Your post is filled with uninformed nonsense and it misses the greater point. It only makes sense to people who think the argument is about "equal distribution of preclearance procedures" as opposed to "maintaining preclearance on these states while re-working the formula vs. no preclearance at all." This is why you keep dodging the argument about the greater ramifications because your entire argument collapses when that is taken into consideration. Whatever, little argument you think that you have. With this foolish game of semantics you're playing by saying things like "it's not just the South." I'm sorry, it's predominantly the South. Again, you pick at the minor points. So miss me with that "fluff and nothingness" talk and your advice about "let MLK down." It's so apparent that you didn't read the court opinions, that I don't even know why I'm debating with you. We're sitting here arguing about a case, that made it to the SCOTUS, from a district that is currently and historically acting to disenfranchise AA voters, and you said the SCOTUS "got it right," on a case they never should have heard in the first place.
But let's pretend that your argument makes any sort of sense for a second. We'll also pretend that you didn't dodge me breaking down how you don't even comprehend different sorts of gerrymandering and tossing out charts without understanding what they mean fully. We'll PRETEND. It doesn't matter if it does not take into account places currently looking to suppress votes. In what scenario do you recognize that places are committing wrongs and that there are safeguards in place, but that they don't also cover other places, so you instead decide to eliminate all safeguards entirely....
That is essentially your irrational argument. You believe the court got it right because the current procedure needs to be updated. All the while ignoring that the court could have simply issued an opinion stating that the current procedure needs to be updated or that DOJ actions can be appealed with a stricter standard of scrutiny. All the while ignoring that the alternative way of challenging procedures is largely ineffective and will take very long. All the while ignoring that this essentially switches the burden from the States to the government to prove that states are behaving with the intent to disenfranchise. Thus, the current system continues while the court process runs its course....through primarily southern courts no less, which was half the reason for Sections 4 and 5 in the first place Getting it away from them. Instead of the government having injunctive power to stop a procedure, which at worst would maintain the status quo.
Nina Perales of the Mexican Legal Defense Fund said it best,
Further, states and districts can petition to no longer be subject to preclearance after a certain amount of time of abiding by the principles. This is how many counties in New Hampshire, Virginia and North Carolina escaped preclearance. Florida was not free from preclearance, some districts, were covered. Further, Section 3 of the VRA allowed for a "bail in " procedure in which a district not covered by the act could be ordered to be covered if they acted in a way to violate the act. By a federal judge. Yet, another reason Democratic federal appointments have been held up. The formula is flawed in that states have gotten more creative, but the order should have been to strengthen the formula so that more districts are covered, not to strike it down.
Last, your arguments about Mississippi and other states having higher percentages of black registered voters is encompassed by the dissent's point:
"The sad irony of today’s decision lies in its utter failure to grasp why the [Voting Rights Act] has proven effective ... Throwing out preclearance when it has worked and is continuing to work to stop discriminatory changes is like throwing away your umbrella in a rainstorm because you are not getting wet."
And of course,
"The same cannot be said of the Court's opinion today. The Court makes no genuine attempt to engage with the massive legislative record that Congress assembled. Instead, it relies on increases in voter registration and turnout as if that were the whole story. Without even identifying a standard of review, the Court dismissively brushes off arguments based on "data from the record," and declines to enter the "debat[e about] what [the] record shows"
That is the crux of your argument, and it's a poor one. I earnestly suggest you go read the 35 pages of Ginsburg's dissent before continuing along these lines.