Another Big Win For Putin!!!

88m3

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The Weather Channel
An underwater pipeline explodes, sending thick black smoke into the air over Moscow, Russia. You could see the smoke for miles. People living nearby were told to stay inside until the air cleared.
(h/t to ViralHog )


 

CHL

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The Weather Channel
An underwater pipeline explodes, sending thick black smoke into the air over Moscow, Russia. You could see the smoke for miles. People living nearby were told to stay inside until the air cleared.
(h/t to ViralHog )



This NATO photoshot fake, america
 

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Putin is getting caught in his own trap

  • Aug. 15, 2015, 2:58 PM
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  • A new analysis highlights what Europe gets wrong about Russia — and how it can hurt Putin

    Putin is actually in serious trouble

    Vladimir Putin is celebrating 15 years in power


    Are little green men about to appear on the North Pole?

    Russia's claim last week, using an extremely creative interpretation of international law, to exclusive economic rights to nearly half a million square miles of the Arctic Sea was certainly a head-scratcher.

    Sure, the territory is valuable due to its untapped reserves of fossil fuels and for the shipping lanes that will open as Arctic ice melts. But the claim is likely to ultimately be rejected by the United Nations.

    Still, sparking a manufactured international crisis over the Arctic, one that pits Russia against the United States and Canada, might be just what the doctor ordered.

    Why? Because Vladimir Putin needs to make a new action movie to distract his people. The Kremlin leader is boxed in on so many fronts right now that he badly needs to change the subject.

    For starters, Putin has no good options in eastern Ukraine. The old fantasies about seizing so-called Novorossiya, the strip of land from Kharkiv to Odessa, and establishing a land bridge to Crimea are dead. And the more modest goal of expanding the territory Russia and its proxies currently hold, perhaps with a push to Mariupol, is probably out of the question too.

    Either campaign would be costly in terms of blood and treasure, certainly spark a fresh round of sanctions, and involve occupying hostile territory. The uptick in fighting in the region this week reeks more of desperation than of a serious move to acquire more territory.

    Russia could, of course, just annex the territories controlled by Moscow's proxies; or it could freeze the conflict and establish a Russian protectorate there. But in this case, Moscow would be shouldered with the burden of financing an economically unproductive enclave whose infrastructure has been destroyed.

    And it would have to do so while Russia's economy is sinking into an ever deeper recession. Moreover, Russia would lose any leverage over the remainder of Ukraine, which would quickly move toward the West. Sanctions would be continued, and possibly escalated.

    The Kremlin's preferred option, given these limitations, is to force the territories back into Ukraine on Moscow's terms — with broad autonomy and the ability to veto decisions by the Ukrainian government in Kiev. But Ukraine and the West appear unwilling to let this happen.

    Putin has boxed himself into a corner in Ukraine, and it is difficult to see how he is going to get out of the quagmire he has created.

    screenshot%202015-08-12%2016.02.21.png
    Reuters



    It's also difficult to imagine how Putin is going to extract himself from the quagmire he has created at home. The Kremlin leader is caught in a trap of his own making, between economic and political imperatives.

    With the economy sinking deeper into recession, inflation spiking, oil prices dipping below $50 a barrel, and the ruble approaching the lows it reached earlier in the year, Putin badly needs sanctions eased to give the economy breathing space.

    But for that to happen, he would need to climb down in Ukraine—a move that would undermine the whole rationale for his rule and infuriate the nationalist supporters who make up his base.

    "Putin's return to the presidential seat heralded a rather sudden pivot towards a deep-seated domestic nationalism," Moscow-based journalist Anna Arutunyan wrote recently. "Yet nationalism as a state policy and identity, initially implemented to shore up Kremlin power, now has the Kremlin itself trapped and threatened by forces that it initially nurtured, but can no longer fully control."

    A recent report in Novaya Gazeta, for example, claimed that the war in eastern Ukraine risks "metastasizing" as volunteer fighters return to Russia with large quantities of heavy weapons.

    During his first two terms in the Kremlin, Putin's team — and most notably his chief political operator, Vladislav Surkov — very skillfully co-opted and manipulated both liberal and nationalist groups.

    That strategy caught up with Putin in 2011-12, when liberal disappointment resulted in the largest anti-Kremlin street protests Russia had seen since the breakup of the Soviet Union — leaving him no place else to turn but toward the nationalists.

    ap_830457471094.jpg
    APIn this photo taken on Wednesday, July 22, 2015, a portrait of Russian President Vladimir Putin, made by Ukrainian artist Dasha Marchenko out of cartridge cases, is seen in the artist's studio in Kiev, Ukraine.



