Burkina Faso,Mali & Guinea express solidarity w/ Niger🇳🇪 and warn that ANY military intervention against Niger is a DECLARATION OF WAR | Algeria joins

loyola llothta

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According to former French investigating judge Eva Joly, who led an inquiry into Bongo's affairs, Gabon builds five kilometers of roads every year, for a road network that is only 900 km long. On the other end of the social spectrum, a tiny layer of Gabonese thrives. In a recent issue of Jeune Afrique (the international edition), one learns they travel in private jets from Libreville to Paris for a day of shopping, and that last year,



Gabon was the fourth largest African importer of champagne, with 181,000 bottles.



As a state whose wealth was largely based on oil revenues, Gabon remains desperately vulnerable to falls in oil prices on international markets. From 1986 to 1990, low oil prices created a massive series of strikes through all economic sectors and among students. In 1988, Bongo began to discuss with his political opponents, whose most prominent figure was his father Paul Mba Abessole. Bongo hoped they could channel the anger into safe waters, but he was still hesitating over granting a multiparty system.



On January 16, 1990, students at Omar Bongo University in Libreville struck against the lack of funding. It was called the "Diarrheal Strike," because it started over a massive food poisoning of all students at the campus canteen. The next day, police evacuated the university by force. From the 18th on, the unrest spread into the city involving all sections of the population.



Bongo obtained the capitulation of students by offering to pay for damages and inviting them publicly to a feast in his palace.



But only two days later, strikes erupted in air traffic control, gas stations, railways, and the electricity company. Riots began anew, and the army took up positions to protect Bongo's palace.





On March 21, workers at oil refineries accounting for 70 percent of Gabon's exports, began striking too. On March 23, Bongo tried to calm things down by calling a national conference on a multiparty system, but the strikes did not stop.



On the 27th, Bongo declared a curfew for the whole country. The multiparty system was finally proclaimed on April 19, but the lives of Gabonese did not improve. On May 23, upon the death of opposition leader Joseph Rendjambe, a riot started at Port-Gentil, during which the French consulate was burned down. The disturbances quickly spread to the whole country once again. On the next day, France sent in troops, officially to evacuate its 1800 citizens from Gabon. They also secured the country’s oil refineries.



On May 31, French troops regained control of the situation and again kept Bongo in power.



In the first multi-party legislative elections held in November 1990, Bongo's party won 63 seats against 57 for the various opposition parties. The first presidential election with more than one candidate was held on December 5, 1993. Bongo was re-elected in the first round with 51.1 percent of the votes, followed by Abessole. The troubles following this election, which was widely suspected of being rigged, ultimately led Bongo to sign the so-called Paris Agreements with the opposition.



French influence in Gabon, and more broadly in Africa, began to weaken in the 1990s. This was not the reflection of any growing independence of leaders like Bongo from world imperialism or effective political opposition to Bongo in the Gabonese ruling elite Rather, Bongo, like other African rulers, was developing closer ties with other great powers; initially to US imperialism, and more recently to commercial competition from China.



After the collapse of the USSR in 1991 removed Soviet competition as a common enemy for US and French imperialism, Washington pursued a more aggressive policy in Paris' African "backyard." This was reflected in Gabon's trade relations. In 1990, France was Gabon's leading trade partner, with 38 percent of exports and 60.6 percent of imports. North America accounted for 22 and 11 percent respectively. The US played a role in removing the French-backed regimes of Mobutu in Zaire (the former Belgian Congo) in 1997, and Habyarimana in neighboring Rwanda in 1994.



Paris helped protect the Hutu regime in Rwanda, whose genocide against the Tutsis and oppositional Hutus claimed 800,000 lives. The civil war that broke out in Zaire (today the Democratic Republic of the Congo) would claim several million lives. Bongo was too tied to France to switch alliances overnight, but he cultivated links with the US, as well. During the civil war in the neighboring Republic of Congo between 1993 and 1999, he sold weapons both to Elf's proxy, Denis Sassou Ngesso and Pascal Lissouba wanted to switch oil contracts to the US company Oxy. As Gabon was one of the few countries in the region not to descend into civil war, Bongo portrayed himself as a helpful negotiator for peace in Africa.



By the onset of the present decade, Bongo was moving closer to the US. In 2000, A US Senate commission led by Democrat Carl Levin estimated that Bongo deposited $130 million in his accounts at New York's Citibank between 1985 and 1997.



