair in History at the University of Guyana.

In 1998, the Institute of Caribbean Studies, University of the West Indies, inaugurated the Walter Rodney Lecture Series.

In 2004, Walter Rodney`s widow, Patricia, and his children donated his papers to the Robert L. Woodruff Library of the Atlanta University Center. Since 2004, an annual Walter Rodney Symposium has been held each 23 March (Rodney's birthday) at the Center under the sponsorship of the Library and the Political Science Department of Clark Atlanta University, and under the patronage of the Rodney family.

In 2005, the London Borough of Southwark erected a plaque in the Peckham Library Square in commemoration of Dr. Walter Rodney, the political activist, historian and global freedom fighter.

Rodney is the subject of the 2010 documentary film by Clairmont Chung, W.A.R. Stories: Walter Anthony Rodney.

The Walter Rodney Close in the London Borough of Newham has been named in the memory of Dr Walter Rodney.

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

George Padmore

BornMalcolm Ivan Meredith Nurse
June 28, 1903
Arouca, Trinidad
DiedSeptember 23, 1959 (aged 56)
London, England
NationalityTrinidadian

George Padmore (28 June 1903 – 23 September 1959), born Malcolm Ivan Meredith Nurse in Trinidad, was a leading Pan-Africanist, journalist, and author who left Trinidad in 1924 to study in the United States and from there moved to the Soviet Union, Germany, and France, before settling in London and, toward the end of his life, Accra, Ghana.

Biography
Early years
Malcolm Ivan Meredith Nurse, better known by his pseudonym George Padmore, was born on 28 June 1903 in Arouca District, Tacarigua, Trinidad, then part of the British West Indies. His paternal great-grandfather was an Asante warrior who was taken prisoner and sold into slavery at Barbados, where his grandfather was born. His father, James Hubert Alfonso Nurse, was a local schoolmaster who had married Anna Susanna Symister of Antigua, a naturalist.

Nurse attended Tranquillity School in Port of Spain, before going to St Mary's College for two years (1914 and 1915). He then transferred to the Pamphylian High School, graduating from there in 1918, after which he worked as a reporter with the Trinidad Publishing Company. In 1924, he travelled to the USA to take up medical studies at Fisk University in Tennessee. He had married earlier that year and his wife Julia Semper would later join him in America, leaving behind their daughter Blyden, who was born in 1925 and according to Nurse's instruction was named in honour of the African nationalist Edward Blyden. Nurse subsequently registered at New York University but soon transferred to Howard University.

Communist
During his college years Nurse became involved with the Workers (Communist) Party and when engaged in party business adopted the name George Padmore (compounding the Christian name of his father-in-law, Constabulary Sergeant-Major George Semper, and the surname of the friend who had been his best man, Errol Padmore). Padmore officially joined the Communist Party in 1927 and was active in its mass organization targeted to black Americans, the American Negro Labor Congress. In March 1929 Padmore was a fraternal (non-voting) delegate to the 6th National Convention of the CPUSA, held in New York City.

Padmore, an energetic worker and prolific writer, was tapped by Communist Party trade union leader William Z. Foster as a rising star and was taken to Moscow to deliver a report on the formation of the Trade Union Unity League to the Communist International later in 1929. Following the delivery of his report, Padmore was asked to stay on in Moscow to head the Negro Bureau of the Red International of Labour Unions (Profintern). He was even elected to the Moscow City Soviet, an institution roughly equivalent to city councils in the west.

As head of the Profintern's Negro Bureau Padmore helped to produce pamphlet literature and contributed articles to Moscow's English-language newspaper, the Moscow Daily News. He was also used periodically as a courier of funds from Moscow to various foreign Communist Parties.

In July 1930, Padmore was instrumental in organizing an international conference in Hamburg, Germany which launched a Comintern-backed international organization of black labour organizations called the International Trade Union Committee of Negro Workers (ITUCNW). Padmore lived in Vienna, Austria during this time, where he edited the monthly publication of the new group, The Negro Worker.

In 1931, Padmore moved to Hamburg and accelerated his writing output, continuing to produce the ITUCNW magazine and writing more than 20 pamphlets in a single year. This German interlude came to an abrupt close by the middle of 1933, however, as the offices of the Negro Worker were ransacked by ultra-nationalist gangs following the Nazi seizure of power. Padmore was deported to England by the German government, while the Comintern placed the ITUCNW and its Negro Worker on hiatus in August 1933.

