How will Joe Biden GOVERN? General Biden Administration F**kery Thread
- Thread starter FAH1223
- Start date
Hood Critic
The Power Circle
So is everyone confirming that Graham is indeed a homosexual? I bet he doesn't want her to address those comments 
Dumb asses confirming Lindsay as a homo.. Press Sec never said anything about Graham being a faq lmaoo
that's the part i found newsworthy, these log cabin repubicans outchea confirming lindsay's fakkitry.So is everyone confirming that Graham is indeed a homosexual? I bet he doesn't want her to address those comments
If nothing else, Republican voters usually stay on codewe should assume they'll fall in line by next year
The real question is can Dems maintain something close to 2018 turnout without Trump in office.
American Civics gotta be re-taught in schools and in adult life. Hope Biden does an EO to mandate that.
Jesus H. Christ
I died for your sins
Everyone falling back from the Dominion smoke
To be fair, they got a billion reasons to do so
The only way that Psaki tweet can be "homophobic" is if:
1) Lindsey Graham is actually gay.
2) All gay man sleep with male escorts and use nicknames/pseudonyms.
1) Lindsey Graham is actually gay.
2) All gay man sleep with male escorts and use nicknames/pseudonyms.
AquaCityBoy
Veteran
Lindsey Graham probably is really gay, but I think those comments are more right-wing bad faith pearl clutching than any true confirmation.
They did the same thing when Stephen Colbert said Trump had Putin's dikk in his mouth.
They did the same thing when Stephen Colbert said Trump had Putin's dikk in his mouth.
washingtonpost.com
Joe Biden may already be turning down the temperature of American politics
Paul Waldman
5-7 minutes
After the most hellish year most of us will ever live through, here’s a headline that should make us all feel better, and give the Biden administration something to celebrate:
Top House Republican demands Psaki apologize over ‘disgraceful’ Space Force quip
You might be asking, who cares? Some silly attempt to gin up a microcontroversy over White House press secretary Jen Psaki seeming to imply that the standing of the Space Force is not the most urgent item on the new president’s agenda? What could that matter?
Precisely.
After a lifetime’s worth of chaos compressed into four years of unremitting madness, politics is showing signs of returning to what used to pass for normal: Profound policy disagreements between the parties, legislative wrangling, insincere posturing, and manufactured disputes that burn brightly for a moment and then are promptly forgotten.
Don’t get me wrong: American democracy is still in sorry shape, we face a profound threat of domestic right-wing terrorism, the coronavirus pandemic continues to ravage the country, and economic misery is at unacceptable levels. Things are not good, by almost any measure.
But when Biden predicted in 2019 that once Donald Trump was gone, Congressional Republicans would begin to “change” because they “know better,” he was half right. Republicans haven’t changed at all, but the environment has changed around them. The result is that we can care deeply about what happens in politics without feeling like we’re losing our minds.
The Biden administration seems to be succeeding in its own version of Barack Obama’s “No Drama” strategy. By turning down the temperature in some very intentional ways — and benefiting from features of this moment that they didn’t create but can exploit — Biden may be able to diminish the GOP’s ability to pull us all back into the chaos and rage Republicans have used so effectively in the past.
Perhaps the most important cause of this is that Trump has lost his grip on our attention. Despite the upcoming impeachment trial and his continued hope to control his party, he’s off Twitter and can’t drive the news cycle in a moment-to-moment way. He’s just one story among many, without the power to keep the whole political system at a perpetual Defcon 1.
And with Republicans no longer in control of Congress, they’ve lost a critical link in the process they used to use to take minor disputes and turn them into five-alarm media fires. You might call it the Benghazi Cycle: Something happens, then conservative media start shouting that it was the Crime of the Century, then Republicans mount investigations and dramatic hearings, which are duly reported by the mainstream media, then conservative media shout even louder, and on it goes.
But without the institutional power, it’s just a bunch of people on Fox pretending something minor is a bigger deal than it actually is.
Speaking of Fox, its voice seems remarkably muted, at least for the moment. The network that has dominated cable news for so long has now fallen behind CNN and MSNBC in the ratings, perhaps because many of its nuttiest viewers have decamped for the fantasy worlds of Newsmax and OAN.
It also may be the case that while conservatives will try to create outrage at any Democratic leader, their ability to do so successfully depends in part on how threatening a figure that person is, and Biden just isn’t as frightening to the Republican base as Obama or Hillary Clinton was.
Meanwhile, Biden and congressional Democrats are taking an approach to their Republican colleagues that has changed the entire dynamic in Congress, one that diffuses rather than intensifies conflict.
It’s not that Biden has brought unity to Capitol Hill. Instead, he and Democrats have a new attitude about Republican demands and Republican outrage, one that goes at least some distance in depriving it of oxygen.
In the first major legislative battle of the Biden presidency, over a new covid relief bill, the majority is saying to the minority: We’ll listen to what you have to say, but we’re going to give it only the attention and concern it deserves, and no more.
