Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

Bawon Samedi

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Haiti records economic growth of 1.4% in 2016

Wednesday, December 28, 2016 | 9:14 AM

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PORT AU PRINCE, Haiti (CMC) — Haiti’s economy grew by more than one per cent in 2016, according to preliminary figures released by the Directorate of Economic Statistics of the Ministry of Finance.

It said the gross domestic product (GDP) grew by 1.4 per cent, well below the target of 3.6 per cent that the authorities had set at the beginning of the fiscal year, October 2015 to September 2016.

The figures show that the agricultural sector, which had plagued the Haitian economy in 2015, was largely responsible for GDP growth in 2016.

According to preliminary estimates based on partial and provisional data provided by the Ministry of Agriculture, the value added at constant prices of the sectors: forestry, livestock and fisheries, increased from HTG 3,131 million gourdes (One Haitian gourde = US$0.014 cents) in 2015 to HTG 3,226 million gourdes in 2016, an increase of three per cent as compared to a 5.4 per cent decline the previous year.

The other sectors that contributed to the growth in 2016 included manufacturing (I.5 per cent) food industries (four per cent) and the papermaking and printing (3.9 per cent).

“From a global demand perspective, growth was driven by a 1.2 per cent increase in consumption and 1.1 per cent in total investment. Consumption was supported in part by the seven per cent increase in diaspora remittances and the 12 per cent increase in the public administration payroll.”

The authorities noted however that public investment has fallen, saying the overall increase in private investment can be attributed to the private sector — 2.2 per cent increase in foreign direct investment and a 17 per cent increase in loans granted to the private sector by the financial system.

The figures show that the local currency also depreciated sharply against the US dollar, from HTG 51.8 gourdes per US dollar in September 2015 to HTG 65.2 gourdes in September 2016, a drop of almost 26 per cent.

“This depreciation of the Haitian currency impacted inflation, which, contrary to the forecast of 6.2 per cent at the beginning of the year, reached 12.5 per cent year-on-year at the end of the fiscal year (September 2016) and 14.2 per cent in November 2016.”

The Directorate of Economic Statistics says the 2017 fiscal year has started badly because of the major natural hazards that hit the country in early October.

“Gains obtained particularly in the crop of spring 2016, was almost cancelled by the passage of Hurricane Matthew in at least four of the 10 departments of the country. This natural disaster has severely decapitated farmers, pastoralists and fishermen. If adequate actions are not taken with a view to appropriate recapitalization, this situation risks undermining the expected 2.2 per cent performance of the Haitian economy in 2017.”

Haiti records economic growth of 1.4% in 2016 - News


Hopefully we see more of this.
 

Yehuda

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The price isn’t right in Bermuda

Sarah Lagan

Published Dec 29, 2016 at 8:00 am (Updated Dec 29, 2016 at 12:30 pm)

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Cheers: the cost of a beer hovers around $6 in most cities in the world but is $9 in Hamilton

Bermuda’s capital has topped the list of most expensive cities to live, by crowd sourced global database numbeo.com.

The website thecrazytourist.com, founded by a former Google software engineer, ranked the top 20 most expensive cities with Hamilton’s cost of living listed as $4,769 — $157 more expensive than the second most expensive San Francisco [$4,612].

Next came New York [$4,207], Geneva [$3,314] and Hong Kong [$3,244].

Tokyo was at number 20 at $2,208.

Bermuda towered above the other cities in terms of the price paid for high speed internet access at $140 compared to the next most expensive — Geneva at $57.10.

According to the data, collected through user submissions, rent swallowed up the lion’s share of costs at 61.6 per cent, restaurant food took up 12.7 per cent while eating at home took up 10.7 per cent.

Breaking down the costs of goods, Hamilton sold the most expensive beer at $9 with the next most expensive hailing from Geneva at $6.86. There was no specification on how much beer that would buy as was the case with milk where in Hamilton it was listed as being $16.40 for the same amount for $4.49 in San Francisco.

Accompanying the figures, an article on thecrazytourist.com read: “Luckily, almost anywhere you go, the cost of a beer hovers around $6, so if you’re left reeling after spending all that money, you can take the edge off with a pint. Hamilton is the exception; at $9 a beer, you’ll need a few more to forget about the damage to your wallet.”

The price isn’t right in Bermuda
 

Yehuda

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‘First Blacks in the Americas’: New Educational Website Touches on Untold History of Dominican Republic’s Earliest Black Africans

By Tanasia Kenney - December 28, 2016

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Today’s students are commonly taught the early history of America’s colonization, along with the dark, disturbing details of how the transport and enslavement of millions of Africans built the nation into the superpower it is today.

But there’s an untold narrative of the nation’s early beginnings specifically pertaining to the fact that Blacks in the Americas during European colonization of the Americas actually arrived in La Española, today known as the Dominican Republic and Haiti. Now, a team of leaders from the Dominican Studies Institute at the City University of New York is working to shed light on this particular part of history that has remained largely ignored.

In early December, the Dominican Studies Institute launched the first bilingual educational website dedicated to the dissemination of the history of the first Black African occupants of La Española titled “First Blacks in the Americas,” or “Los primeros negros en las Américas.” The academic website features over 380 pages of manuscripts covering the years from 1497 to 1613, along with 79 pages of transcriptions (both in English and Spanish), 291 bibliographic entries and 131 glossary definitions.

Moreover, the informational site contains a number of historical images, maps, summaries and links to other scholarly online sources on Black culture for users to peruse.

Anthony Stevens-Acevedo, assistant director of the CUNY Dominican Studies Institute, told Atlanta Black Star that the first-of-its kind website is very important in terms of preserving the historical memory of the Dominican Republic for the sake of Dominican Americans and the international community at large. Through the site, he said the institute hopes to provide a deeper understanding of the DR’s cultural heritage, especially the Afro-Dominican aspect of it.