On November 9, 2005, the New York Times reported that Bongo had given $9 million to US lobbyist Jack Abramoff to arrange a meeting with Bush. Bongo denied this.



Tensions from corruption investigations in France, such as the Elf Affair, soured Paris' relations with Bongo. In their obituary of Bongo, Le Figaro wrote that he "knew everything about everyone, that was his best life insurance policy Bongo himself was targeted by the French justice system in the so-called "illegally acquired goods" scandal. Bongo, Pres Nguesso of Congo-Brazzaville, President Teodoro Obiang Nguéma of Equatorial Guinea were accused of embezzlement by non-governmental organizations in France.



In 2008, the daily Le Monde revealed they owned 150 million Euro in luxury apartments and houses bought with state money, in France alone. The investigation was temporarily halted in May 2009, and Bongo died before it resumed.



Throughout this period, Bongo maintained his rule by using Gabon's oil wealth to buy off a series of opposition politicians. Perhaps the most famous recent case was that of Union of the Gabonese People (UPG) leader Pierre Mamboundou who finished second in the 2005 elections behind Bongo, with 13.5 percent of the vote. Mamboundou briefly took refuge in the South African embassy in 2006, after Gabonese security forces raided UPG headquarters.



However, in 2007 Bongo met with Mamboundou and negotiated a political truce in exchange for a development loan for Mamboundou's municipality, Ndendé.



After Bongo's death, the power struggle for his succession was concentrated inside the ruling party, the Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG), between his daughter Pascaline and his son Ali. Ultimately, Ali was chosen as the PDG's candidate and won the August 30 elections.



The election of Ali Bongo to replace his father Omar symbolizes the essential continuity of imperialist influence in Gabon. In addition, Gabon’s oil revenues are dwindling. This is bad news for a country that is resource-dependent With fewer petrodollars flowing into the economy Ali Bongo’s expensive patronage system will suffer and he may start to lose support.



About a fifth of Gabonese live on less than $2 a day and nearly a third live below itn national poverty line Gabon faces a financial squeeze owing to a long-term decline in oil output which shrunk GDP per capita by nearly a fifth between 1980 and 2014, according to the United Nations Development Prog, ram, and a sharp fall in the price of crude over the past two years.



Efforts to diversify into agriculture and tourism have yet to bear much fruit.



Oil wealth has flowed mostly to the elite for a period Gabon was the world’s top per capita importer of champagne and has trickled down slightly only via its bloated civil service.



gets out the authority after a group of senior Gabonese military officials appeared on national television declaring they have seized power, claiming the recent general election lacks credibility and saying they represent all Gabon’s security forces.



He has suborned the country’s constitution and is on course to make himself a life president. He’s been already in power for 14 years and has just perverted another election to stay in power for a 3rd term.
 

loyola llothta

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Well if Gabon just threw their French puppet under the bus then that means that the Ivory Coast and Cameroon French puppets are in a lot of trouble.

Less than 24 hours after the army movement in Gabon, Cameroon and Rwanda made major changes within the leadership of the armed forces. Several senior military officers have been retired, including General James Kabarebe, chief defense and security adviser to the President of Rwanda.

 

Samori Toure

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Less than 24 hours after the army movement in Gabon, Cameroon and Rwanda made major changes within the leadership of the armed forces. Several senior military officers have been retired, including General James Kabarebe, chief defense and security adviser to the President of Rwanda.


Maybe I am wrong, but it seems like retiring them will just ensures that the coup happen.
 

Scientific Playa

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The cojones on these modern day EU colonial masters. 🤨

EU ministers to tackle Niger coup response at Spain meeting​

By David Latona and Andrew Gray
August 30, 2023 7:39 PM EDT Updated 23 min ago



Nigeriens gather one month since coup, to demand French ambassador to leave

Colonel Ibro Amadou delivers a message as he stands with other Nigerien junta leaders while Nigeriens gather one month since coup, in support of the putschist soldiers and to demand French ambassador to leave, in the capital Niamey, Niger August 26, 2023. REUTERS/Mahamadou Hamidou Acquire Licensing Rights

TOLEDO, Spain, Aug 31 (Reuters) - European Union foreign ministers meet in Spain on Thursday to discuss their response to last month's coup in Niger - including possible sanctions - as they also consider news of military officers declaring they have seized power in Gabon.