So if Republicans want to make a counterproposal to the Democrats’ covid relief bill, Democrats are happy to discuss it on its merits, but they won’t spend months chasing an agreement that will probably never come. They’d be glad to have bipartisan support, but the idea that bipartisanship is a vital end in itself, more important than the substance of what gets passed, has lost its grip.
Which means that the conflict can be resolved more quickly and drains it of some of its drama. We won’t waste endless time asking whether Sens. Susan Collins (R-Maine) or Lisa Murkowski (R-Alaska) will vote for the bill, because Democrats have made clear that in the end it doesn’t really matter: If Republicans join with them that’s fine, but if not then they’ll pass the bill through reconciliation, which only requires a majority and not a supermajority. The important question is what’s in the bill and whether it will meet the country’s needs.
The next few years will be as important as any of our lifetimes. We’ll find out whether we can save our democracy, whether we can recover from the myriad effects of the pandemic, whether we can address our appalling inequality, and whether we can fix our depraved health care system, among other things. Politics has seldom been more consequential. But maybe, just maybe, we can go about it in a sane way.
Hood Critic
The Power Circle
They can't run with it and make her address it unless they official out him...in the grand scheme of things, she can apologize and blame Social Media trends/hashtags but he'll have to serve the rest of his term as openly gay.
washingtonpost.com
As a new economic consensus emerges, lefty groups seek to put muscle behind it
Greg Sargent
5-6 minutes
It’s hard to escape the sense that a new consensus is emerging among Democrats of all ideological stripes in Washington, moderates included, one that is finally getting out from under the long shadows of the post-Ronald Reagan neoliberal era.
Prompted by the massive crises of the moment and underscored by President Biden’s unexpectedly progressive approach, this consensus has moved beyond reflexive skittishness about deficit spending and prioritizes bold government action over centrist compromise as a goal unto itself.
As political scientist Stephen Skowronek recently told Michelle Goldberg: “The old Reagan formulas have lost their purchase, there is new urgency in the moment, and the president has an insurgent left at his back.”
A new coalition of progressive groups is now seeking to put some ideological muscle and durability into this ongoing shift: It’s rolling out a multifaceted campaign organized around the idea that large-scale public expenditures are crucial to securing our national future.
The campaign — which is called “ProsperUS” — is backed by a spectrum of organizations, from labor (Communications Workers of America) to progressive think tanks (Economic Policy Institute, Center for American Progress) to grass-roots organizers (Indivisible).
The campaign reflects a confluence of factors that have given momentum to this emerging consensus. The coronavirus crisis has exposed deep and long-running inequities and injustices in our economy with unusual moral clarity, and the misery it has unleashed makes a powerful case for large-scale government action.
“It’s fairly clear that folks at the highest levels, including in the Biden administration, are thinking of this as an opportunity to do things differently than we did last time,” said Lindsay Owens, the interim executive director of the Groundwork Collaborative, which is helping drive the new coalition. That’s a reference to the 2009 recession.
“There’s a bipartisan acknowledgement that the bigger risk is in doing too little rather than in doing too much,” Owens told me.
“The case for significant and enduring public investment could not be stronger as we respond to the twin emergencies of Covid-19 and the associated economic crisis,” Andrew O’Neill, an economic policy adviser with Indivisible, added.
The notion of an ongoing shift has been underscored by Biden’s early moves. Now that his $1.9 trillion economic rescue proposal has drawn a GOP offer of less than one-third its size, most signs are that Biden and Democrats will not chase Republicans down the rabbit hole of bad-faith compromise offers and are preparing to move forward on their own.
Republicans are pretend-complaining that this would betray Biden’s promise to seek unity. But White House chief of staff Ron Klain sent a key signal by tweeting out polling showing overwhelming public support for Biden’s relief program, adding: “This IS a bipartisan agenda.”
This suggests the White House and Democrats will not allow Republicans or split-the-difference “third way” centrists to define what counts as “bipartisanship,” instead insisting that it can reside in broad public consensus.
Notably, however, this new campaign does not take it for granted that Biden and congressional Democrats will continue to hew to what the public supports.
“We certainly aren’t counting our chickens before they hatch,” Owens told me, adding that if Biden does end up compromising down his agenda to achieve bipartisanship, the campaign will seek to hold him accountable.
What’s more, the campaign accepts that general public support for robust government action might not necessarily translate into specific policies down the line, such as the push for expanded paid leave, even if they are popular.
So the campaign will be budgeting for polling and paid TV ads on these matters, to ensure that public officials are kept apprised of what the public wants and held accountable to it.
Another potential problem is that the commitment of Biden and Democrats to robust government action could dissipate over time. The Congressional Budget Office just released a report concluding that economic growth will rebound more quickly than expected — but also that unemployment will not return to pre-pandemic lows for the rest of this decade.
The campaign wants to ensure that there is no sanguine retreat on the need for large public expenditures down the line.
“Our coalition’s goal is not to get back to the pre-pandemic economy,” Owens said. “We are definitely not stopping there.”
