You've let the devil corrupt your mind breh. It's time we forgive. Can't we all just get along
It's good to see that others be hearing that same bullshyt.
Ferguson police execute an unarmed 17 yr old boy (Update: Ferguson police chief to resign 3/19)
- Thread starter Canon
- Start date
It's good to see that others be hearing that same bullshyt.
Knicksman20
Superstar
Racist Newman from Seinfeld look alike. Someone should've kicked his walker from under him
The Nigerian
The Realest Member of TheColi
They just got $100 donation.
Captain Crunch
Veteran
*L*E*G*A*C*Y*
Done.
That mental slavery is a motherfukker.
Black minds like that dawn near shutdown during events like these while trying to justify it someway...somehow.
I'll say it. American culture is a poison to the wellbeing of black folks.
*L*E*G*A*C*Y*
Done.
Colonialism never ended.Mostly Black Cities, Mostly White City Halls
SEPT. 28, 2014
Cleveland Stroud, the only black Council member in Conyers, Ga., says whites have represented their changing constituency well. Credit Audra Melton for The New York Times
Since moving to this small city on the eastern flank of Atlanta’s suburban sprawl, Lorna Francis, a hairdresser and a single mother, has found a handsome brick house to rent on a well-groomed cul-de-sac. She has found a good public school for her teenage daughter.
Something Ms. Francis, who is black, has not found is time to register and vote. She was unaware that the most recent mayoral election was held last November.
“Life’s been busy — I’ve been trying to make that money,” Ms. Francis said one morning this month from her two-car garage, where she was micromanaging a particularly complex hairdo for a regular client. “And honestly, I only vote in major elections.”
That kind of disengagement is one of the many reasons that only one of the six elected positions in this municipality of 15,000 is held by an African-American, even as a wave of new black residents has radiated out from nearby Atlanta, creating a black majority here for the first time in the city’s 160-year history.
Disparities between the percentage of black residents and the number of black elected officials are facts of life in scores of American cities, particularly in the South. The unrest that followed the shooting death of 18-year-old Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., has emphasized how much local elections can matter, and prompted a push there for increased black voter participation.
The disparities result from many factors: voter apathy, especially in low-visibility local elections; the civic disconnect of a transient population; the low financial rewards and long hours demanded of local officeholders; and voting systems, including odd-year elections, that are often structured in a way that discourages broad interest in local races.
But Ferguson has become a vivid example of the way a history of political disengagement and underrepresentation can finally turn toxic.
“I have seen this time and again in my research,” Jessica L. Trounstine, a political scientist at the University of California, Merced, said in an email.
“The event/situation seems sudden — but really the stage was set long before.”
Whites and blacks tend to agree that the situation is less volatile in Conyers, though many blacks cite frustrations over interactions with the police. But even here, differences in voting between the city and the county that surround it speak vividly to some of the broader issues.
The chief operating officer of Conyers, David Spann, a veteran city employee who is white, said that many of the city’s minority newcomers have, like Ms. Francis, found homes in a local rental market that has exploded in part because of the foreclosure crisis. The city’s homeownership rate is 38 percent, compared with a 66 percent rate for Georgia as a whole.
“When you have rental people, this is nothing against them, but they’re not as involved in the community,” Mr. Spann said.
The lack of local representation on city councils can have deep consequences.
City councils are one of the easiest ways for community members to enter politics. The nation’s municipalities spend more than a trillion dollars a year, and city councils have much say in how that is spent.
And Ferguson, where blacks said they were the victims of a system that issued more arrest warrants per capita than any other city in Missouri, is a prime example of how local governments can have huge impacts on people’s lives.
According to the International City/County Council Management Association, among 340 American cities where more than 20 percent of the population is black, two had councils on which blacks were overrepresented compared with their population; 209 were within one seat of their population; and 129 underrepresented blacks by more than one seat.
In Conyers, not everyone considers the underrepresentation to be a problem.
Cleveland Stroud, the sole black member of the City Council, argues that whites have remained in power in part because they have represented their changing constituency well.
The chief operating officer of Conyers, David Spann, said that many of the city’s minority newcomers are renters and not as involved in the community.