    "Given the higher prevalence of nationalist views — especially among members of the security services — a sense of betrayal could have much bigger consequences for the Kremlin than simply mass protests," Arutunyan wrote.

    And on top of it all, Putin has an energy problem. It's not just that oil prices are low and will remain so for sometime, although that certainly is a problem. The real essence of Putin's energy woes are structural, not cyclical. The global energy game is changing — and it is not changing in Moscow's favor.

    Shale, liquefied natural gas (LNG), and renewables — three areas where Russia is extremely weak — are ascendant and are dramatically altering the market. The potential for ending sanctions on Iran puts a powerful new player and competitor — the world's third-largest natural-gas producer — in the game.

    And the Ukraine conflict and Moscow's aggressive posture toward the West have led Europe — Russia's most important market — to change its energy policies and seek alternative suppliers.

    Moreover, rather than looking the other way as the Russian state-owned energy company Gazprom repeatedly flouted the European Union's antitrust laws, Brussels is now cracking down. If one looks at Gazprom as a barometer of Russia's fortunes, one statistic says it all: In 2008, the company had a market value of $360 billion; today it is worth just $55 billion.

    ussias-gazprom-receives-prepayment-from-ukraine-for-gas-supplies.jpg
    Thomson ReutersThe company logo of Gazprom Neft is seen at a service station outside the headquarters of Gazprom in Moscow.



    Energy has always been Putin's trump card. He has been able to use it to bully former neighbors into submission and bribe and blackmail the Europeans. Now it's a trump card he is losing fast.

    But at least Putin is still winning the battle for hearts and minds, right? For more than a year, we've been hearing about how Russia's slick propaganda machine is crushing the West in the information war.

    Moscow has no doubt been very effective in mounting guerrilla-marketing campaigns aimed at sowing doubt and confusion in the West. And Russian officials have been skillful in manipulating and surreptitiously influencing media narratives on issues like the war in Ukraine and the downing of flight MH17.

    But guess what? After spending nearly half a billion dollars to get its message out to the world, after unleashing armies of trolls to disrupt Western news sites, after launching the most widespread disinformation campaign since the end of the Cold War, after all this, Russia's global image is in the toilet.

    According to the Pew Research Center's new report, only three countries in the world have a net positive opinion of Russia: China, Vietnam, and Ghana. Worldwide, a median of just 30 percent of respondents viewed Russia favorably. Writing in Bloomberg View, political commentator Leonid Bershidsky quipped that "the money might be spent just as wisely buying more $600,000 watches for Putin’s press secretary, Dmitry Peskov."

    And the numbers are dismal across the board. In Europe, just 26 percent view Russia favorably; in the Middle East, only 25 percent do. In Latin America, it's only 29 percent. In the regions most favorably inclined toward Russia—Asia and Africa—it's just 37 percent. And if Russia's global image is bad, Putin's is dismal. Worldwide, just 24 percent trust him. In Europe, just 15 percent do.

    To be sure, Russia's propaganda machine is working wonders at home, where Putin's popularity is stratospheric despite a flailing economy. But one has to wonder how much longer that can last.

    Read the original article on The Atlantic. Check out The Atlantic's Facebook, newsletters and feeds. Copyright 2015. Follow The Atlantic on Twitter.
 

Domingo Halliburton

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Falling ruble leaves Russian carmakers with nowhere to turn

MOSCOW (Reuters) - A steep decline in the rouble has hammered Russian carmakers by driving up the cost of the foreign parts they rely on, forcing them to raise prices at home and making them uncompetitive abroad.

After a decade of annual sales growth in excess of 10 percent, the Russian car industry is now a victim of an economic crisis fueled by lower oil prices and Western sanctions over Moscow's role in the Ukraine crisis.

Domestic car sales have halved from their peaks in 2012-2013 when during some months the country ranked ahead of Germany as Europe's largest car market by sales, and the eighth biggest in the world. It now ranks only fifth in Europe and 12th globally.

The ruble's decline has pushed up Russian carmakers' costs as - unlike rivals in other leading carmaking nations - they heavily depend on imported parts, which they pay for in dollars and euros.

