Its about to go down....
U.S. Represenative Steve King (R - IA) introduced bill H.Res.619, called "Expressing support for the Haitian people and their Constitution, rule of law, and commitment to democratic principles", but it was anything but.
King's bill essentially is using the events of September 11, 2019 in the Haiti Senate to support President Jovenel Moïse, who is the target of daily nationwide protests for his resignation.
The bill calls for the House of Represenatives to condemn the actions of Haitian citizens and opposition lawmakers who used available means to stop the ratification of a Prime Minister and government not in keeping with the Haitian Constitution.
The Prime Minister-designate in question, Fritz William Michel, had not received certificat de decharge as Constitutionally required to be ratified as PM. Members of his cabinet also did meet residency, tax, and criminal background check requirements, as stated in the Constitution.
Evidence was also uncovered showing that Mr. Michel had received irregular no-bid contracts from the government, while working in the government, for everything from overpriced goats and construction of non-existant infrastructure projects.
Bribes of $100,000 [USD] were paid to at least five Senators to vote yes for ratification of the unconstititonal government but this violence against the Haitian people that has been going on for centuries is not what is decried in King's bill. Rather his position is that the people did violence against the Senate when they fought to stop this process.
Congressman King's bill also wants the House to publicly thank Haiti, which through its president, Jovenel Moïse and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Bocchit Edmond, voted in support of military intervention in Venezuela. Haiti is being criticized by its fellow Caricom (Caribbean Community) members for being the only one to make that vote. Political observers believe it is the terminated National Security Advisor John Bolton who has convinced President Moïse to make the unpopular vote.
Mr. King also adds that he wants the House to encourage an "improved investment climate in Haiti to spur private sector-led growth." All of these are among the 8 recommendations in his bill.
King's bill, introduced, is now on the desk of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. It comes only days after Haitian-Americans in Miami met with House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D - FL) and Congresswoman Frederica Wilson (D - FL) and told the two moreover that Haitians did not want U.S. interference in Haiti.
Steven Arnold King has been threatened with censure in the House of Representatives and has been a sore for his fellow Republican colleagues for his embrace of white supremacy. He has used language aiming at Latinos, Asians and African-Americans in the past, and many Republicans have had to quit trying to defend him.
Multiple protests in Port-au-Prince are underway and are determined to head together towards the president's residence while protests are also happening throughout other cities in #Haiti. Local media report one person has already died in St. Marc
https://twitter.com/intent/like?tweet_id=1182690478245982209
Last night, journalist Néhémie Joseph was shot and killed and a 16 year old kid was found dead in police custody after being shot by a police officer. #Haiti's crisis is worsening by the day.
The Haitian agents deep in this thread
This season could be called the Autumn of Discontent, as people from the Middle East to Latin America and the Caribbean have been rising up against corrupt neoliberal governments. Two of the countries in crisis, Haiti and Iraq, are on opposite ends of the earth but have something important in common. Not only are they reeling from protests against government corruption and austerity programs, like Ecuador and Algeria, but in both Haiti and Iraq, their corrupt neoliberal governments were imposed on them by the use of U.S. military force.
In 2003 and 2004 respectively, U.S. forces illegally invaded Iraq and Haiti, removed their internationally recognized governments from power and replaced them with U.S.-backed regimes. Both countries have since been governed in line with the dominant neoliberal ideology that the U.S. and its allies have imposed on most of the world since the 1980s. The protests and savage repression in Iraq and Haiti today are only the latest evidence of the utter failure of neoliberalism and the extraordinary human cost of U.S. efforts to impose it by military force on countries that resist.
In the first week of October, more than 100 people were killed and 6,000 wounded in Baghdad, Nasiriyah and other Iraqi cities, as the Iraqi Army and police fired into large demonstrations. Young Iraqis have risen up against government corruption, unemployment and poverty that leaves them with dismal prospects, even as record oil production fills the pockets of the ruling elite in Baghdad’s Green Zone.
Meanwhile, at least 17 people have been killed in the Haitian government’s repression of protests calling for the resignation of U.S.-backed President Juvenal Moise. Public anger has boiled over into the streets as Moise faces credible charges of embezzlement and corruption. His government has utterly failed to improve the lives of most Haitians. Haiti remains the poorest country in the Western hemisphere, with a per capita GDP of only $870 per year and 60% of the population living below a poverty line of $2.41 per day.