“Does a councilperson have to be black to represent black voters?” Mr. Stroud asked.
A number of blacks here said that they were generally pleased with city government. Eleanor Johnson, a 61-year-old chef, said that city officials were helpful to her as she set up her new restaurant, the Olde Town Bistro and Grill, in the historic downtown district. Today, she serves classic Southern cuisine — fried okra, baked chicken — to a clientele that is 85 percent white; she greets many of the customers by name.
“The only thing I can tell you is Conyers has been great to me,” she said.
White leaders here do not claim that the city, in a region where a half-century ago blacks had to drink from separate water fountains, has solved all of its racial problems. But they say that they are in fact an integrated community, particularly after a decade in which the black share of the city population shot from 33 percent to 57 percent. During the same time, whites dropped from 58 percent to 30 percent.
Still, a number of black residents here suspect that the city police tend to single them out because of their race. Demarco Hamm, 30, is a transportation supervisor at the county school district who typically drives to work in the pre-dawn darkness. Twice in the past year, he said, he has been stopped by white Conyers police officers, for what struck him as frivolous reasons.
But Mr. Hamm, a lifelong resident of Conyers, said he had not felt compelled to seek a remedy at the ballot box. He said that city elections, which are held here in odd years, separate from federal contests, are difficult to keep track of.
“It’s not broadcast,” he said. “It’s not like a presidential election.”
Voter turnout here tends to be low, and competitive black candidates have been scarce. The last citywide election, in November, attracted only 815 voters. Local elections officials do not quantify how many of those voters were minorities, but many here believe that blacks were probably more likely to stay home than whites.
In that race, Mr. Stroud and another Council incumbent ran unopposed, while the mayor, Randal S. Mills, handily defeated a black challenger who in 2009 pleaded guilty to a felony charge of theft by conversion.
Vince Evans, a 14-year Council veteran, said the city was full of black residents who would make great Council members. But few, he said, choose to run. “I don’t know why,” he said.
One theory is that many of the new black residents are working-class people who do not have the means or the time to run for office and serve on the Council. Members are paid $75 per month; white-collar professionals currently dominate.
Particularly among the poor, there is also a strain of fatalism. “This is the white man’s land,” said Vick Major, 22, who was on a run-down side street on a recent afternoon, with a pit bull straining on a nearby chain. “We stay out of everything.”
Eleanor Johnson said that city officials were helpful to her as she set up her new restaurant, the Olde Town Bistro and Grill, in the historic downtown district.
But experts see institutional issues as well as personal ones. Professor Trounstine and Zoltan L. Hajnal, a professor of political science at the University of California, San Diego, who has written extensively about minority underrepresentation in politics, argue that moving local elections to even years, to coincide with federal elections, would help increase overall turnout, and increase representation of minorities on local governing bodies.
In Rockdale County, of which Conyers is a part, countywide elections are held in even years, and offer a compelling contrast with city politics. The county underwent a demographic shift similar to the city’s, with its share of black residents jumping from 18 percent to 46 percent between 2000 to 2010. The first black commissioners in county history were elected in 2008, most likely benefiting from the black turnout produced by Barack Obama’s first presidential bid.
In 2012, an all-black “Slate of Eight” candidates, all of them Democrats running against white Republicans, won most of the elected positions in county government. Before the election, a door-hanger was distributed with their faces prominently displayed, as well as the message “Support our President; Elect Rockdale Democrats on November 6th.”
One of the black commissioners, Oz Nesbitt Sr., recalled that in the 2008 election, a number of black residents tried to discourage him from running.
“They said: ‘Why are you doing this? You won’t win. They won’t vote for you. They won’t allow an African-American to be a commissioner of this county,’ ” he said. Eventually, Mr. Nesbitt said, a coalition of blacks and progressive-minded whites rallied around his candidacy.
In some quarters, however, whites openly worried about the ability of blacks to run things. After the 2012 election, Jonny Brown, a county board of elections member appointed by the local Republican Party, posted an online editorial comparing county government to a “little white plane” that took on more black paint over time and eventually crashed.
Professor Hajnal recommends changes in addition to even-year elections: adding partisan labels so voters have a better idea where candidates stand; having all council seats up for election at the same time rather than staggering them across two contests, so elections are more meaningful; and electing each council member by district instead of citywide.