Instead, Owens said, the goal is a long-term economy built on “significant and sustained public investment,” which is “why all of these organizations are joining together.”
There’s no guarantee that Biden will genuinely push the country in a more socially democratic direction, of course. Still, as Skowronek told Goldberg, all the ingredients are there for a “pivot point” to a “new common sense.”
But sustained political organizing and action will be necessary to ensure that the opportunities of this moment are not lost.
As a new economic consensus emerges, lefty groups seek to put muscle behind it
Greg Sargent
5-6 minutes
It’s hard to escape the sense that a new consensus is emerging among Democrats of all ideological stripes in Washington, moderates included, one that is finally getting out from under the long shadows of the post-Ronald Reagan neoliberal era.
Prompted by the massive crises of the moment and underscored by President Biden’s unexpectedly progressive approach, this consensus has moved beyond reflexive skittishness about deficit spending and prioritizes bold government action over centrist compromise as a goal unto itself.
As political scientist Stephen Skowronek recently told Michelle Goldberg: “The old Reagan formulas have lost their purchase, there is new urgency in the moment, and the president has an insurgent left at his back.”
A new coalition of progressive groups is now seeking to put some ideological muscle and durability into this ongoing shift: It’s rolling out a multifaceted campaign organized around the idea that large-scale public expenditures are crucial to securing our national future.
The campaign — which is called “ProsperUS” — is backed by a spectrum of organizations, from labor (Communications Workers of America) to progressive think tanks (Economic Policy Institute, Center for American Progress) to grass-roots organizers (Indivisible).
The campaign reflects a confluence of factors that have given momentum to this emerging consensus. The coronavirus crisis has exposed deep and long-running inequities and injustices in our economy with unusual moral clarity, and the misery it has unleashed makes a powerful case for large-scale government action.
“It’s fairly clear that folks at the highest levels, including in the Biden administration, are thinking of this as an opportunity to do things differently than we did last time,” said Lindsay Owens, the interim executive director of the Groundwork Collaborative, which is helping drive the new coalition. That’s a reference to the 2009 recession.
“There’s a bipartisan acknowledgement that the bigger risk is in doing too little rather than in doing too much,” Owens told me.
“The case for significant and enduring public investment could not be stronger as we respond to the twin emergencies of Covid-19 and the associated economic crisis,” Andrew O’Neill, an economic policy adviser with Indivisible, added.
The notion of an ongoing shift has been underscored by Biden’s early moves. Now that his $1.9 trillion economic rescue proposal has drawn a GOP offer of less than one-third its size, most signs are that Biden and Democrats will not chase Republicans down the rabbit hole of bad-faith compromise offers and are preparing to move forward on their own.
Republicans are pretend-complaining that this would betray Biden’s promise to seek unity. But White House chief of staff Ron Klain sent a key signal by tweeting out polling showing overwhelming public support for Biden’s relief program, adding: “This IS a bipartisan agenda.”
This suggests the White House and Democrats will not allow Republicans or split-the-difference “third way” centrists to define what counts as “bipartisanship,” instead insisting that it can reside in broad public consensus.
Notably, however, this new campaign does not take it for granted that Biden and congressional Democrats will continue to hew to what the public supports.
“We certainly aren’t counting our chickens before they hatch,” Owens told me, adding that if Biden does end up compromising down his agenda to achieve bipartisanship, the campaign will seek to hold him accountable.
What’s more, the campaign accepts that general public support for robust government action might not necessarily translate into specific policies down the line, such as the push for expanded paid leave, even if they are popular.
So the campaign will be budgeting for polling and paid TV ads on these matters, to ensure that public officials are kept apprised of what the public wants and held accountable to it.
Another potential problem is that the commitment of Biden and Democrats to robust government action could dissipate over time. The Congressional Budget Office just released a report concluding that economic growth will rebound more quickly than expected — but also that unemployment will not return to pre-pandemic lows for the rest of this decade.
The campaign wants to ensure that there is no sanguine retreat on the need for large public expenditures down the line.
“Our coalition’s goal is not to get back to the pre-pandemic economy,” Owens said. “We are definitely not stopping there.”
Instead, Owens said, the goal is a long-term economy built on “significant and sustained public investment,” which is “why all of these organizations are joining together.”
There’s no guarantee that Biden will genuinely push the country in a more socially democratic direction, of course. Still, as Skowronek told Goldberg, all the ingredients are there for a “pivot point” to a “new common sense.”
But sustained political organizing and action will be necessary to ensure that the opportunities of this moment are not lost.
Dems showing some gravitas this week.
Planning to strip Majorie Greene of her committee assignments, going through with reconciliation vote with a FU to repubs...I’m impressed
Planning to strip Majorie Greene of her committee assignments, going through with reconciliation vote with a FU to repubs...I’m impressed
I get what you're saying but Manchin is 74 breh.
Manchin's Senate seat is probably gone in 2024 regardless of whether he runs again, due to polarization. He barely won in 2018 and he was an incumbent during a Dem wave year.
At this point he should just help Dems pass what they can while they still have that seat.