Back in 2012-2013 the rouble was trading at around 30 per dollar; the current rate is about 65 - which effectively makes imported parts about twice as expensive.


This has forced automakers to raise prices - a desperate move in a country where the economy shrank by 4.6 percent in the second quarter of 2015. Employers have cut staff and wages, while annual food price inflation is running at over 20 percent, leaving many Russians with little money for big purchases.

A renewed drop in the rouble - it has fallen 15 percent against the dollar since the beginning of July and is trading near a new six-month low - is set to prompt more price hikes and further erode sales.

"If the rouble steadies at the current rate until the end of the year, then the market is set to decline by 28-30 percent," said VTB Capital analyst Vladimir Bespalov.

"But if the rouble continues to weaken, prices will rise and the market could fall by up to 35 percent."



'REACHING CRITICAL POINT'

View gallery

Renault vehicles are seen at an assembly line of a car maker plant, which produces Renault automobil …
The overseas market also looks bleak.

While a weaker domestic currency usually makes exports more lucrative, Russian carmakers' reliance on expensive foreign components has left them uncompetitive against rivals from the likes of Japan and South Korea who source the vast majority of parts at home.

Russia's auto exports fell 27 percent to 49,000 vehicles in the first six months of 2015, year-on-year, customs data showed. The bulk of vehicle exports go to Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) nations such as Belarus and Kazakhstan.

Volkswagen <VOWG_p.DE> and Ford <F.N> both import more than half of all parts used to assemble their cars in Russia. Even market leader Avtovaz <AVAZ.MM>, which produces Russian brand Lada among other models, sources about a fifth of its production abroad.

Stung by its low level of local manufacturing, U.S. carmaker General Motors Co <GM.N> quit Russia's ailing market in March.

View gallery

Mazda 6 and CX 5 models are on sale at a showroom of the Avtomir company, a Mazda cars dealership, i …
Russian authorities have introduced incentives to encourage carmakers to gradually start producing most parts locally, but the most expensive and technologically advanced parts such as electronics, engines and suspensions are still imported.

KIA Motors <000270.KS>, which produces Russia's second-most popular car - the New Rio hatchback priced at 460,000 rubles ($7,235) - has raised prices by 15 percent in the first six months of this year.

In the same period, average car prices have risen 18 percent year-on-year to 1.16 million rubles ($18,420) and sales have fallen 36 percent, according to research group Autostat and the Association of European Businesses.

"The devaluation of the rouble increases costs for manufacturers," said Yulia Dytchenkova, director of Mazda <7261.T> dealer Rolf Khimki. "They are reaching a critical point where the further revision of price lists is inevitable."
 

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Putin Revives Soviet Deal of Pretend-Work-and-Pay to Hide Crisis

Olga Tanas
August 17, 2015 — 5:00 PM EDT


Soviet workers knew they got a raw deal, and they played along. “We pretend to work, and they pretend to pay us,” went a popular saying.

About a million job gains into Russia’s recession, the bargain still holds, with salaries plunging at a pace unprecedented under President Vladimir Putin. Data set to be released this week will probably show unemployment holding at less than half the rate in the euro region, which has had nine consecutive quarters of growth. It’s a sign of a tacit deal that has ravaged productivity and limited economic flexibility.

488x-1.png

With Russia in the clutches of an economic crisis as domestic demand implodes after a currency collapse and sanctions over Ukraine, the jobless rate is less than it was before the neighboring country’s conflict erupted last year. Instead of easing the consumer plight, the stretched labor market betrays an economy geared toward ensuring social stability and ill-prepared to meet the challenges of an aging and shrinking workforce, content to punt the issue until the next crisis.


“Choosing between radical reforms and stability, the government will favor stability,” said Vladimir Tikhomirov, chief economist at BCS Financial Group in Moscow. “That’s a Soviet-like choice -- to conserve the current system with its problems, though to provide stability.”

During communism, unemployment was all but outlawed. What Putin has now are some of Europe’s most restrictive labor rules and employers still stinging from the dressing-down received for idling plants during the last recession six year ago. Protections against firing individual workers are among the strictest in Europe, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.

Low Productivity
The resulting resilience of the labor market is doing little to make up for a plunge in people’s spending power, reinforcing vulnerabilities that include the lowestproductivity in Europe. Employers are opting for salary cuts, part-time work and unpaid vacations.