Disillusioned by what he perceived as the Comintern's flagging support for the cause of the liberation of colonial peoples in favor of the Soviet Union's pursuit of diplomatic alliances with the colonial powers themselves, Padmore abruptly severed his connection with the ITUCNW late in the summer of 1933. He was called upon by the Comintern's disciplinary body, the International Control Commission (ICC), to explain his unauthorized action. When he refused to do so, the ICC expelled him from the Communist movement on 23 February 1934. A phase of Padmore's political journey was at an end.

One consequence of the time Padmore spent in the Soviet Union was an end of his time as a resident of the United States. As a non-citizen and a communist, Padmore was effectively barred from reentry to America once he had departed.

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

Pan-Africanist
Alienated from Stalinism, Padmore nevertheless remained a socialist and sought new ways to work for African freedom from imperial rule. Relocating in France where he had an ally from his Comintern days, Garan Kouyaté, Padmore set to work on a book -- How Britain Rules Africa. With the help of former heiress Nancy Cunard, he found a London agent and, eventually, a publisher (Wishart), which brought the book out in 1936, the year the publisher became Communist publishers Lawrence and Wishart. It was a time when publication of books by black men was rare in the United Kingdom. A Swiss publisher distributed a German translation in Germany.

In 1934 Padmore moved to London, where he became the centre of a community of writers dedicated to pan-Africanism and African independence. His boyhood friend C. L. R. James was already there, writing and publishing, and had started International African Friends of Ethiopia in response to Italy's invasion of Ethiopia. That organization morphed into the International African Service Bureau (IASB), which became a centre for African and Caribbean intellectuals' anti-colonial activity. Padmore was chair, the Barbadian trade unionist Chris Braithwaite was its organising secretary, and James edited its periodical, International African Opinion, while an energetic British Guianese named Ras Makonnen handled the business end. Other key members included Jomo Kenyatta from Kenya and Amy Ashwood Garvey.

As Carol Polsgrove has shown in Ending British Rule in Africa: Writers in a Common Cause, Padmore and his allies in the 1930s and 1940s—among them C. L. R. James, Kenya's Jomo Kenyatta, the Gold Coast's Kwame Nkrumah and South Africa's Peter Abrahams—saw publishing as a strategy for political change. They published small periodicals, which were sometimes seized by authorities when they reached the colonies. They published articles in other people's periodicals, for instance, the Independent Labour Party's New Leader. They published pamphlets. They wrote letters to the editor; and, thanks to the support of publisher Fredric Warburg (of Secker & Warburg), they published books. Warburg brought out Padmore's Africa and World Peace(1937), as well as books by both Kenyatta and James. In a Foreword to Africa and World Peace, Labour politician Sir Stafford Cripps wrote: "George Padmore has performed another great service of enlightenment in this book. The facts he discloses so ruthlessly are undoubtedly unpleasant facts, the story which he tells of the colonization of Africa is sordid in the extreme, but both the facts and the story are true. We have, so many of us, been brought up in the atmosphere of 'the white man's burden', and have had our minds clouded and confused by the continued propaganda for imperialism that we may be almost shocked by this bare and courageous exposure of the great myth of the civilizing mission of western democracies in Africa." The Biographical Note on the cover describes Padmore as European correspondent for the Pittsburgh Courier, Gold Coast Spectator, African Morning Post, Panama Tribune, Belize Independent and Bantu World.

Before World War II, James left for the United States, where he met Kwame Nkrumah, a student from the Gold Coast who studied at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania. James gave Nkrumah a letter of introduction to Padmore. When Nkrumah arrived in London in May 1945 intending to study law, Padmore met him at the station. It was the start of a long alliance. Padmore was then organizing the 1945 Manchester Pan-African Congress, attended not only the inner circle of the IASB but also by W. E. B. Du Bois, the American organizer of earlier Pan-African conferences. The Manchester conference helped set the agenda for decolonisation in the post-war period.

Padmore used London as his base for over two decades, the flat he shared with his white English domestic partner and co-worker Dorothy Pizer becoming a crossroads for African nationalists. He was an energetic networker, sending articles out to newspapers across the world and maintaining a correspondence with both W. E. B. Du Bois and African-American novelist Richard Wright, then living in Paris. It was at Padmore's urging that Wright travelled to the Gold Coast in 1953 and wrote his book Black Power (1954). Before Wright left the Gold Coast, he gave a confidential report on Nkrumah to the American consul and later reported on Padmore himself to the American Embassy in Paris. According to the embassy's account, Wright said that Nkrumah was relying heavily on Padmore as he made plans for independence. Indeed, the year Black Power came out Padmore was finishing a book that he hoped would be both a history and blueprint for African independence: Pan-Africanism or Communism?—an attempt to counter Cold War ideas of African independence movements as communist-inspired.