An advisory panel convened by Georgia’s secretary of state found in 2012 that local elections would have greater overall voter turnout if moved to an even-numbered years, but warned that national races could “overshadow” the local ones.
Conyers officials have not considered changing the city’s election dates, Mr. Spann said. Council members are nonpartisan and elected by district.
Mr. Stroud, the black Conyers City Council member, said that no matter who was in office, some changes, like diversifying the city staff, could be slow going. Currently, 21 of the city’s 170 employees are black. But Mr. Stroud said that officials were not about to fire competent white workers just to get new black ones.
Diversifying the 60-officer police force has also been a slow process. Chief Gene Wilson said that despite overt efforts to recruit minority officers, he had been able to bring the number of black officers up only to eight, from three, in his five years in office. Chief Wilson said that it was hard to find good recruits, since qualified minority officers were in short supply, and in demand in so many other municipalities.
For now, a desire among blacks for more diversity in government has not been matched by efforts to achieve it.
In his modest rented townhome recently, Peter Vanderpool, 61, a Trinidad native of African descent, said that diversity could not happen without black participation in government affairs. “We’ve got a lot of young brothers out here, and they choose not to be in the police service,” he said.
Mr. Vanderpool also said that he did not vote in city elections. “To be very honest with you, I don’t know why,” he said. “I never paid any attention, really.”
Source:http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/29/us...?smid=tw-share
It's like their mentality can't imagine a world where they aren't the overlords of people of color...mainly blacks.
*L*E*G*A*C*Y*
Done.
If they knew what's best for them...they would give up that guilty verdict...b
So fukkin true!
Dapper & repped!
Woodwerkz
R.I.P. King Bean #8 #24 and Little Deuce #2 Gigi
And in many cases it still doesn't matter. The way they are willing to gerrymander districts and etc to get the votes they need. Fukk if they ain't snakes in the grass.
And what's crazy is...in history they wanted to abolish slavery at first but the Northern colonies didn't want to mess up the somewhat new unity it had with the Southern Colonies...so for the "greater good" of the new country they left it alone and the rest is history.
loyola llothta
☭☭☭
true.
loyola llothta
☭☭☭
Outrage over white South Carolina cop who shot dead unarmed black great-grandfather THROUGH his car door - and the officer was only charged with a misdemeanor
The killing of a unarmed black great-grandfather by a white police officer who shot him through his car door in the driveway of his own home is causing outrage in South Carolina.
The fury grew again when prosecutors announced earlier this month that a grand jury in had handed down charges against North Augusta Public Safety Officer Justin Craven, 25 - but that he faces only a misdemeanor 'misconduct in office.'
Earnest Satterwhite had a history of traffic violations - but never violence
According to police reports, 68-year-old Ernest Satterwhite refused to pull over when Craven spotted him making a traffic violation in North Augusta on February 9. He led Craven and other officers on a nine-mile low-speed chase to his home in the next county.
When Satterwhite finally stopped - in his own driveway - Craven ran up and fired several shots into the car door, fatally wounding him.
Satterwhite's door was still locked.
Investigators determined that North Augusta Public Safety Officer Justin Craven broke the law. A prosecutor, in a rare action against a police officer, sought to charge him with voluntary manslaughter, punishable by up to 30 years in prison. But the grand jury disagreed, indicting him on a misdemeanor.
The debate over how police use force against unarmed people has become a national issue since an unarmed 18-year-old black man was shot to death in August by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri, where unrest still lingers.
But most police shootings make only local headlines, and just for a day or two. The refusal of authorities to release public information about these on-duty actions by taxpayer-paid officials is a big reason why. As with many such killings, Satterwhite's death in February remains shrouded in mystery.
Video can make a difference: South Carolina gained the national spotlight last week after a dashboard camera showed how in just a few seconds Trooper Sean Groubert went from asking motorist Levar Jones for his license for a supposed seat belt violation, to shooting at him repeatedly without provocation, even as Jones put his hands in the air. Jones was hit once and is recovering.
State Public Safety Director Leroy Smith called that shooting 'disturbing,' and Groubert was promptly fired and charged with felony assault.