The instability in the West and Central African countries will be a major theme of the informal gathering in the medieval city of Toledo, along with discussions on the war in Ukraine with Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba.

Hassoumi Massoudou, the foreign minister of Niger's ousted government, and Omar Touray, the head of the commission of West Africa's main regional bloc ECOWAS, will attend the talks.

"It is clear that the coup in Niger is opening a new era of instability in a region which was already very fragile, and this will undermine the stability of the region," EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell told reporters in Toledo on Wednesday.

West and Central African nations had in the last decade made strides to shed the region's reputation as a "coup belt", only for persistent insecurity, disputed elections and systemic corruption to open the door to a string of military takeovers.
European officials said they were still trying to understand the dramatic events in Gabon, which unfolded in the early hours of Wednesday morning.

Borrell said the EU was "moving forward" with work on a legal framework for sanctions against the junta in Niger and the foreign ministers would discuss it further on Thursday.

Both the EU and ECOWAS have already imposed punitive economic and political measures on Niger but the framework would allow the EU to target specific individuals and organisations.

Borrell said on Wednesday after an EU defence ministers' meeting that the EU would seek to mirror any measures taken by ECOWAS.
Diplomats said another subject of discussion was how the EU should respond if ECOWAS asks for financial help for a military intervention to restore Niger's ousted government.

Asked whether the EU would support a military intervention or how it would respond to one, Borrell replied: "This will also be discussed, but of course we have to know what it is, how, when, where, and in what way. We cannot write blank cheques."
Reporting by David Latona and Andrew Gray; Editing by Shri Navaratnam
 

loyola llothta

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Hmmm

Gabon's Assala Energy says oil production unaffected by coup Assala Energy, which is wholly owned by Carlyle Group (company in US), said its oil production in Gabon has been unaffected by the military coup in the country. "We can confirm that all our personnel are safe, our operations continue as usual and our production is not affected," a company spokesperson said. The private equity fund's non-U.S. energy arm first invested in Assala in 2017 when it acquired Shell's ageing operations in Gabon for $628 million. However, earlier this month, Carlyle agreed to sell Assala to French producer Maurel & Prom, which owns and operates oil and gas assets in Africa, Europe and Latin America, including three licences in Gabon, for $730 million.

 

Secure Da Bag

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"It is clear that the coup in Niger is opening a new era of instability in a region which was already very fragile, and this will undermine the stability of the region," EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell told reporters in Toledo on Wednesday.

West and Central African nations had in the last decade made strides to shed the region's reputation as a "coup belt", only for persistent insecurity, disputed elections and systemic corruption to open the door to a string of military takeovers.
European officials said they were still trying to understand the dramatic events in Gabon, which unfolded in the early hours of Wednesday morning.

Borrell said the EU was "moving forward" with work on a legal framework for sanctions against the junta in Niger and the foreign ministers would discuss it further on Thursday.

Both the EU and ECOWAS have already imposed punitive economic and political measures on Niger but the framework would allow the EU to target specific individuals and organisations.

Borrell said on Wednesday after an EU defence ministers' meeting that the EU would seek to mirror any measures taken by ECOWAS.
Diplomats said another subject of discussion was how the EU should respond if ECOWAS asks for financial help for a military intervention to restore Niger's ousted government.

Complain about instability, then work on creating more instability Eurorehs.
 

Scientific Playa

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Some in Africa are celebrating the coups. Many are fed up and desperate for change, analysts say​

CHINEDU ASADU
Thu, August 31, 2023

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Gabon Coup​

This video grab shows coup supporters cheering police officers in Libreville, Gabon, Wednesday Aug. 30, 2023. Mutinous soldiers speaking on state television announced that they had seized power in and were overturning the results of a presidential election that had seen Gabon President Ali Bongo Ondimba extend his family's 55-year hold on power. ( AP Photo/Betiness Mackosso)
ASSOCIATED PRESS

ABUJA, Nigeria (AP) — After mutinous soldiers in Gabon announced they had deposed the country’s president, many residents danced in the streets and declared themselves free from the presidential family’s 55-year rule. It’s becoming a familiar scene in West and Central Africa, which has recorded eight coups since 2020.

“It is an expression of the popular dissatisfaction,” said Hermann Ngoulou in the Gabonese capital of Libreville. “The country has been experiencing a deep crisis on all levels due to bad governance, the rising cost of food (and) the high cost of living.”