“We think it’s important mainly because it happens to be a period of the Black diaspora and a place of the Black diaspora in general that has been quite neglected in terms of the scholarly attention,” Stevens-Acevedo said, emphasizing that the site would actively serve to fill that void of missing historical information.

But how can we be sure of the history surrounding the tiny island nation’s first Black African inhabitants if its narrative has remained untold for so long?

Through preserved documents from the late 15th century is how, according to Stevens-Acevedo. The assistant director said that what is today the Dominican Republic was the first place in the Americas where the Black African diaspora was understood as a phenomenon in recorded documents. Evidence of such is detailed in the pages of mauscripts obtained by the institute chronicling the first 100 years after European settlers arrived on the island nation and the enslavement of Black people began.

“We’re talking about written documents,” he explained. “Modern times, post-European colonization times for which there is a historical record. And despite that the record having been there in the archive for ages, very little attention has been given to it.”

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Manuscript-038: Date: 1575, December 14. Seville, Spain. Theme: After serving for more than ten years to two female mistresses in Seville, Spain, a young female black slave born in Santo Domingo City was granted freedom by her second mistress and, a few years later, requested license to travel back to the Americas. Source: PARES, Portal de Archivos Españoles–Archivo General de Indias, Contratación 5222, N.4, R.70

Stevens-Acevedo went on to attribute the scholarly neglect of the early history of Blacks in La Española to the language barrier, noting that most scholars cannot read Spanish fluently. Moreover, the early history of the Dominican Republic has largely remained outside the radar of U.S. and international scholarship. The assistant director emphasized that, over time, more scholarly attention had been given to Spanish-speaking countries like Mexico and Cuba, which both have political and economic ties to America.

The First Blacks in America website is “driven by this sense of urgency in terms of the need to tell this story, to bring it forth, to let people know that there was this history of an early and continued Black presence in Dominican culture,” he said.

Having worked over the course of seven years to compile the large set of documents featured on the site, Stevens-Acevedo explained that the the goal is to raise collective awareness of the Black African culture of the island, while also preserving the nation’s cultural history. But he acknowledged that during the institute’s steady research, a number of offshoot projects also blossomed, causing the research team to put their main project on hold.

For instance, their early work on the First Blacks in America website led Acevedo and others at the CUNY Dominican Studies Institute to produce a monographic study on the history of an early Afro-Dominican man named Juan Rodriguez, who became the first non-native, Black settler in New York around 1613. The institute then dedicated an art exhibit to Rodriguez and the historical documents chronicling his life, which also are featured on the new website.

Sarah Aponte, chief librarian of the CUNY Dominican Institute, told ABS that the exhibit is now traveling across the world.

In addition to the Rodriguez study and exhibit, the institute also created a Spanish paleography online tool to teach users how to read script and decipher the four distinct handwriting styles from that era. The website features 70 sets of documents (many of which are several pages long) and over 300 pages of digitized transcripts and their English translations, but all that information is rendered useless if visitors are unable to decipher what they’re reading.

As the only institution in the U.S. devoted to studying, producing research and disseminating information about Dominicans, the CUNY Dominican Studies Institute and its First Blacks in America website are continually working to fill the void of missing historical information pertaining to the Creolization of the Dominican Republic and how it shaped the nation’s history going forward.

Stevens-Acevedo said the institute is looking to expand its research in the coming years to include the history of the French colonization of Haiti, which occurred many years after the Spanish settlement of La Española. But for now, leaders and researchers at the institute say they will remain focused on raising collective awareness of the little-known narrative of the Dominican Republic’s first Blacks.

'First Blacks in the Americas': New Educational Website Touches on Untold History of Dominican Republic's Earliest Black Africans
 

Yehuda

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U.S. to Study Using Sand From Bahamas to Protect Florida Coast

January 4, 2017

A potential solution to a troublesome sand shortage off Southeast Florida is tucked away in a massive water resources funding bill President Barack Obama signed into law last month.

The 2016 Water Resources Development Act authorizes the Army Corps of Engineers to study the potential of using foreign sand, such as from the Bahamas, to widen shorelines and protect coasts from hurricanes like the ones that lashed the Big Bend and northeastern Florida last summer.

In its “Shrinking Shores” investigation last year, the Naples Daily News reported Miami-Dade and Broward counties have exhausted their deposits of available offshore sand, leaving only sand that is too far offshore to retrieve or is nestled among protected reefs or other underwater marine features.

A federal search found enough sand to last 50 years, but beach project managers told the Daily News the sand is too dark and risks triggering sand wars with other coastal counties. Project managers said Bahamian sand is the region’s best chance to end expensive and inefficient sand hauls from inland mines.

But a ban, backed by the U.S dredging industry, on spending federal money on beach projects that use foreign sand stands in the way. Coastal communities can ill afford to forgo federal money for their beaches, the Daily News found.

Florida members of Congress tried again last year, unsuccessfully, to lift the ban.

The study provision in WRDA 2016 represents a compromise, said U.S. Rep. Lois Frankel, D-Boca Raton, who co-sponsored legislation to end the ban.

“I think we’re moving in a good direction,” Frankel said.

She said she would “be in touch” with the Corps of Engineers about whether the agency has money to conduct the study or money needs to be put in a budget. The WRDA provision put no timeline on the study, but she said she hopes it will be done by the next time Congress reauthorizes WRDA, scheduled for 2018.

“The Secretary (of the Army) is authorized to undertake a study of the economic and non-economic costs, benefits and impacts of acquiring by purchase, exchange or otherwise sediment from domestic and non-domestic sources for shoreline protection,” the provision states.