Sometimes, the video can exonerate officers: In August, a South Carolina prosecutor refused to file criminal charges against a York County deputy who wounded a 70-year-old man after mistaking his cane for a shotgun during an after-dark traffic stop. Using video, the sheriff showed how the cane's shaft could be mistaken for a gun barrel in the dim light.
So far, 35 people were shot by police in South Carolina this year; 16 were killed. The state is on pace to surpass last year's total of 42 people shot by police.
In Satterwhite's case, prosecutors won't say why they sought a felony charge against Craven, who chased Satterwhite for 9 miles, beyond city limits and into Edgefield County.
Police initially claimed that Satterwhite had gotten out of his car before the shooting - though a police report later revealed that his door was locked when he was shot
Experts say it's the first time an officer was charged in a fatal shooting in roughly a decade. But the grand jury opted for 'misconduct in office,' a charge used for sheriffs who make inmates do their personal work, or officers who ask for bribes. Their single-page indictment, returned in August, contains no details other than accusing Craven of 'using excessive force and failing to follow and use proper procedures.'
Black leaders were astonished that an officially unjustified shooting of an unarmed man should merit such a light charge.
'It diminishes the nature of the violation — of the death. This man's life is only worth a misdemeanor?' said state Representative Joe Neal, a Democrat who has spent decades speaking out against racism in law enforcement and demanding accountability through data and police cameras.
Neal, who is black, also wants authorities to release evidence more quickly in police-involved shootings. Authorities often say doing so could taint potential jurors. Neal says that doesn't give people enough credit.
The State Law Enforcement Division denied requests filed by The Associated Press under the Freedom of Information Act to learn what evidence was gathered against Craven. Solicitor Donnie Myers, who is handling the case, didn't return phone calls. North Augusta Police, the Edgefield County Sheriff's Office and Craven's lawyer, Jack Swerling, declined to comment.
The few details released raised concerns among law enforcement experts. In the likely 10 to 15 minutes he trailed Satterwhite, Craven should have had time to learn he was headed home and had no violent incidents on his criminal record, said University of South Carolina criminology professor Geoffrey Alpert.
Police records show Satterwhite had been arrested more than a dozen times for traffic violations, most of them for driving under suspension or under the influence. Most of the charges led to convictions. He also was charged at least three times for failing to stop as officers tried to pull him over. But his record shows no evidence he ever physically fought with an officer.
Edgefield County deputies who joined in the chase reported that Craven ran up to Satterwhite's parked car and fired several shots into the driver's side door, telling the other officers that Satterwhite tried to grab his gun. The other officers couldn't get Satterwhite's door open, so they broke the passenger side window, unlocked that door and dragged him out.
'Why would he run up to the car like that?' asked Alpert. 'Why would he put himself in a situation to use deadly force? Why would he put his gun close enough for him to grab it?'
Satterwhite, who worked for years as a mechanic, liked to fish and was remembered by his family as a laid-back man who kept to himself, left behind six children, 16 grandchildren and five great-grandchildren.
Seven months after the funeral, and eight days after his indictment, Craven was put on administrative leave — with pay.
Satterwhite's family then sued the North Augusta Department of Public Safety, Edgefield County and its sheriff's office.
The lawsuit alleges Craven ignored the Edgefield deputies' orders to stop and let them manage the chase when it entered their county, about 2 miles from Satterwhite's home. It claims Satterwhite never tried to grab the officer's gun when Craven fired five times, hitting him with four bullets — two in the chest.
The family says the officers yanked the mortally wounded man out of the car, restrained him and left him on the ground unattended until paramedics arrived.
Their lawyer, Carter Elliott, hopes to force authorities to release any video and other evidence.
North Augusta's Public Safety Department has refused to release any details about Craven's history. City officials didn't make him available for interviews, and he didn't respond to emails.
Police agencies hurt their own credibility when they withhold information, allowing rumors and speculation to fill the void, Alpert said.
'They work for us - the public,' Alpert said. 'You need to put as much accurate information out there as you can to get in front of the issue and create your own story.'
