Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

BigMan

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http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-30926714

It means that for the first time the country's Rastafarian community, which uses the herb for religious purposes, could be able to smoke it legally.

The bill also envisages a licensing authority for the cultivation, sale and distribution of marijuana for medical and therapeutic purposes.

It goes to the senate this week for approval.

The bill also proposes that the smoking of marijuana will be banned in public spaces.

Decriminalisation spreading
South and Central America and the Caribbean countries have been battling the impact of drug trafficking and drug use for decades.

Cocaine and marijuana produced in the region is transported through many countries, their citizens turned into consumers by the trade.

But the BBC's Candace Piette says that as trafficking and drug consumption have continued to grow, many governments have begun to recognise that heavy-handed tactics and the crackdown on drugs has failed.

Elsewhere in the region:

  • In Mexico, Colombia and Argentina marijuana possession in small amounts was decriminalised a few years ago, and Argentina is drafting a set of proposals to loosen restrictions on possession
  • In Guatemala, President Otto Perez Molina is proposing moves to push for the legalisation of marijuana and potentially other drugs
  • Chile and Costa Rica are also debating the introduction of medical marijuana policies
  • Uruguay last year became the first country in the world to approve the growth, sale and distribution of marijuana
 

Cuban Pete

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SOHH ICEY MONOPOLY
Black Cubans: Restoring US Ties Is Cool, but America, Keep Your Hang-Ups About Race at Bay
Will the current racial tensions in America seep into Cuba and awaken a sleeping giant? Black Cubans say probably not.

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BY: DIANA OZEMEBHOYA EROMOSELE
Posted: Jan. 21 2015 3:00 AM

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An Afro-Cuban sugarcane cutter in Pinar del Río, Cuba
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED


It doesn’t matter how much Cuba’s culture changes now that the U.S. has restored diplomatic relations; if you’re waiting for black Cubans to set off some sort of racial revolution, don’t hold your breath.

That’s according to some black Cubans who shared their thoughts on race with The Root in the edited Q&A below.

Omar Diaz is a 28-year-old black Cuban actor living in Miami who immigrated to the U.S. when he was 4 years old. He said that while he’s rooting for a democratic Cuba, he hopes that black Cubans will continue to benefit from the Castro revolution’s decree that Cubans prioritize nationalism overrace.

Ruben* is a 52-year-old black photographer and book publisher. He is the only interviewee still living in Cuba. Even though he spoke passionately about racial inequality in Cuba, he explained why he and most black Cubans don’t quite see themselves as Afro-Cuban or black Cuban—just Cuban.

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Afro-Cuban boys playing in Trinidad, Cuba
JPLAVOIE/WIKIMEDIA COMMONS

First cousins Elia E. Espuet and Sira Perez, on the other hand, both strongly identify as Afro-Cubans. Both women, ages 63 and 62 respectively, immigrated to the U.S. when they were teenagers in the late 1960s, Fidel Castro having assumed power in 1959. They could easily pass as African Americans, though they vividly remember how they were advised not to, in order to escape the brutality facing black Americans fighting for civil rights. That distinction—Cuba’s kind of racism versus America’s kind of racism—stuck with them. They maintain that black Cubans have it better in some ways on that front.

Georgina Rodriguez, 53—their mulatto, as she describes herself, cousin (who was categorized as “white” in Cuba when she was born)—doesn’t want Americans spewing their “racial framework” and “neoconservatism” all over Cuba. She argues that the former doesn’t account for all of Cuba’s ethnicities, and the latter will only widen the inequality gap.

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An interracial couple in Havana City with pictures of Ché Guevara and Camilo Cienfuegos on the wall and a bust of Cuban national hero José Martí on the shelf
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

The Root: As American influences trickle into Cuba in the years to come, is there a concern that the racial progress that Castro’s communism ushered in will become undone?

Elia Espuet: Yes—I’m inclined to believe that as relations with Cuba and the United States go forward, the rich white Cubans will marginalize the black Cubans on the island. Unfortunately, I don’t see things becoming better for black Cubans.


But there is a degree of wariness with regards to the potential socioeconomic inequalities that America’s kind of neoconservative capitalism brings with it.

Georgina Rodriguez: Agreed. I mean, everyone in Cuba—black, white and mulatto—will benefit from better infrastructure and greater access to goods, food and medicine. The Castro regime will no longer have an excuse for its totalitarian control over people’s thoughts or actions, and the Cuban people will finally be thrust into the modern world with Internet and everything. But there is a degree of wariness with regards to the potential socioeconomic inequalities that America’s kind of neoconservative capitalism brings with it.