During the crisis in 2008-2009, unemployment peaked at 9.4 percent. While it has now risen from a record low of 4.8 percent a year ago, the effect is less dramatic. The rate grew to 5.5 percent in July from 5.4 percent a month earlier, according to the median of 18 estimates in a Bloomberg survey. The statistics office may report the data on Wednesday.

That’s where the good news ends, though, as other surveys indicate an accelerating collapse in consumption.

‘Growing Underemployment’
Real disposable incomes fell 6 percent in July from a year earlier, retail sales are down 9.8 percent and wages adjusted for inflation have plunged 7.5 percent, the polls show -- all indicating faster contractions than in June.

“There’s a problem of growing underemployment where people are being put in part time or with part-time pay or put on unpaid leave status because enterprises are trying to protect their profit margins and demand has been suppressed, so they are cutting their production,” said Charles Movit, an economist at IHS Global Insight in Washington. “So that is going to have an additional impact on consumers.”

As it slides deeper into recession, the economy keeps adding jobs -- a sign that companies are hemmed in and left to follow Putin’s lead in favoring social and political peace over improved efficiency.

“By firing people, businesses are risking pressure from the government,” said Rostislav Kapeliushnikov, the deputy head of the the Labor Research Center at the Higher School of Economics in Moscow.

Social Sentiment
All indications are that the approach is bearing fruit.

Gauges of social sentiment by state research company VTsIOM showed that 81 percent of respondents believe the situation in the country is excellent, good or fine, according to a survey conducted July 25-26. Putin’s approval rating is hovering near a record.

As the authorities shield the labor market, pressures on the economy continue to mount. Demographics and low productivity are among the biggest structural constraints that are capping Russia’s potential growth rate at as low as 0.5 percent, Alfa Bank said in a July report.

“By the end of this or the beginning of next year, we may face a shortage of employees again,” Deputy Finance Minister Maxim Oreshkin said in an interview. “If we don’t want that to happen, we should conduct an active policy in releasing workers from their duties, including by reducing the number of employees in the state sector.”

Russians Seek to Soften Impact of Ruble Depreciation
 

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Russia burned 50 ducklings because it's pissed at Ukraine

BY MEGAN SPECIA8 HOURS AGO


Fifty ducklings are the latest casualty in the political spat between Russia and its perceived enemies.

According to the Moscow Times, Russian officials confiscated and burned alive 50 ducklings that had been smuggled over the border from Ukraine. The move was part of a wider ban on foods coming into Russia from countries that have placed their own sanctions on Russia.

SEE ALSO: Stigma and pain surround cancer patients in Russia

The man transporting the ducklings purchased them at a market in the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv and intended to sell them in Russia.

Russia banned a wide range of imported foods and goods from Europe and the U.S. last year, in retaliation over the economic sanctions placed on Russia after it annexed Crimea, which had been part of Ukraine.

Last month, President Vladimir Putin kicked things up a notch when he ordered any of the banned goods confiscated and destroyed. The move shocked many in the nation when Russian officials destroyed hundreds of tons of food, broadcasting images of mountains of Western cheese burning on national television.

One week ago, Russia reportedly burned flower shipments from the Netherlands. Russian officials claimed the flowers were infested with a pest.

Dutch officials deny there was anything wrong with the flowers.

Have something to add to this story? Share it in the comments.

Russia burned 50 ducklings because it's pissed at Ukraine

welp
 

88m3

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The US Army's Top General Points a Spear at Russia


By Ryan Faith

August 21, 2015 | 4:50 am
"We know the Russians are getting ready for something. We just don't know where."

General Raymond Odierno, then the top general in the US Army, said this to me a week before he retired on August 14. We were at a military exercise in the Mojave Desert, and Odierno was watching through a night-vision scope as Special Operations soldiers from the 75th Ranger Regiment touched down in tilt-rotor Ospreys and seized and cleared a runway several hundred feet away. This was Operation Dragon Spear, the last major military exercise Odierno observed before his retirement.

The scenario in the exercise centered on the trials and tribulations of America's put-upon allies, the Atropians, and their jerkwad neighbors to the north, the Donovians. In Atropia, pro-Donovian forces known as the Bilasuvar National Freedom Movement, along with their armed wing, the Bilasuvar Freedom Brigade, were in cahoots with the CASTRO criminal-terrorist network, and were up to all manner of naughty stuff. This was especially bad news, what with Atropia's valuable reserves of the nerve-gas antidote Atropine.