“Upon completion of the study, the Secretary shall report to Congress on the availability, benefits and impacts of using domestic and non-domestic sources of sediment for shoreline protection,” it reads.

An end to the ban on foreign sand is only part of any solution that would allow use of Bahamian sand. U.S. law, also backed by U.S. dredgers, prevents foreign-flagged vessels from bringing sand from the Bahamas to eroded Florida coastlines. To get around the law, sand would have to be transferred to a U.S.-flagged vessel, an expensive extra step.

U.S. to Study Using Sand From Bahamas to Protect Florida Coast
 

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Suicide and race in Guyana: We do not live single-issue lives

STAFF WRITER January 3, 2017

Savitri Persaud was born in Guyana and spent part of her childhood in Moblissa, off the Linden Highway; and in Belle Vue, West Bank Demerara. She is a PhD candidate in the Department of Social and Political Thought at York University in Toronto, Canada. Her doctoral dissertation examines discourses of disablement, mental health, and violence in Guyana and the Caribbean.

Discussing suicide in Guyana is a complex and urgent issue. Al Jazeera’s The Stream recently dedicated an episode intended to explore the high suicide rate in the country. I was in the company of three other panelists who were invited to speak on the issue.

When asked if there was any one part of the population that is more likely to experience suicidal thoughts and suicide, I responded by saying no and that given the history of racial tensions in Guyana, we should be cautious of attributing suicide to any one racialized group alone, but instead look at how suicide is a symptom of larger social, political, and economic problems in Guyana.

One of the panelists later indicated that 80% of the reported suicides are carried out by Indo-Guyanese. I interjected and acknowledged her point that there are higher rates reported in Indo-Guyanese communities.

I am aware of these statistics and should have prefaced my earlier remarks. I admit it is crucial to recognize these high numbers among Indo-Guyanese if we are to comprehensively address Guyana’s high suicide rate.

My overall point, however, was to assert that we must also be vigilant and careful in our discussions to avoid sentiments and practices that might attribute suicidal behavior and suicide to any one ethnic group on the grounds of essentialisms where suicide might come to be viewed as an issue that is inherent to the Indo-Guyanese experience, that “this is just something Indians do” or that “this is just how Indian culture stay”. Because of the short nature of The Stream, it was difficult to thoroughly explicate this.

The conversation was, at times, a passionate one where my fellow panellists expressed great concern and demonstrated incredible resolve in tackling the high incidence of suicide in Guyana.

My response was not intended to dismiss these numbers or the examination of race; nor was I, as some have said, “defending my race”.

Yes, there are higher suicide rates reported in Indo-Guyanese communities. However, it is too simplistic and deterministic to boil down causes to any one category of difference/identity, which according to some of my research participants is sometimes expressed by the general population.

Through my discussions with psychiatrists, family doctors, psychiatric nurses, community workers, NGO leaders, and religious leaders in Guyana, some reported hearing opinions from the general public that referred to suicide as an “Indian people thing”, but as helping professionals they emphasized that suicide is a multifaceted issue, which extends through and beyond discussions of race.

Indo-Guyanese should not be talked about as a monolith. They are a diverse population: across gender, class, sexuality, ability, age, religion, place of residence and so on.

It is, therefore, important to go into these communities and to learn with and from them, not only talk at them. We must acknowledge too that these communities also have the solutions to the issues that affect them, but that they may lack the necessary resources to thoroughly address these problems.]

To better understand the issue, I believe it is crucial to examine the intersectionality and co-occurrence of a multitude of factors.

This requires asking specific questions and examining racism and discrimination; mental illness, disability, and associated stigmatization; health disparities; rural living conditions; domestic and gender-based violence; economic marginalization; drug and alcohol abuse; personal, interpersonal, and intergenerational trauma; the role of religion and spirituality; feelings of isolation and hopelessness; HIV/AIDS stigma; the use of poisonous pesticides in agricultural communities; and discrimination against LGBTQ communities, among other factors.

There was an important 2014 study on suicide and suicidal behavior conducted in Guyana by researcher Serena Coultress of Maastricht University and supported by the Guyana Foundation. In a Stabroek News article reporting on the study, it was found that “in Guyana, the role of ethnicity in suicidality has been overemphasized.” According to the findings: “Participants in the study were said to have also highlighted their belief that the suicide rate may be higher among the Amerindian population, but this remains undocumented due to their largely isolated locality. Additionally, when suicide is recast to include ‘suicidal behavior’ inclusive of reckless behavior, the differentiation between Afro-Guyanese and Indo-Guyanese was less obvious… ‘Although problematic gender roles were found to be amplified within Indian and rural communities, it was impossible to say with any certainty whether these gender roles were driven by the Indo-Guyanese culture, or the rural location of many predominantly East Indian communities’.”

The study also suggests “suicide in Guyana is linked to poor coping skills and a cycle of violence that includes murder-suicide, interpersonal violence, corporal punishment and child sexual abuse…

‘These are inextricably linked, fuelling one another, and are amplified by predominant notions of masculinity, family dysfunctions, sexual inequality and alcohol abuse all of which are major catalysts for the poor coping strategies found across ethnic groups.’”

Especially in cases of murder-suicide where women are often killed and men go on to take their lives by suicide violence of this kind, which occurs across race, occurs as a result of a learned, dominant masculinity where men seek to exert control over the way their partners live and, ultimately, exercise power and violence over how their partners die.

In Canada, where I am completing my studies, the rates of suicide among some First Nations communities are high.

To fully understand the problem, we must look to the history of ongoing colonialism and racism and the social, political, and economic conditions and disenfranchisement that some of these communities continue to face in Canada.