In a Foreign Affairs article in January 2019, Senator Elizabeth Warren explained how the U.S. “began to export a particular brand of capitalism, one that involved weak regulations, low taxes on the wealthy, and policies favoring multinational corporations. And the United States took on a series of seemingly endless wars, engaging in conflicts with mistaken or uncertain objectives and no obvious path to completion. The impact of these policy changes has been devastating.”
What Senator Warren skated over, without connecting the dots, was that the real objective of those wars, coups and other regime change operations was precisely to impose the “particular brand of capitalism” she described, and, if necessary, to do so by the illegal and deadly use of military force.
While Mikhail Gorbachev dissolved the Soviet empire and made peace with the West, the U.S. exported neoliberal capitalism to Eastern Europe without needing to use its war machine it had squandered our country’s wealth for 45 years to build.
As corrosive as neoliberalism has been to working people in the U.S., it has been far more destructive wherever the U.S. and its allies have tried to impose it by military force.
Instead, Western political and economic experts like Jeffrey Sachs fanned out across the region reciting Margaret Thatcher’s dictum that “there is no alternative” to neoliberalism. They convinced Eastern European leaders to surrender their countries and their people to the “shock therapy” of corporate conquest, privatization, drastic cuts in public services and plutocratic oligarchy, superficially legitimized by Western-style multi-party elections.
But the U.S. and its allies then faced two thorny dilemmas. What should they do about countries that remained obstinately independent from their neoliberal empire, countries like Iraq, Iran, Libya, Cuba and North Korea? And what should they do with the U.S. and NATO war machine that Gorbachev’s peacemaking had rendered redundant?
U.S. officials of both major parties, from neoconservatives like Paul Wolfowitz to “humanitarian interventionists” like Madeleine Albright, peddled the simplistic notion that the U.S. war machine could be repurposed to impose neoliberalism by force on dissident countries around the world. Twenty years on, the results of those policies have been universally catastrophic.
Even in the U.S., at the very heart of the neoliberal empire, a new generation raised on the myths of neoliberalism now rejects its absurdities: trickle down economics; the magic of the market; union-busting; privatized healthcare and education; the best Congress money can buy; the shrinking middle class; the rampant destruction of the natural world; and so on. As British economist J.M. Keynes reportedly said in the 1930s, “Laissez-faire capitalism is the absurd idea that the worst people, for the worst reasons, will do what is best for all of us.”
But as corrosive as neoliberalism has been to working people in the U.S., it has been far more destructive wherever the U.S. and its allies have tried to impose it by military force.
In Afghanistan, after 18 years of war, 80,000 U.S. bombs and missiles dropped in U.S.-led airstrikes, and hundreds of thousands of violent deaths, the Afghan people are so disillusioned with the U.S.-sponsored “democratic system” that only 25 percent turned out to vote in the September presidential elections, a record low. The unending violence and the unbridled corruption of successive U.S.-backed governments has enabled the Taliban to make a comeback and set up a viable shadow government across more and more of the country.
In Iraq, 16 years after the U.S. invasion, a succession of corrupt U.S.-backed governments has boosted oil production to about 4.6 million barrels per day, the second highest production in OPEC. But in line with U.S. neoliberal orthodoxy, the profits have been pocketed by Iraq’s new U.S.-installed ruling class, not redistributed to provide universal healthcare, education, housing and other public services as they were under Iraq’s nationalist and Baathist governments between 1958 and 2003, including under Saddam Hussein’s brutal dictatorship.
The U.S. invasion and the unending waves of violence and chaos it unleashed have destroyed Iraq.
Iraq was plunged back into full-scale war in 2014, as the alienated population in the north and west of the country fell under the sway of the Islamic State. The U.S. military responded with a campaign of air and artillery bombardment that destroyed most of Mosul, Iraq’s second-largest city, and many other towns and cities across Iraq and Syria, killing tens of thousands of civilians in Mosul alone.
The U.S. invasion and the unending waves of violence and chaos it unleashed have destroyed Iraq. The U.S.-imposed neoliberal model has empowered a series of corrupt governments to steal and squander Iraq’s oil wealth, while the rest of the population still struggles to recover from this unending "Made in the U.S.A." national trauma. Voter turnout in Iraqi elections declined from 80% in 2005 to 45% in 2018. Now a desperate and angry new generation of Iraqis is taking to the streets to demand a government that will finally share their country’s wealth with its people.