As independence neared for the Gold Coast, the London community had splintered. In 1956 James had returned from the United States but Padmore and Pizer spoke of him with condescension in letters to Wright. Meanwhile, former Padmore ally Peter Abrahams published a roman à clef entitled A Wreath for Udomo (1956), which contained unflattering portrayals of the members of the London political community of which Abrahams had been a part, among them George Padmore (as the character "Tom Lanwood").

But Padmore's alliance with Nkrumah held firm. From the time of Nkrumah's return to the Gold Coast in 1947 to lead the independence movement there, Padmore advised him in long detailed letters, wrote dozens of articles for Nkrumah's newspaper, the Accra Evening News, wrote a history of The Gold Coast Revolution (1953), and, with Dorothy Pizer (herself a writer and secretary) encouraged Nkrumah to write his own autobiography, which he did, publishing it in 1957, the year the Gold Coast became independent Ghana. Padmore accepted Nkrumah's invitation to move to Ghana, but his time there as Nkrumah's advisor on African affairs was difficult, and he was talking about leaving Ghana to settle elsewhere when he returned to London for treatment of cirrhosis of the liver. He died on 23 September 1959. A few days later, responding to rumours that he had been poisoned, Pizer typed out a detailed statement about his death, asserting that his liver condition had worsened in the previous nine months, before he sought London treatment from an old physician friend there, and had become serious enough to provoke the haemorrhages that led to his death.

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

Legacy
After Padmore's death, Nkrumah paid tribute to him in a radio broadcast. "One day, the whole of Africa will surely be free and united and when the final tale is told, the significance of George Padmore's work will be revealed." In the Pittsburgh Courier, George Schuyler said Padmore's writings had been "an inspiration to the men who dreamed of a free Africa". Padmore's physician friend, Cedric Belfield Clarke, wrote the obituary that ran in The Times, describing Padmore as a writer who wrote books and studied them. After a funeral service at a London crematorium, Padmore's ashes were interred at Christiansborg Castle in Ghana. The ceremony was broadcast in America by NBC television.

Staying on in Accra, Dorothy Pizer wrote a preface for a French edition of Pan-Africanism or Communism and began research for a biography of Padmore. However, as she told Nancy Cunard, she was frustrated by his habit of destroying his personal papers and not talking about his past. James, relocated in Port of Spain, Trinidad, wrote a series of articles on Padmore for The Nationand began collecting material for a biography but eventually produced only a slim manuscript, "Notes on the Life of George Padmore.". For years he tried to publish his book Nkrumah and the Ghana Revolution; it finally emerged in 1977 (London: Allison and Busby). In it, James omitted any reference to Padmore's own book on the Gold Coast Revolution and in correspondence made clear that he thought Padmore did not understand it. Ras Makonnen, who understood so well the importance of publishing for the movement, brought out his own intimate account of the London-based community around Padmore, Pan-Africanism from Within, in 1973. James R. Hooker's biography of Padmore, Black Revolutionary, appeared in 1967, and Padmore is the central figure of Carol Polsgrove's Ending British Rule in Africa: Writers in a Common Cause, published in 2009.

In 1991, John La Rose founded the George Padmore Institute (GPI), based in North London, where educational and cultural activities, including talks and readings, take place. The GPI occasionally publishes relevant materials and is an archive, educational resource and research centre housing materials relating to the black community of Caribbean, African and Asian descent in Britain and continental Europe. La Rose also founded the George Padmore Supplementary School in 1969.

On 28 June 2011, the Nubian Jak Community Trust unveiled a blue plaque at Padmore's former address, 22 Cranleigh Street in the London Borough of Camden, in a ceremony addressed by the High Commissioner of Trinidad & Tobago, the High Commissioner of Ghana, the Mayor of Camden, Selma James, Nina Baden-Semper, and others.

The George Padmore Research Library, in the upscale neighborhood of Ridge, Accra, Ghana is named after him.

George Padmore Road, situated in a residential area of Nairobi, Kenya, is named after him.

 

[2Quik4UHoes]

Here's some good flicks to watch....