Hitting closer to home here in the diaspora, a foundational Ontario mental health study published in 2015 revealed that the incidence rate of psychotic disorders among first generation immigrants of Caribbean origin was nearly 60% higher (94.4 per 100,000 persons) than that of the general population in the province (55.6 per 100,000 persons), suggesting that specific immigrant groups are placed at a greater risk for developing psychiatric disorders (Anderson et al., 2015).

My future research asks questions about why people of Caribbean origin diverse people of different races, religions, genders, economic backgrounds, abilities, and sexual orientations living in Ontario experience these higher rates, not on account of racialized and cultural essentialisms, but through examining the social causes of mental illness, like some but not all of those factors mentioned earlier, that people of Caribbean origin might encounter in Ontario.

On a personal note, suicide has touched my family. I have Indian, African, and Portuguese heritage; and outwardly, I look Indo-Guyanese. One of my uncles ended his life by suicide.

According to my family, the reasons for his death were compounded by a number of life circumstances. He died before I was born, but the stories of his life of how he so profoundly and positively affected my father were told throughout my childhood and constitute some of my earliest memories. To this day, as recent as Christmas dinner, my father fondly remembers the period when he lived with his older brother for a time in Albouystown; of the life lessons he learned from a man he so admired and respected; of the life lessons that he now passes on to his own children.

As a young girl in Guyana, I knew what the traumatic and deadly consequences of “drinking poison” were, but I also knew that the reasons for doing so were not easily reduced to a single issue.

We must resist and refuse the kneejerk response where suicide is stereotyped, culturalized, and essentialized on the bodies of Indo-Guyanese because this creates further stigma in addressing the complex issues at play.

We need a national, multisectoral, and intersectional strategy to holistically address Guyana’s high suicide rate, which will benefit all Guyanese; it is larger than any individual factor. Audre Lorde, a Black feminist and civil rights activist whose parents hailed from Barbados and Carriacou, reminds us, “There is no such thing as a single-issue struggle, because we do not live single-issue lives.”

Suicide and race in Guyana: We do not live single-issue lives
 

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Cuba Is the Missing Link in Jazz History


Under loosened restrictions, U.S. and Cuban jazz musicians linked up at a Havana music festival to celebrate a common heritage—but can that last under Trump?
LARRY BLUMENFELD
01.07.17 3:01 AM ET

A full moon hung low in the Havana sky, looking expectant, the night before a gala mid-December concert opened the 32nd annual Jazz Plaza Havana festival. A reception crowded the courtyard of the U.S. ambassadorial residence, the air spiced with the scent of rum, the sound of music, and a sense of possibilities.

Pianist Arturo O’Farrill sat at a keyboard. That morning, he had carried a wooden box containing the ashes of his father, the celebrated composer and bandleader Chico O’Farrill, to Colon Cemetery. He was bringing Chico—who was born in Havana in 1921 and died in New York City in 2001, and had left Cuba for good in 1959—back home. Now, amid the cocktails and hors d’oeuvres, Arturo was extending the promise that Chico, beginning with his work with the likes of Dizzy Gillespie and especially through his landmark “Afro Cuban Jazz Suite,” had mightily advanced—an innate and unbreakable musical connection between the U.S. and Cuba that is less forged than revealed.

The small ensemble O’Farrill led that evening kept shifting in personnel and musical style, befitting this cross-cultural truth. Gregg August, the bassist in O’Farrill’s own Grammy-winning Afro Latin Jazz Orchestra, handed his instrument to Darianna Videaux Capitel, a clearly confident 26-year-old female bassist who grew up in Guantanamo. Bebop shifted to bolero when Omara Portuondo, the commanding Cuban singer who gained worldwide fame through her association with Buena Vista Social Club, joined for a song. Trumpeter Adam O’Farrill, Arturo’s son and a rising star in New York City, traded solos with Cuban trumpeter Jesús Ricardo Anduz, whose brilliant tone and dexterity belied his 19 years; their playful competition spoke of nascent friendship and shared musical dialects. Arturo soon gave way at the keyboard to Fabian Almazan, who would perform as headliner the next night in trumpeter Terence Blanchard’s E-Collective band; he was in Cuba for the first time in 23 years, and had spent the previous week reuniting with relatives he’d last seen when he was nine.

Soon Jennifer DeLaurentis, wife of Jeffrey DeLaurentis, the American Chargé d’Affaires in Cuba, addressed the crowd. She recalled O’Farrill’s performance at this house in 2014, the night before Presidents Barack Obama and Raúl Castro made the unexpected announcement of a path toward normalized relations. In the interim, much has changed for those traveling between the two nations, including, as of November, the first regularly scheduled flights from the U.S. to Havana since 1961. Where travelers from the U.S. once faced frustrating bureaucracy and expensive charters to fly to Cuba, one need now just check off items on a pull down screen to book flights. Meantime, savvy music fans in New York City have lately needed only to check local listings to find performances by Cuban musicians that were only recently rare events.


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DAVID GARTEN FOR THE DAILY BEAST

“Last year, half a million Americans visited Cuba,” DeLaurentis said. “We hope this grows after more than 50 years of policies that separated us.” Among those sipping mojitos as they applauded were Daniel Florestano, of the Barcelona-based Montuno Productions, and Scott Southard, of the U.S-based International Music Network. Both had partnered for the first time with Cuba’s National Center for Popular Music, under the direction of the Ministry of Culture and the Institute of Cuban Music, to book the Jazz Plaza Festival’s artists from the U.S. and other countries. Nearby was Steven Bensusan, president of New York City’s Blue Note Entertainment Group, which in addition to its constellation of music clubs now hosts Cuban tourism packages for U.S. visitors; the company was listed as a first-time Jazz Plaza sponsor.