Source: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2774657/SC-cop-indicted-shooting-shrouded-mystery.html
The killing of a unarmed black great-grandfather by a white police officer who shot him through his car door in the driveway of his own home is causing outrage in South Carolina.
The fury grew again when prosecutors announced earlier this month that a grand jury in had handed down charges against North Augusta Public Safety Officer Justin Craven, 25 - but that he faces only a misdemeanor 'misconduct in office.'
Earnest Satterwhite had a history of traffic violations - but never violence
According to police reports, 68-year-old Ernest Satterwhite refused to pull over when Craven spotted him making a traffic violation in North Augusta on February 9. He led Craven and other officers on a nine-mile low-speed chase to his home in the next county.
When Satterwhite finally stopped - in his own driveway - Craven ran up and fired several shots into the car door, fatally wounding him.
Satterwhite's door was still locked.
Investigators determined that North Augusta Public Safety Officer Justin Craven broke the law. A prosecutor, in a rare action against a police officer, sought to charge him with voluntary manslaughter, punishable by up to 30 years in prison. But the grand jury disagreed, indicting him on a misdemeanor.
The debate over how police use force against unarmed people has become a national issue since an unarmed 18-year-old black man was shot to death in August by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri, where unrest still lingers.
But most police shootings make only local headlines, and just for a day or two. The refusal of authorities to release public information about these on-duty actions by taxpayer-paid officials is a big reason why. As with many such killings, Satterwhite's death in February remains shrouded in mystery.
Video can make a difference: South Carolina gained the national spotlight last week after a dashboard camera showed how in just a few seconds Trooper Sean Groubert went from asking motorist Levar Jones for his license for a supposed seat belt violation, to shooting at him repeatedly without provocation, even as Jones put his hands in the air. Jones was hit once and is recovering.
State Public Safety Director Leroy Smith called that shooting 'disturbing,' and Groubert was promptly fired and charged with felony assault.
Sometimes, the video can exonerate officers: In August, a South Carolina prosecutor refused to file criminal charges against a York County deputy who wounded a 70-year-old man after mistaking his cane for a shotgun during an after-dark traffic stop. Using video, the sheriff showed how the cane's shaft could be mistaken for a gun barrel in the dim light.
So far, 35 people were shot by police in South Carolina this year; 16 were killed. The state is on pace to surpass last year's total of 42 people shot by police.
In Satterwhite's case, prosecutors won't say why they sought a felony charge against Craven, who chased Satterwhite for 9 miles, beyond city limits and into Edgefield County.
Police initially claimed that Satterwhite had gotten out of his car before the shooting - though a police report later revealed that his door was locked when he was shot
Experts say it's the first time an officer was charged in a fatal shooting in roughly a decade. But the grand jury opted for 'misconduct in office,' a charge used for sheriffs who make inmates do their personal work, or officers who ask for bribes. Their single-page indictment, returned in August, contains no details other than accusing Craven of 'using excessive force and failing to follow and use proper procedures.'
Black leaders were astonished that an officially unjustified shooting of an unarmed man should merit such a light charge.
'It diminishes the nature of the violation — of the death. This man's life is only worth a misdemeanor?' said state Representative Joe Neal, a Democrat who has spent decades speaking out against racism in law enforcement and demanding accountability through data and police cameras.
Neal, who is black, also wants authorities to release evidence more quickly in police-involved shootings. Authorities often say doing so could taint potential jurors. Neal says that doesn't give people enough credit.
The State Law Enforcement Division denied requests filed by The Associated Press under the Freedom of Information Act to learn what evidence was gathered against Craven. Solicitor Donnie Myers, who is handling the case, didn't return phone calls. North Augusta Police, the Edgefield County Sheriff's Office and Craven's lawyer, Jack Swerling, declined to comment.
The few details released raised concerns among law enforcement experts. In the likely 10 to 15 minutes he trailed Satterwhite, Craven should have had time to learn he was headed home and had no violent incidents on his criminal record, said University of South Carolina criminology professor Geoffrey Alpert.
Police records show Satterwhite had been arrested more than a dozen times for traffic violations, most of them for driving under suspension or under the influence. Most of the charges led to convictions. He also was charged at least three times for failing to stop as officers tried to pull him over. But his record shows no evidence he ever physically fought with an officer.