Just to be clear — and to avoid shouts of "No blood for Atropine!" — the military made up all of that for the exercise. But it wasn't mere playtime; there are some very important reasons why hundreds of US soldiers jumped out of perfectly good airplanes in complete darkness to defend a fictional country from a non-existent enemy.

And it all has to do with Odierno's extremely unusual comment.

* * *

Six or seven hours before paratroopers were scheduled to jump, Odierno and General Joseph Votel, commander of US Special Operations Command, gave a short briefing to the assembled press, explaining some of the reasons behind Operation Dragon Spear. Planning for the exercise — it was intended in part to demonstrate the close working relationship and integration between Special Forces and conventional soldiers — began about a year ago, Odierno said.

About a year ago was also when the conflict in Ukraine started to rapidly widen. Surface-to-air missiles were being deployed in earnest by the separatists as direct Russian involvement ratcheted up. The US State Department issued a release condemning Russian involvement and escalation on July 14, 2014, the same day a Ukrainian military transport was shot down; three days later, Malaysian Airlines flight 17 was shot down, killing everyone on board; on Sunday, July 27, the US State Department released satellite photos showing Russian artillery firing from Russian soil into Ukrainian territory. This was a pretty good sign that the Kremlin wasn't content to leave the fighting in Ukraine as a completely "independent" — wink, wink — insurrection, and had ticked over into a straight-up military invasion.

Related: Can the US Army Still Fight as a Heavyweight?

It was, as Western military planners were beginning to take note, a hybrid war — an "all of the above" way of fighting that encompasses everything from street-level criminal activity, to insurgency, to Special Forces operations, to advanced multi-million dollar conventional weapons systems. It includes both good ol' fashioned propaganda and bleeding-edge cyber attacks.

Thus, it's reasonable to surmise that Odierno and Votel sat down over some brewskis — or whatever it is that four-star generals have whilst deciding the fate of the world — and agreed the US should conduct an exercise showing that the military could both fight back against another country's heavyweight military and face down a hybrid threat. Successfully doing so would deter Russia, reassure NATO allies, and prove that the US Army could actually operate in this Brave New World. It would also knock some rust off of the military after more than a decade of focusing on fighting insurgents. Thus, Operation Dragon Spear was born.

This is not to say that Dragon Spear was modeled on a US intervention in Ukraine. It was, however, almost certainly modeled directly on a hypothetical intervention in the Caucasus. Judging by Army materials VICE News reviewed, Dragon Spear was adapted from an earlier exercise initially planned in response to events in the Republic of Georgia in 2008, when the country was being partially annexed and quasi-invaded by Russia.

The conflict in Ukraine six years later was in many ways a live-fire Georgian War Re-enactment. Then, as now, Moscow was breaking off a couple chunks of a former Soviet Republic, carving out frozen states — countries established on territory occupied during a conflict and not granted full legitimacy by the international community — like South Ossetia in Georgia or the Donbas People's Republic in Ukraine.

It's not news that Dragon Spear was intended, in large part, to send a direct deterrent signal to Russia and reassure NATO that the US is prepared to respond should Russia try to expand its Georgian War Re-enactment into a traveling road show, with possible stops in other former Soviet states — like NATO members Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia.

All of this basically syncs up with conversations VICE News had with a variety of officers at Dragon Spear. The US is capable of fighting as a heavyweight, but after more than a decade of preoccupation with counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan, the Army had let its conventional war-fighting capabilities atrophy a bit. Thus, it needed to reboot and refresh its capability to fight high-intensity conflicts against peer and near-peer opponents. The officers with whom we spoke generally said that this did, in fact, specifically mean Russia.

And China. And Iran. And North Korea.

"There are a multitude of scenarios around the world where there are neighbors in conflict with one another, and one neighbor is stronger than the other, and that stronger neighbor [is] fomenting an insurgency," Colonel Joe Ryan, commander of the 2nd brigade of the 82nd airborne, told VICE News. "So we replicate that scenario in everything from the capability that an enemy might have — capabilities that that enemy either has intrinsically or that the enemy might gain in direct combat with that neighbor — that we might have to fight against. Think about [the Islamic State] in Iraq and the Syria area. Think about a North Korea/South Korea potential scenario…. Ukraine's another great example. A near peer threat that is fomenting an insurgency, in a nation that is, perhaps, on better terms with the United States, where we're clearly in support of one outcome there, which is the deterrence of aggression by the near peer threat."