There have been about 100 documented coups across Africa since the 1950s. This resurgence of military takeovers is often prompted by diminishing democratic dividends, according to analysts.

In Gabon, the coup occurred shortly after the president was declared the winner of the election from which international observers, for the first time, had been barred.

That’s not unusual in a region where elections are often alleged to be flawed, longtime leaders pursue the extension or elimination of term limits, and civic space is eroded by misgovernance, said Tiseke Kasambala, the director of Africa programs at the Washington-based Freedom House watchdog group.

In the end, the result is “widespread resentment and frustration amongst citizens,” she said.

At least 27, or half, of the 54 countries in Africa are among the 30 least developed in the world, according to the latest United Nations Human Development Index. Most are in West and Central Africa, often endowed with natural resources whose rich profits are little seen by everyday citizens.

The failure of leaders to significantly improve the lives of their populations has left people frustrated and desperate, said Remi Adekoya, a politics lecturer at the University of York.

“Africans do not think the idea of military rule is great; it is the disappointment in what is supposed to be a democratic rule that is causing people, if not openly support military dictatorship, to not be against it,” Adekoya said. “The leaders who are supposed to be democrats are not abiding by the rules of democracy … and people are wondering, what is in this system for me?”

Research network Afrobarometer's 2023 surveys found that the number of people supporting democracy and elections in Africa has fallen. Only 68% of respondents across 34 countries preferred democracy to any other system of government, down from 73% a decade ago.

“A significant correlation” was established between the number of Africans reporting substantial corruption in the presidential office and dissatisfaction with democracy.

Most respondents believed elections are “an imperfect but essential tool for choosing their leaders,” the study noted.

On Aug. 26, as Gabonese went to the polls, authorities cut off the internet. As service returned in the hours after the coup, the president used it as a megaphone to the world, sharing a video in which he called on friends of Gabon to “make noise” for his restoration.

International sanctions imposed to reverse coups in Africa have often failed, resulting instead in more hardship for populations already struggling with high rates of poverty and hunger.

Niger was the world’s third-least-developed country before the coup there in July, and has 4.3 million people in need of humanitarian aid, according to the U.N. Sanctions aimed at reversing that coup resulted in “serious socio-economic crises” for Niger’s residents, the head of West Africa’s regional ECOWAS Commission, Omar Alieu Touray, told reporters recently in Nigeria.

Even as frustration grows against what some describe as “electoral coups” that keep longtime leaders in power, analysts warn that military regimes are never the answer, and efforts to intervene should be aimed at entrenching democracies.

“If a country requires reforms before elections, then the best way to support these reforms must be seriously considered, even if the protagonists include military coup leaders,” wrote Ornella Moderan, head of the Institute for Security Studies Sahel program.

The mutinous soldiers in Gabon claim to have taken power in the interest of the people — a familiar line in past coups elsewhere.

Militaries have sometimes been encouraged by what appears to be popular support, Adekoya said. “What is most encouraging for any would-be coup plotter today is the reaction of the crowd to the coups, the fact that on many streets in these countries, people are coming out to celebrate them,” he said.

But military regimes have not proven to be a better alternative for good governance.

In Mali, where soldiers have been in power since 2020, the Islamic State group (Western Sponsored) almost doubled the territory they control in less than a year, according to U.N. experts. And in Burkina Faso, which recorded two coups in 2020, economic growth slowed to 2.5% in 2022 following a robust 6.9% the year before.

In other places like Chad, military regimes have been accused of clamping down on dissidents, sometimes resulting in extrajudicial killings.

African countries run by regimes have experienced “a breakdown in the rule of law, an increase in arbitrary arrests and detentions, bans on peaceful protests and impunity for human rights violations committed by military forces,” said Kasambala with Freedom House.

Still, some of the regimes are supported because of “intrusive” external forces, she said, citing former French colonies such as Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso where “perceived French interference in the affairs of government and what is seen as the propping up of authoritarian rulers has generated widespread anti-French sentiment.”

In the end, Africans weary of decades of misrule are not asking for much, Adekoya said.

“People are just asking for some slight improvements to their fortunes, some slight sense of security, and free and fair elections,” he said. “Once you have the majority of people feeling ‘the system is not working for me,’ then that system is in trouble.”
 
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