Edgefield County deputies who joined in the chase reported that Craven ran up to Satterwhite's parked car and fired several shots into the driver's side door, telling the other officers that Satterwhite tried to grab his gun. The other officers couldn't get Satterwhite's door open, so they broke the passenger side window, unlocked that door and dragged him out.
'Why would he run up to the car like that?' asked Alpert. 'Why would he put himself in a situation to use deadly force? Why would he put his gun close enough for him to grab it?'
Satterwhite, who worked for years as a mechanic, liked to fish and was remembered by his family as a laid-back man who kept to himself, left behind six children, 16 grandchildren and five great-grandchildren.
Seven months after the funeral, and eight days after his indictment, Craven was put on administrative leave — with pay.
Satterwhite's family then sued the North Augusta Department of Public Safety, Edgefield County and its sheriff's office.
The lawsuit alleges Craven ignored the Edgefield deputies' orders to stop and let them manage the chase when it entered their county, about 2 miles from Satterwhite's home. It claims Satterwhite never tried to grab the officer's gun when Craven fired five times, hitting him with four bullets — two in the chest.
The family says the officers yanked the mortally wounded man out of the car, restrained him and left him on the ground unattended until paramedics arrived.
Their lawyer, Carter Elliott, hopes to force authorities to release any video and other evidence.
North Augusta's Public Safety Department has refused to release any details about Craven's history. City officials didn't make him available for interviews, and he didn't respond to emails.
Police agencies hurt their own credibility when they withhold information, allowing rumors and speculation to fill the void, Alpert said.
'They work for us - the public,' Alpert said. 'You need to put as much accurate information out there as you can to get in front of the issue and create your own story.'
Source: http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2774657/SC-cop-indicted-shooting-shrouded-mystery.html
loyola llothta
☭☭☭
cole phelps
Superstar
spread the word
loyola llothta
☭☭☭
Here's a pretty astonishing chart on the skyrocketing number of arrests of black Americans for nonviolent drug crimes. Brookings' Jonathan Rothwell lays it out:Arrest data show a striking trend: arrests of blacks have fallen for violent and property crimes, but soared for drug related crimes. As of 2011, drug crimes comprised 14 percent of all arrests and a miscellaneous category that includes “drug paraphernalia” possession comprised an additional 31 percent of all arrests. Just 6 percent and 14 percent of arrests were for violent and property crimes, respectively.Even more surprising is what gets left out of the chart: Blacks are far more likely to be arrested for selling or possessing drugs than whites, even though whites use drugs at the same rate. And whites are actually more likely to sell drugs:
Whites were about 45 percent more likely than blacks to sell drugs in 1980, according to an analysis of the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth by economist Robert Fairlie. This was consistent with a 1989 survey of youth in Boston. My own analysis of data from the 2012National Survey on Drug Use and Health shows that 6.6 percent of white adolescents and young adults (aged 12 to 25) sold drugs, compared to just 5.0 percent of blacks (a 32 percent difference).
This partly reflects racial differences in the drug markets in black and white communities. In poor black neighborhoods, drugs tend to be sold outdoors, in the open. In white neighborhoods, by contrast, drug transactions typically happen indoors, often between friends and acquaintances. If you sell drugs outside, you're much more likely to get caught. Rothwell's numbers shoot some holes into some oft-repeated drug warrior talking points: that people don't get arrested for nonviolent drug crime as much as they used to (false), and that legalizing and decriminalizing certain drugswon't magically solve racial disparities in the criminal justice system (true, although the chart above suggests it could help).
Source: http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/...rested-for-it/This partly reflects racial differences in the drug markets in black and white communities. In poor black neighborhoods, drugs tend to be sold outdoors, in the open. In white neighborhoods, by contrast, drug transactions typically happen indoors, often between friends and acquaintances. If you sell drugs outside, you're much more likely to get caught. Rothwell's numbers shoot some holes into some oft-repeated drug warrior talking points: that people don't get arrested for nonviolent drug crime as much as they used to (false), and that legalizing and decriminalizing certain drugswon't magically solve racial disparities in the criminal justice system (true, although the chart above suggests it could help).