The officers clearly didn't want any potential adversaries feeling like the US Army was exempting them from the list of Countries Who'd Better Not Get Any Bright Ideas — but the officers also spoke about how Dragon Spear was very distinctly geared toward training against a hybrid threat like the ones seen in Georgia and Ukraine.

This also tracks pretty closely with what Odierno said in his final press conference last week.

"In the last 18 months, we have really started to train for what we call hybrid warfare, which [is] actually the warfare I consider Russia is, in fact, conducting," he said. "We are in the process of increasing our capabilities to do this."

Odierno also explained that the military is shifting from more than a decade of counterinsurgency operations, and needs to revisit its broader skill set.

"We're not where we need to be," he said. "I think I've said we've got about 33 percent of our brigades right now who can… operate at that level. And we need to — my goal is we should have about 60 percent."

* * *

Public demonstrations and exercises almost always refer to fictional countries, even when the fiction is pretty clearly just a fig leaf. America's Cold War training exercises usually called the opponent forces the "Red" team, rather than Soviets. Meanwhile, the association of specific planning documents with specific countries is usually classified, even if it's an open secret. Everyone knows OPPLAN 5027 is about war on the Korean peninsula, but the fact that it's a plan for fighting North Korea is still technically considered a secret.

Although exercises aremessaging tools, the Department of Defense is not the State Department; it can't just go out and conduct independent foreign policy. So when asking what country is supposed to take the hint, or who the hypothetical adversary is supposed to represent, you're almost always going to get answers like the ones that most officers were giving: the Army is inclusive in its saber-rattling, and they fervently hope that nobody is left feeling undeterred by the show of force.

Odierno wrapped up his career in the military less than a week ago, so it's reasonable to think that he was open to stepping outside of regular protocol to mention a few concerns, particularly if he thought they are of critical national importance. Odierno is considered and thoughtful when he speaks, so if he sought to raise awareness, he probably attempted to do so without setting off alarms that would spark partisan debate. That's probably a smart move given the way that some of the reporters at his final press conference jumped on specific remarks, trying to tie them to pre-existing political sideshows.

Thus, as Operation Dragon Spear unfolded, it became increasingly apparent that the traditional target of Army deterrence — "everyone" — wasn't the target audience for this exercise. More to the point, per Odierno's remark, the exercise was very specifically intended to deter Russia, because somewhere deep in the bowels of the Pentagon, someone is getting concerned that Russian President Vladimir Putin might be up to no good. And nobody — especially nobody senior — ever violates bureaucratic etiquette and calls out a specific country for conventional deterrence.

Bearing this in mind, I reviewed some of Odierno's earlier remarks, as well as those made in the week and a half between Dragon Spear and his last day in the Army.

During the exercise, Odierno mentioned that part of the exercise was intended to show some leadership to Europe, a point highlighted by the recent start of huge airborne assault drills in Europe involving the US and its NATO allies. He noted that the US sometimes has to get out in front of NATO in order to get other members to move. Thus, even though there were no foreign participants in Operation Dragon Spear, part of the audience for the exercise was European military leaders. The Army wanted to convey the idea that NATO needs to step up its game to fight a hybrid war, which is an essential task if NATO is going to deter Putin from pulling any fast moves.

Recent polling suggests that people in more than a few NATO member states needed to be reminded of their obligations: A Pew poll released in early June showed that in three of eight NATO countries surveyed — France, Germany, and Italy — a majority of people were in favor of sitting out a war with Russia if the Russians attacked another NATO country. In only two NATO member countries — the US and Canada — did more than half the respondents say that they thought their country should meet its longstanding obligations to militarily defend a NATO ally if it comes under attack.

People in almost all the countries surveyed appeared pretty certain that the US would come to the aid of any NATO ally under attack. In other words, there are a hell of a lot of people in Europe who have no interest in defending an allied nation attacked by Russia, but pretty much everyone in Europe is happy to let the US do the fighting and dying for them.

Beyond the remarkable cynicism of such a stance, that outlook delivers a terrible blow to the goal of deterrence. However, it does mesh nicely with something Odierno said in his final press conference when asked about whether he was concerned that Russia might try to gnaw off a chunk of a NATO member.

"Russia is constantly assessing the reaction of NATO to any of their actions," Odierno said. "And based on how — what I worry about is miscalculation — that they perceive that, maybe that NATO… might not be as concerned, and they make a mistake and miscalculate, and do something that would violate Article V of our NATO agreement. So, that's something that greatly concerns me."