Owing to the U.S. embargo of Cuba, which is still in effect, the musicians from the U.S. don’t receive artists’ compensation, and the U.S.-based companies don’t work directly with Cuban entities. Nevertheless, the context created by the Obama administration’s engagement has made for a revival of not just artistic exchange—for instance, trumpeter Roy Hargrove’s Grammy-winning 1997 album Habana was born of this festival experience—but also for an influx of Americans among the audience members. Ambitions for this year’s event, held Dec. 15-18, were suitably heightened. The headliners included three American bands: Blanchard’s E-Collective, bassist Christian McBride’s trio, and the Grammy winning ensemble Snarky Puppy. In addition to the Havana festival under the artistic direction of pianist Chucho Valdés, a simultaneous sister event was organized in Santiago with pianist Roberto Fonseca as artistic director. Southard expressed the hope of turning the festival into an event with the international cachet of, say, Art Basel.

Since the U.S. embargo of Cuba began in 1962, the ability of Cuban and American musicians to travel back and forth has shifted with the political winds. The late ’70s saw a brief but notable loosening of tensions. In 1985, President Reagan took a hard line. In the late ’90s, under Clinton, the doors opened again, especially for artists, to encourage “people-to-people exchange.” George W. Bush reversed that policy. Following a memorable December 2003 engagement by Chucho Valdés at Manhattan’s Village Vanguard jazz club, no other musician living in Cuba played in the U.S. until 2009, when the Obama administration began loosening travel restrictions.

If the air at the ambassadorial residence in Havana on the eve of the Jazz Plaza festival was filled with possibility, it was also suffused with uncertainty. Ten days earlier, Fidel Castro’s ashes were interred in the cemetery of Santa Ifigenia in Santiago, Cuba; it is hard to overstate that symbolism in a Cuba that has experienced rapid change during the past few years. More to the point, Obama’s respectful engagement of Cuba will shortly be replaced by whatever approach Donald Trump’s administration chooses. Based on the president-elect’s belligerent tweets following Castro’s death—“…I will terminate deal…”—and his naming of Mauricio Claver-Carone, an extremist pro-embargo Floridian, to the transition team, it seems unlikely that our host at that reception, Jeffrey DeLaurentis, or anyone else, will be confirmed as ambassador to Cuba anytime soon. That open door may well swing shut again.

If the musicians at Jazz Plaza knew that, they focused instead on opportunities at hand. For them, there’s a deeper if less obvious promise to what Jazz Plaza can represent. If one musician embodies the legacy of Jazz Plaza, it is Valdés, who sat front and center during a press conference at the Habana Libre Hotel the morning before the festival’s opening. His father, pianist Ramón “Bebo” Valdés, was a central figure among the first generation of big-band mambo arrangers in Cuba. During his decade-long tenure as pianist and arranger for Havana’s famed Tropicana nightclub, Bebo led the island’s top players and worked closely with visiting American stars such as Nat King Cole and Sarah Vaughan. “Cuban music and American jazz, that’s what we lived and breathed in my house,” Chucho once told me. “I learned to play Jelly Roll Morton by listening to my father play.”

Chucho Valdés first performed at Jazz Plaza in 1980, leading his groundbreaking group, Irakere. This was just two years after Irakere made its U.S. debut at Carnegie Hall during the 1978 Newport Jazz Festival, appearing unannounced on a program that featured jazz pianists Mary Lou Williams, McCoy Tyner, and Bill Evans—and stealing that show. Then, Valdés introduced Americans to a bold and subversive music, both a response to Cuba’s post-revolution rejection of American jazz and rock and a seed for Cuban dance music now known as timbá. His tight band with a huge sound expressed a broad sweep of influences: from Afro-Cuban folkloric music to his father’s legacy; from the small-ensemble jazz of Art Blakey to the jazz-infused rock of Blood, Sweat & Tears.

At the press conference, the threads of musical commonality couldn’t have been clearer. Valdés spoke about Blakey’s Jazz Messengers as the inspiration for the name of his current band, the Afro-Cuban Messengers, and how he has now, at 75, segued into that role of elder teacher that Blakey exemplified for generations of American jazz musicians. Terence Blanchard then spoke of his years as a young trumpeter in Blakey’s band, and how Valdés projects that same rhythmic authority and purpose. Christian McBride explained that his father, Lee Smith, had played bass from 1977-1981 for Mongo Santamaria, the Cuban percussionist who made an indelible impact on American music after moving to the U.S. “I don’t think most Americans understand how Cuban American music is,” McBride said.

Blanchard, who lives in New Orleans, where he was born and raised, and who has addressed issues of social justice with increasing frequency both on and off the bandstand, spoke with barely restrained passion about his first visit to Cuba, and about the stereotypes he feels Americans are fed about the island. “I’m frustrated that I’m 54, and I’ve been 45 minutes away from here my entire life,” he said. “I feel like something has been stripped away from me for a very long time. I work in education. My people need to be here and see the truth, not lies. And that’s what jazz has always done. The history of this music is to tell the truth.”

That night, at Havana’s Mella Theater, Valdés played a long and commanding set with his own group, displaying the full range of his expression, from thunderous virtuosity to delicate intimacy, and the wondrous interaction of a rhythm section that combines trap set, congas, and batá, the set of three two-headed hand drums that are elemental to Afro-Cuban rituals. He ended by inviting Blanchard and McBride onstage. They closed with “Caravan,” during which Blanchard’s playing evoked Dizzy Gillespie’s recording of more than 60 years ago, on an album whose one-word title, Afro, implied unity more than fusion.