 

[Sinnerman]

Posted this in the Black excellence thread a while ago

Al Jahiz

-Al Jahiz was an afro arab, born in 776 AD
-wrote book such as Book of Animals, book of misers, book of eloquence, and the superiority of blacks over whites
- was also a poet
- From east africa

some quotes from the superiority of blacks over whites below.

http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/860jahiz.asp

"Labid," he says, "used this imagery because when the Ethiopians, splendid in the blackness of their skins and in the vigor and strength of their superb bodies, attacked with their spears, bows, and arrows they spread an unimaginable terror around them." WhenUkaym says : On the day of Yathrib we were the stallions of the Arabs. It is a reference to Musrif ibn Uqba al Murri the general who gave the conquered city (Medina) over to the troops for pillage and the Negroes cohabited with the captured women, which are mentionedin the following verses of Mudar; Ask Musrif El Mwirri the general in question about the morning when he gave the captured virgins over to his weather-beaten Negro soldiers. On his occasion the Zanj fought you, Whites, in spite of your rage. Wahrig defended you with his Persians, whilst the Ethiopian general commanded in the midst of destruction. Itwas then the women of your race were enjoyed by a Negro, whose phallus was the size of a donkey's. When the poet says: They are muleteers, assembled from everywhere, gathered as a net gathers fish in the stormy sea. He here accepted what story tellers say about
Himyar.-That they used to be muleteers. The Negroes can also be proud of the fact that the single dead person over whom the Prophet ever prayed was their ruler, the Emperor of Ethiopia. He prayed for the Negus, while the Prophet was in Medina, and the tomb of the Negus in Abyssinia. And also: “the Negus is who gave in marriage to the Prophet - That blessing and the safety of Allah be on him! - 'Umm Habiba, girl of Abu Sufyan: he asked Halid b. Sa' id to be the tutor of 'Umm Habiba, offering in the name of the Prophet - Howthe blessing and the safety of Allah are on him! - a dowry of four hundred dinars. And also: we made you three presents: the civet, the most sweet perfume, most exquisite and noblest; the litter; it is the best defense for the women and best protection for what issacred for man; the codex: it preserves best its contents and ensure best preservation; it is splendid and most handy. And also: we inspire the most fear in the heart and catch most of the glances (of the onlookers), just as the carriers of black (Abbasid) inspire more fear and fill up more the heart than the carriers of white (Umayyad)

The Zanj(Blacks)are the most eager of all God’s creatures for their women, and so also their
women for them. They are also better compared to other women. Please think about what we
have said.hey say; If white men look on black women without desire, so too do black men look on white women without desire, for passions are habits and mostly convention.....They say : The blacks are more numerous than the whites. The whites at most consist of the people of Persia, Jibal,and Khurasan, the Greeks, Slavs, Franks, and Avars, and some few others, not very numerous; the blacks include the Zanj, Ethiopians, the people of Fazzan, the Berbers, the Copts, and Nubians, the people of Zaghawa, Marw...To those who despise the color black, we would reply that the excessive lanky, thin, and reddish hair of the Franks, Greeks, and Slavs, the redness of their locks and beards, the whiteness of their eyelashes, are uglier and more loathsome

The Blacks continue: coming from Abyssinia, we were Masters of the country of Arabia up to Mecca, and on all the country our law reigned. We put to rout Du Nuwas, killed by the 'Aqyal Himyarites. You, you never dominated our country. Your poet says (Tawil): They ruined Gumdan and
threw its roof down. Riyat and his troops, by an impetuous attack, with force. The Abyssinians encircled it at night and threw down a construction built by the 'Aqyal at inremote times, a multitude, of black color, coming from Al-Yaksum, such as the lions of d’as-Sara, which would have been wearing a leopard skin. [Blacks] add: we count among us Kabagila; no one of those who went up the Sulaiman channel and who fought in singular
combat did resemble him. They continue: also the forty are ours who revolted, at the timeof the qadi Sawwar b. 'Abd Allah, in the area of the Euphrates; they drove out their dwellings the populations of this area and went on to an immense massacre of the inhabitants of Ubulla. The one who did cut the head of Isa ibn Jafar in Oman with a Bahrayni scythe when all were afraid was one of us. Everybody knows that the Zanj are among the most generous of mortals ; a quality that is found only among noble characters.

These people have a natural talent for dancing to therhythm of the tambourine, without needing to learn it. There are no better singers
anywhere in the world, no people more polished and eloquent, and no people less given to insulting language. All other peoples in the world have their stammerers, those who have difficulty in pronouncing certain sounds, and those who cannot express themselves fluently or are downright tongue-tied, except the Zanj. Sometimes some of them recite before their ruler continuously from sunrise to sunset, without needing to turn round or pause in their flow. No other nation can surpass them in bodily strength and physical toughness. One of them will lift huge blocks and carry heavy loads that would be beyond the strength of most Bedouins or members of other races. They are courageous, energetic, and generous, which are the virtues of nobility, and also good-tempered and with little propensity to evil. They are always cheerful, smiling, and devoid of malice, which is a sign of noble character.

Most of the Arabs also are as black as we, the Negroes are, and cannot be counted amongst the Whites.

The Copts [natives of Egypt] are also a black race. Abraham wished to have a child by one of their race and thus Ishmael, the ancestor of the Arabs,