In other words, Odierno is concerned that Putin might convince himself that the US would simply roll over if Russia got grabby with a NATO ally.

You may be wondering why "Don't mess with NATO" isn't conventional wisdom, and why Odierno would be so concerned with relaying that message. In an article in the Daily Beast, entitled "Pentagon Fears It's Not Ready for a War With Putin," the former commander of the US Army in Europe, retired Lieutenant General Mark Hertling, said:

We were beating the drum of Russia in 2010, and we were told [by Washington officials], 'You are still in the Cold War.' All the things we predicted would happen, happened, but it wasn't at the forefront of the time…. This gets to a lack of trust between the government and the military. We were monitoring Russian movement and they were increasing not only their budget but their pace of operation and their development of new equipment. They were repeatedly aggressive and provocative even though we were trying to work with them.

If the Army expressed concern over what happened in Georgia in 2008, but were then told to hush, it would explain why it had a Georgia-like scenario in Operation Dragon Spear sitting on the shelf.

To be fair, this is a lot to read into a handful of remarks by military bigwigs. Who knows, maybe Odierno is just a Cold War relic trolling the international community. Regardless, it's exceedingly likely that from Moscow's point of view, Dragon Spear is pointed directly at them.

* * *

Unfortunately, sending a message to Russia could backfire. Some argue that the mere conduct of exercises serves to make conflict more likely rather than serving as an effective deterrent. But that's been a standard knock on military exercises for ages.

The more interesting idea is that Putin truly sees himself not as the strategic aggressor, but rather as the victim. A recent article in the Daily Beast quotes Russian political analyst and former Kremlin adviser Stanislav Belkovsky as saying, "Putin is ready to fight with NATO, as he seriously believes that the US wants to occupy Russia."

From that viewpoint, Operation Dragon Spear could be the rehearsal for a US invasion, using a manufactured threat to an allied country as a pretext, much in the same way that the Germans staged an "invasion" of Germany by the Polish army as a pretext for invading Poland in 1939.

And so the attempt to deter Russia may be a real-life example of what political science nerds call a "security dilemma," in which the actions of one state to make itself more secure can end up making other states uneasy, which in turn prompts them to do stuff to bolster their own security, thus creating a sort of feedback cycle of escalation.

But is it better to fail at deterrence (as ended up happening in Georgia and Ukraine) than to risk escalating tensions?

Taking all the various omens, portents, and signs together, I would guess that shortly before the public demonstration of Operation Dragon Spear kicked off, the Russians did something that was interpreted by US intelligence as being very similar to something they did in advance of the incursions into Georgia, Ukraine, or both. This grabbed the attention of senior Pentagon leadership and of Odierno, who found themselves with a happy coincidence and golden opportunity, in Dragon Spear, to send a warning to Putin about getting too gutsy.

Related: The Russians Are Coming: NATO's Frontier

But before anyone starts digging fallout shelters, let's have a reality check: There is almost certainly no real-deal intel about, say, Russian tanks massing on the Lithuanian border. If it were something that imminent, President Barack Obama would be ringing the alarm bell loud enough to wake the dead. And even if Obama didn't, the Lithuanians sure as hell would.

"The more you sweat in peace, the less you bleed in war." That quote is variously attributed to many people, countries, and eras. But if a specific piece of deterrence works in preventing conflict, it's almost impossible to know if it, in particular, worked. All one can do is hope that by sweating in the Mojave Desert while defending Atropians from the intrusive fiddling of their Donovian neighbors, the US Army won't have to shed blood defending a real place from a real threat.

The US Army's Top General Points a Spear at Russia | VICE News
 

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Russia Wants Composer Rachmaninoff’s Remains Back - A Russian minister sparks an international debate by announcing his intention to reclaim Rachmaninoff’s remains from a cemetery in New York state. He received American citizenship shortly before death. His music was banned in Soviet Russia.

Russia Wants Rachmaninoff’s Remains Back | Smart News | Smithsonian

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Putin's Back to His Old Stunts, But Russia Has Bigger Problems


It felt a bit like a return of the Vladimir Putin of yore today as video was released of the Russian president climbing into a small submersible to view the recently discovered wreck of a Byzantine era trading ship off the coast of Crimea. Putin spoke by radio to Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev while still underwater, saying the wreck showed "how deep our historical roots are." As Buzzfeed's Max Seddon notes, the timing is unfortunate as this month marks the 15th anniversary of the sinking of the submarine Kursk, one of the worst naval disasters in Russian history and a lowpoint of Putin's presidency, but official media accounts are unlikely to dwell on that.