Jazz Plaza’s sprawl, packed into four nights, is hard to effectively capture. Cuban musicians who are fairly well known in the U.S. via their recordings shone, particularly pianists Harold López-Nussa and Roberto Fonseca. So did musicians who should be better known here, such as trumpeter and composer Yasek Manzano. My favorite Jazz Plaza venue is the open-air Casa de la Cultura de Plaza, where the group Interactivo was as energetic and innovative as I’d remembered, jumping across geographic and genre borders with ease and charm. A few nights later, bassist Alain Perez led a large ensemble that combined Afro-Cuban elements with jazz improvisation and turned on a dime in the style of, say, James Brown. Drummer Yissi García’s Banda XX was notable for its all-female cast, it stylistic range, and the presence of the wonderful singer, Daymé Arocena. Pianist Rolando Luna’s various appearances in and around Jazz Plaza left me wishing he’d perform in the U.S. very soon. Arturo O’Farrill’s deepening relationship with Cuba made for the best collaboration between Cuban and U.S. artists, at the Teatro Bertolt Brecht, on closing night. That one featured the young trumpeter Jesús Ricardo Anduz, who has just made what I expect to be a notable arrival in New York.

The resonance of this year’s festival is yet to be heard. It will surely echo at Manhattan’s Symphony Space, where, on Jan. 27-28, Arturo O’Farrill and Chucho Valdés will perform together, before heading into the studio for a collaborative recording.

Pianist Fabian Almazan spent a few days before Jazz Plaza in the Cuban nature preserve of Las Terrazas, recording bird songs that he plans to incorporate into his next recording for his independent label, Biophilia Records.

At Havana’s José Martí airport, awaiting his flight home, Terence Blanchard explained that, everywhere he went in Cuba, he saw people whose facial expressions and movements reminded him of friends and relatives in New Orleans. “I’ve traveled to Europe and Japan my whole professional life and I’ve been deeply affected by those places, but it’s nothing like this,” he said. “For any African American, this is a missing link in the chain of your own identity. That’s going to change how and what I play.”

I flew back to New York City with O’Farrill, and I recalled what he’d told me in 2014, after Obama and Raúl Castro made their historic announcement. “Now we can begin in earnest to have a healthy relationship in which Afro-Cuban music is not so exoticized,” he’d said, “one in which we look at each other as inheritors of a common legacy, and as true partners.”

In 2014, Obama had promised to “begin a new chapter among the nations of the Americas.” Here’s hoping Trump doesn’t close the book on all that. Regardless, the story these musicians extend, which began long before the embargo, will go on.

Cuba Is the Missing Link in Jazz History
 

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What It’s Like To Be A Human Rights Defender In One Of The Deadliest Countries On Earth

KAELYN FORDE
3 JANUARY 2017, 04:37

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PHOTOGRAPHED BY DANIELLA ZALCMAN.

Pull back the label on a T-shirt or a pair of trainers and you might see “Made in Honduras”. Fish your favourite long-lasting lipstick out of your makeup bag and it may contain palm oil, another of the tiny Central American country’s major exports.

But although Honduras is one of the smallest countries in the world, it boasts one of the highest murder rates per capita. Human rights defenders, many of them women, pushing for better conditions in these industries and beyond, often find themselves in the crosshairs of the violence.

So what is it like to wake up each morning and fight for change in a place where such efforts could cost you your life?

“We can’t say that we are superwomen. The fear exists, but what is important is to not let the fear paralyse us and to keep moving forward,” said Miriam Miranda, a human rights defender from the Afro-indigenous Garifuna community. “For me, my identity and spirituality have been very important. From a cultural and spiritual perspective, our fight is a basic, fundamental one.”

As the coordinator of the Black Fraternal Organization of Honduras (OFRANEH), Miranda is constantly challenging the business interests that threaten to make her community disappear. Drug traffickers have made Garifuna communities along the coast violent battlegrounds for routes and territory. Major corporations want to build beach resorts in the villages the Garifuna have called home for centuries. Low-wage factories making clothes for export to Europe and the U.S. exploit workers, and plantations growing palm oil for cosmetics and food violently take over entire towns to plant more of the cash crop.

But the stakes are high. In 2016, Berta Cáceres, a prominent human rights defender from another Honduran indigenous community, was brutally murdered by hitmen in her home just months after receiving a major international prize for her opposition to a major dam set to be built on the river her people consider sacred.

“Berta travelled across the country, and they could have killed her anywhere. But the message that was sent by killing her in her own home was very clear: 'You’re not safe anywhere. We are watching you. We can get you anytime we want and we can do whatever we want to you,’” Miranda said. “I think that’s one of the strongest messages we as defenders in Honduras have ever received, and that’s why we believe we are more vulnerable now than ever.”

Even in the face of threats and violence, Miranda has refused to give up. Ahead, she shares her story with Refinery29.

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PHOTOGRAPHED BY DANIELLA ZALCMAN.

Tell us a little about the Garifuna community and culture...

The Garifuna are a mix of African people and indigenous peoples from the Caribbean. Our community was formed on the island of San Vicente off the coast of Venezuela in about 1600. Culturally, we are indigenous people with dark skin, and we have lived all along the Atlantic coast of Honduras for the past 219 years. Along the coast, there are about 48 communities. We live right in front of the sea, and we have a rich indigenous culture with its own spirituality and identity. We also have our own language.

Garifuna women play an important role, because we are a matrilineal and matrifocal system… Women play a fundamental role in everything having to do with community life. We are not just the ones who give birth to sons and daughters, we as women are responsible for making sure that our cultural identity as Garifuna lives on.

In 2002, as a result of all that we have done to preserve our cultural identity as Garifuna, UNESCO named us to its List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. But even though we have been recognised in this way, there still isn’t any protection from the government to make sure our identity lives on.