TR: But doesn’t socioeconomic inequality already exist in Cuba? White Cubans are disproportionately represented in politics; they have the best-paying jobs—they live in the best neighborhoods. Communism certainly didn’t cause that inequality, but it doesn’t exactly allow for social and civic expressions like homosexuality or freedom of speech, either.

GR: African Americans have more equal rights “on paper” than Afro-Cubans, but that hasn’t eradicated racism in American society or its institutions like the police. Look at Ferguson and Trayvon Martin, for instance.

In Cuba, the races live side by side much more than they do in the U.S. There is far less de facto segregation in Cuba. Families are so much more mixed, and so racial hatred in Cuba doesn’t run as deep as in America, because everyone has a black grandma cooking in the kitchen unseen. So I would definitely say that there is more racial equality in Cuba than in the USA in many ways.

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A Cuban prepares popcorn for St. Lazarus pilgrims in Havana, December 2009. Thousands of believers gather annually to fulfill vows made to St. Lazarus (also referred to as Babalu Aye) for worshippers of the Afro-Cuban religion Santería.
ADALBERTO ROQUE/GETTY IMAGES

TR: There’s poverty in Cuba. Black Cubans—who were always marginalized—have felt that the hardest. Will their financial well-being improve if the embargo is lifted and American dollars start to trickle into Cuba with more ease and less restrictions?

Omar Diaz: Definitely—I’m looking forward to the economic benefits. Most black Cubans aren’t receiving financial help from relatives abroad—like white Cubans do—because, remember, blacks didn’t leave Cuba at the time of the revolution. Castro’s policies appealed mostly to the poor, so they stayed. Now that the channels are opening up, someone like me, a black Cuban, can go back to my island, open up a business there, or open up a business here in the U.S. and help my black Cuban relatives.

TR: What do Cuba and the U.S. have in common when it comes to race relations? What are some of the differences?

GR: In terms of similarities, a white or light-skinned Cuban would definitely prefer their children not to marry a negro because there is the idea that their descendants are going to take a step back socially—atrasarse.

But people are very understanding of attraction, lust and love. So interracial couples happen a lot in Cuba, and it’s definitely not a taboo; people don’t stare at you and your kids don’t get stigmatized.

The differences: The day-to-day experience of the average black person in Cuba is far less scary than in America. Black lives are not endangered in Cuba, simply because there is far less crime and guns are illegal.


Now, racism does exist in Cuba, but again, it’s just different.

Sira Perez: Yeah,I don’t recall being threatened in Cuba, nothing like the racism here in the U.S. Now, racism does exist in Cuba, but again, it’s just different. For instance, when I was a child, I wanted to take ballet lessons at a school in Havana, but I knew that was a dream that would never come true because of the color of my skin and not having the right connections.

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Sira Perez at age 17 in Kingston, Jamaica, 1970. She had just arrived from Cuba and was en route to the U.S.
COURTESY OF SIRA PEREZ

I also remember looking through the holes of the gate to this exclusive tennis club and dreaming of one day to be able to participate. That was also an impossible dream at the time, but I guess that as a black Cuban, I conformed and accepted our place in society.

TR: Do you think black Cubans will become more racially conscious and want to exalt their blackness—for lack of a better term? Bring more awareness to their African ancestry?

Ruben: I don’t think America’s social influence will affect black Cubans. Cuba has been exposed to tourism and has had contact with the developed world for 20 years; that exposure hasn’t triggered a renewed awareness of ethnic identity. Nor has racism become stronger or weaker, in my opinion.

OD: I do think there would be a rise in black culture, but there wouldn’t be a movement to create a Black History Month in Cuba, per se, because, again, Cubans were conditioned to put nationalism before race. Black Cubans wouldn’t do anything to separate themselves, but more so to bring more awareness to black culture and to celebrate it.


I do think there would be a rise in black culture, but there wouldn’t be a movement to create a Black History Month in Cuba, per se, because, again, Cubans were conditioned to put nationalism before race.

Black Cuban public figures, like Celia Cruz, for example, will be celebrated. If a democracy is put in place and restrictions against certain kinds of activism are lifted, people that need to be celebrated in Cuba are going to be celebrated. And a lot of those people are going to be black Cubans for sure. African culture is in the food and it’s in the music—and those are the two most important things in Cuba. [Laughter.]

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An Afro-Cuban dancer performs in Havana May 27, 2009, during the Wemilere festival, the most traditional event aimed at maintaining African roots.
STR/GETTY IMAGES

TR: Is that level of racial consciousness a good thing or a bad thing?