This type of adventurous outdoorsy stunt—often involving wild animals, sometimes not involving a shirt—used to be fairly common (this isn't even his first submarine ride), but then they started to work against Putin: Rumors that he had been injured on a glider flight with endangered cranes drew unwanted attention to his advancing age; he was publicly ridiculed after emerging wet-suitted from the Black Sea having “discovered” several rare amphorae. So Putin’s handlers transitioned him to a more serious, sober image. But given recent events, perhaps it was decided that some levity was in order.

Russia is struggling through a deep recession, the first since 2009, and the ruble just hit a six-month low against the dollar with analysts saying deep structural changes are needed to right the country’s economy. The main culprit is the falling price of oil—the source of about half of the Russian government’s revenue—currently trading at around $42 a barrel compared to $115 last summer. Western sanctions imposed over the war in Ukraine have also limited Russian access to foreign capital and much-needed equipment for the oil industry.

Meanwhile, the retaliatory sanctions Russia placed on imports of western food products have hurt Russian consumers more than foreign producers, with prices for consumer goods increasing while the economy craters.

As the New York Times notes today, none of this has put much of a dent in Putin’s approval ratings, which remain high thanks to his popular interventions in the face of western opposition in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine. But the future outlook’s not so bright there either.

In addition to underwater sightseeing, Putin’s three-day trip to Crimea is an opportunity to tout the integration and development of the region that Russia annexed from Ukraine last year. But elsewhere in Ukraine, the violent stalemate continues with nine killed this week in some of the worst fighting between Russian-backed separatist and Ukrainian troops since a fragile ceasefire went into effect in February.

As analyst Brian Whitmore recently argued in the Atlantic, if Eastern Ukraine remains a “frozen conflict” with sporadic low-level violence and no political resolution, it’s not great for Moscow, which finds itself occupying a region that was economically depressed even before it was devastated by war. In contrast, Ukraine will be freer to pursue integration with Europe, with ethnic Russian voters in the east effectively cut out of the political process. If Putin’s original goal was to punish Ukrainian leaders for rejecting Russian influence, he may in the long run end up accomplishing the opposite.

No matter how many submarine expeditions Putin takes, the dismal state of the economy will eventually take its toll on the government, particularly if the president’s foreign policy goals are stalled.

That could push Putin toward more aggressive international moves, like, as Whitmore suggests, an escalation of the conflict in Ukraine. Or perhaps Putin will embark on a new land grab. The North Pole perhaps?

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American Strongman Roy Jones Jr. Asks Russian Strongman Vladimir Putin for Citizenship
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American boxer Roy Jones Jr. is considered one of the greatest pound-for-pound fighters in the history of the sport. His unconventional style — he often boxed with his hands at his sides or behind his back, daring opponents to attack, then sidestepping and counterpunching with lightning-fast hands — was devastating. His record is 62 and eight, with 45 knockouts. And now he’s friends with another notorious strongman: Russian President Vladimir Putin.

Jones is in Crimea, the Ukrainian peninsula annexed by Putin last year, to be a special guest on the boxing show, The Battle of Mount Gasfort. According to Russian media, Putin and Jones met briefly. Sparks flew instantly.

The video of their time together is below, and it’s worth a watch. Here are some highlights:

Jones complimented Putin’s ability in “combat sports,” citing the Russian president’s well-documented judo ability. Putin paid it right back.

“You were highly successful in boxing — like no one else…. I don’t think there have been any others like you in the world,” Putin said. And he knows his stuff; Putin also commended Jones for fighting in a number of weight classes, something that few fighters are able to successfully do.

Jones then asked Putin for a Russian passport, noting that “all the people here seem to love Roy Jones Jr., and I love when people love me.” Jones said it would facilitate his business interests there. The fighter even offered to “build a bridge” between Washington and Moscow.

Putin acknowledged that Jones is, in fact, loved by Russian people and seemed to like the idea. He said Russian authorities “would certainly be happy to fulfill [Jones’s] request to receive a Russian passport, Russian citizenship.”


Photo credit: Don Emmert/Getty Images

American Strongman Roy Jones Jr. Asks Russian Strongman Vladimir Putin for Citizenship
 
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