The human rights situation in Honduras right now is very serious, particularly after the murder of Berta Cáceres. What is it like to work as a human rights defender when there are so many threats?


After Berta’s murder, more women and people have come forward to demand that human rights be respected, to demand that nature be respected, to demand that our rivers and our forests be protected. So on the one hand, the number of human rights violations has multiplied. But on the other hand, so have the voices of people fighting back.

With Berta’s murder, the government showed that it could snatch away the lives of people who fight for human rights. I think it was a very clear message, the fact that they assassinated a woman who was recognised around the world, who had just received the Goldman International Prize. Even though she was high-profile, they still dared to do that. And if they dared to kill her, what do we think they could do to all of the women working across the country and in other communities? The fact that they killed her in her own home was a clear message to us.

But we also can’t let fear paralyse us. That’s also very clear. We have to redouble, triple our efforts to protect ourselves. Honduras is also one of the countries with the highest rates of femicide in the world, and one of the most dangerous for journalists.

The [2009] coup also created a very strong climate of misogyny. Police feel that they can control women’s bodies, the bodies of LGBTQ activists. Before the coup, there had never been so many LGBTQ people murdered. Many of them have had to flee the country. Why? Because the military believes that going out in the street to protest is a reason for them to take your life. That at any moment, they are free to stop you, detain you and do whatever they want to you. If there is no rule of law, there is no guarantee you will be safe. That’s the horrifying reality we’re currently living in Honduras.

Two of Honduras’ major exports are clothes for big North American and European brands, and palm oil, which is used in food, soap and cosmetics. What do you want young women outside of Honduras to consider or know when they buy these products?

One of the most important things to understand is that the women who work in these clothing factories have their rights violated in a major way. Ever since the maquilas [low-wage clothing factories] arrived in Honduras, they have not had to pay taxes. Workers there can’t unionise. Some women aren’t even allowed to go to the bathroom when they have to. And when women working in these places at some point demand better conditions, they can all be fired immediately. Not just one or two people, but the entire group. It’s horrible.

Many of the things that are bought in countries in the north are produced in places where women experience enormous human rights violations. In some cases, there are women who earn just 3,000 lempiras per month. That’s less than $130. But the factory owners offer that salary to them and say, ‘Take it or leave it’, because we are also living in a country where there are really limited jobs. So the factory owners don’t care at all about the working conditions.

Palm oil is a monoculture crop that not only damages the land, but also hurts people’s ability to feed themselves because they’re not able to produce basic staples like rice and beans when the land is being used to produce palm oil. Palm oil is most often used in soaps, but there are companies that use it in makeup and cosmetics, too. It’s also made into cooking oil for food products.

It’s also important to know about the working conditions in the palm oil industry and how they affect women’s health. One issue in particular is that when they are producing the palm oil, there are palm seeds that fall down, and it’s mostly women whose job it is to collect them. The problem is that the trees and plants are sometimes sprayed with toxic substances, and some of the women go and pick up the seeds without any protection – no gloves, no mask, nothing. The workers aren’t told that it can be a health hazard. For me, it’s also a major human rights issue, because later on, it isn’t just the women who get sick, it can be their children as well.

That’s why I think it’s important for young people who live in Europe and the U.S. to investigate really closely what the working conditions are like for the people producing the products they buy.

What is one piece of advice you would like to share with young women?


One fundamental piece of advice is that you don’t have to lose your roots. Young people have to understand that we are always connected to our ancestors, to our grandparents, to our mothers and to our communities. We need to ask ourselves why we live in a state and a system that can be dehumanising and that teaches us to be individualistic and only think about ourselves. We have to realise that we are part of a bigger collective. There are many hands, many thoughts, many hearts that we can bring together to find the answers when we feel as though we are drowning or we don’t know what to do.

Ed. note: This interview has been translated from Spanish and edited for length and clarity.

The Rainforest Foundation UK ranks brands that produce palm oil to help consumers make educated choices. And labour organisers in the global garment industry suggest many ways consumers can get involved and engage with their favourite brands to help improve working conditions.

What It’s Like To Be A Human Rights Defender In One Of The Deadliest Countries On Earth
 

Yehuda

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U.S. citizens targeted after extradition of Haiti ex-coup leader

Tue Jan 10, 2017 | 6:09am EST
By Joseph Guyler Delva | PORT-AU-PRINCE

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Guy Philippe, former police chief police, participates in a march into the city of Gonaives, Haiti, February 19, 2004. REUTERS/Daniel Aguilar/File Photo

Haitian police have evacuated some 50 U.S. citizens to safety after attempted attacks by supporters of Haitian Senator-elect Guy Philippe, who was arrested and extradited to the United States last week, a police official said on Monday.

Philippe, long wanted by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration and remembered for his role in a 2004 coup against former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, was elected senator for the southwestern Grand'Anse region in polls on Nov. 20.

But on Thursday, days before he was supposed to be sworn in, police arrested him outside of a radio station and flew him to the United States, where a Miami court charged him with money laundering and drug trafficking. Philippe denies the charges.

The extradition has stirred tensions in Grand'Anse, an area that is rebuilding after damages inflicted by Hurricane Matthew last October and where Philippe enjoys popularity.

Supporters of Philippe have clashed with political opponents in the streets, burned two police vehicles and attacked several police stations, forcing officers to flee, said Berson Soljour, a police commissioner in Grand'Anse.

Philippe supporters are also believed to have attacked two U.S. citizens who ran an orphanage and stole their passports and other belongings from their home, police officials said.

Police have evacuated more than 50 U.S. citizens to safer places in Haiti since Friday, Soljour said, who advised those who chose to stay not to leave their residences. Higher than usual numbers of U.S. citizens are in the region helping with hurricane recovery.

U.S. citizens were evacuated to a police station before moving to a United Nations base, where they waited for preparations to fly them to Port-au-Prince, Soljour said. Some have been flown to the capital, while others are still waiting.

"There are groups linked to Guy Philippe that were actively seeking to attack or capture U.S. citizens following (his) arrest and extradition," Soljour said.

A spokesman for the U.S. embassy, Karl Adam, said the embassy was aware of the threats and has sent messages to citizens to advise them to avoid certain areas and to be particularly careful.

"I know some have decided to leave and this is not something the embassy is organizing", Adam said.

More protests were scheduled to take place over the next several days in Grand'Anse and in Port-au-Prince, including outside the U.S. embassy.

Some 200 protesters massed at a barricade across the street from parliament on Monday as new senators were sworn into office, with about half denouncing Philippe’s arrest with slogans, T-shirts and waving signs.



(Editing by Makini Brice and Michael Perry)

U.S. citizens targeted after extradition of Haiti ex-coup leader
 

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Haiti records economic growth of 1.4% in 2016

Wednesday, December 28, 2016 | 9:14 AM

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PORT AU PRINCE, Haiti (CMC) — Haiti’s economy grew by more than one per cent in 2016, according to preliminary figures released by the Directorate of Economic Statistics of the Ministry of Finance.

It said the gross domestic product (GDP) grew by 1.4 per cent, well below the target of 3.6 per cent that the authorities had set at the beginning of the fiscal year, October 2015 to September 2016.

The figures show that the agricultural sector, which had plagued the Haitian economy in 2015, was largely responsible for GDP growth in 2016.

According to preliminary estimates based on partial and provisional data provided by the Ministry of Agriculture, the value added at constant prices of the sectors: forestry, livestock and fisheries, increased from HTG 3,131 million gourdes (One Haitian gourde = US$0.014 cents) in 2015 to HTG 3,226 million gourdes in 2016, an increase of three per cent as compared to a 5.4 per cent decline the previous year.

The other sectors that contributed to the growth in 2016 included manufacturing (I.5 per cent) food industries (four per cent) and the papermaking and printing (3.9 per cent).

“From a global demand perspective, growth was driven by a 1.2 per cent increase in consumption and 1.1 per cent in total investment. Consumption was supported in part by the seven per cent increase in diaspora remittances and the 12 per cent increase in the public administration payroll.”

The authorities noted however that public investment has fallen, saying the overall increase in private investment can be attributed to the private sector — 2.2 per cent increase in foreign direct investment and a 17 per cent increase in loans granted to the private sector by the financial system.

The figures show that the local currency also depreciated sharply against the US dollar, from HTG 51.8 gourdes per US dollar in September 2015 to HTG 65.2 gourdes in September 2016, a drop of almost 26 per cent.

“This depreciation of the Haitian currency impacted inflation, which, contrary to the forecast of 6.2 per cent at the beginning of the year, reached 12.5 per cent year-on-year at the end of the fiscal year (September 2016) and 14.2 per cent in November 2016.”

The Directorate of Economic Statistics says the 2017 fiscal year has started badly because of the major natural hazards that hit the country in early October.

“Gains obtained particularly in the crop of spring 2016, was almost cancelled by the passage of Hurricane Matthew in at least four of the 10 departments of the country. This natural disaster has severely decapitated farmers, pastoralists and fishermen. If adequate actions are not taken with a view to appropriate recapitalization, this situation risks undermining the expected 2.2 per cent performance of the Haitian economy in 2017.”

Haiti records economic growth of 1.4% in 2016 - News

Needs to be higher than 7 per cent to alleviate poverty. Damn the UN/US occupation! :pacspit:
 

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Jamaica’s Decade of Misery Is Almost Over

by Ezra Fieser
17 January 2017 16:13 UTC

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Photographer: Lisa Strachan/Getty Images/iStockphoto

Jamaica will finally recover from the global financial crisis this year after a decade of sluggish or negative growth, according to a forecast from the central bank.

A stronger expansion in the U.S., Jamaica’s biggest source of trade and remittances, will help the Caribbean economy expand as much as 3 percent in the next fiscal year, which starts in April, Bank of Jamaica Governor Brian Wynter said. That would be its fastest pace in eleven years, and would take output past its 2007 peak.

The $14 billion economy has struggled in recent years, weighed down by one of the region’s heaviest debt burdens, even as neighbors Panama and the Dominican Republic have enjoyed the best growth rates in the Americas. Investors appear to share the central bank’s view that the worst is over, with Jamaica’s stock market returning 140 percent over the last two years, the most in the world.

“Economic growth has been picking up in phases, slowly, but in a positive direction Jamaica is in a recovery,” Wynter said in a telephone interview from Kingston. “Much depends on the very question of how much US tail winds will give a boost to Jamaica.”

Jamaica still carries one of the highest debt loads in the Western Hemisphere at 122 percent of gross domestic product, even after restructuring in 2010 and 2013. The nation won praise -- and a $1.7 billion standby loan -- from the IMF for its commitment to cut its debt ratio in half by 2025. The yield on the nation’s dollar bonds due in 2025 has fallen 132 basis points to 5.45 percent over the last year.

Wynter said Jamaica is vulnerable to uncertainty created by events such as Trump’s election and Brexit, but has bolstered its defenses by building foreign reserves, allowing the Jamaican dollar to fall from an overvalued level, and reducing its dependence on foreign crude imports by using more renewable energy and natural gas.

“We’re going to keep driving forward with reforms so that investors look at Jamaica and focus on what the opportunities are more than what’s going on with Trump or Brexit, or whatever,” he said.

Jamaica’s Decade of Misery Is Almost Over
 
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