GR: I prefer the racial framework in Cuba and other Latin American countries because there are more options than black or white—an attitude that I think the USA needs to adopt now that there are so many bi- and multiracial people. Ruben in Cuba rejects the term “Afro-Cuban,” while Elia and Sira in the U.S. accept it. In my opinion, that’s the U.S. racial framework that Elia and Sira have learned to apply.

*Ruben is a pseudonym. He lives in Cuba and would speak to The Root only on condition of anonymity.

http://www.theroot.com/articles/cul...ion_of_us_ties_and_how_their_experiences.html

Beautifully written article, that sums up our perspective on race EXACTLY compared to America im bout to show my family this
 

Poitier

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Monday, January 19, 2015


“Tú no eres negro; tú eres moreno!”
(You are not black; you are colored!)

To my surprise, this statement was made to me personally by an Afro-Peruvian dance troupe leader in a predominately black district of Southern Perú. She reminded me of the time when calling a black American “African” or “black” were fighting words. We used to insist on being called “Negroes” or “colored people.”

Wherever I am in Latin America, I always refer to myself as “negro (black)” or “afro-estadounidense (African-American).” However, During my Latin-American travels, I often heard the word moreno used when referring to black people, even among the black Latin Americans.

Recently, I observed a discussion among Afro-Latinos as to what black people are called when speaking Spanish. The responses differed depending on location, generation, and Latin-American country of origin. Here are the responses:

  • Moreno in my area is usually used in reference to an African American.
  • I was taught that moreno is offensive.
  • I'm dark skin and I'm referred to as moreno.
  • Moreno is seen as better or more polite than negro.
  • My aunt in Costa Rica is a linguist and she goes into a panic attack when someone calls her a morena.
  • I think moreno used amongst Latinos to refer to people of African descent, but I know my black Cuban grandparents would not want to be referred to as negros.
  • I learned that negro refers to people of black skin wheremoreno is someone who was born very light skinned and have been tanned by being out in the sun, or someone who is darker by a few shades from the rest of their family.
  • In Puerto Rico, I was always taught to refer to blacks asmoreno. However. At one time I was speaking to an older Afro-Cuban in her 70's and she told me not to refer to black people as morenos. I was thoroughly confused but she was my elder and I said, "yes ma'am."
  • An African-American who lived in Perú with his Afro-Peruvian wife states that moreno is the proper name for a black person. He insists that it is formal, especially if you do not know the individual.
The term moreno was the term used by the Christian Spaniards referring to the Muslim Moors who were of darker complexion and had occupied the Iberian peninsula of Spain for over 800 years. However many Afro-Latinos use the term negro, such as the late black Queen of salsa music Celia Cruz and the world famous dance troupe Perú Negro (Black Peru). Today, more and more Afro-Latinos who are waking up to their heritage are referring to themselves as Afro-descientes (African descendents).


http://ahorasecreto.blogspot.com/2015/01/spanish-words-for-black-people.html?spref=tw
 

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http://www.jamaicaobserver.com/news/Jamaica-to-help-Costa-Rica-set-up-Local-Government-system

KINGSTON, Jamaica – The Government has agreed to assist Costa Rica to establish a Local Government system.

As part of the agreement, the country will facilitate visits by Costa Rican Government officials to familiarise themselves with the parish council and municipal system in Jamaica.

This, the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM) said in a release Tuesday, is among other areas of functional cooperation being considered to strengthen ties between the two countries.

The issues were raised during bilateral talks between Prime Minister Portia Simpson Miller and the President of Costa Rica, Luis Guillermo Solis Rivera in the Costa Rican capital of San Jose while the Prime Minister attended the Third Summit of Heads of Government of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) January 28- 29, the release said.

President Solis noted that Costa Rica lagged behind many other countries in terms of the absence of a strong Local Government system and, according to the release, said Jamaica was seen as a country with a strong track record in this area. He also pointed to Prime Minister Simpson Miller’s reputation as a leader in Local Government, the OPM noted.

The Prime Minister noted that while Jamaica has not accomplished all of its objectives in relation to local government, the efforts at strengthening the system were ongoing, including the Local Government Reform Bill now before Parliament.
 

BigMan

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https://www.liberationnews.org/quak...political-aftershocks-continue-rocking-haiti/

After quake’s fifth anniversary, political aftershocks continue rocking Haiti

By Kim Ives
Feb 07, 2015



KOD’s Oxygène David addressing a crowd in the capital’s Fort National neighborhood during a Jan. 11 rally for the 2010 earthquake’s anniversary. Credit: Kim Ives/Haïti Liberté


On Feb. 2, a national transport strike left streets around Haiti empty, with occasional protest pyres of burning tires. This scene is from Port-au-Prince. Credit: Daniel Tercier/Haïti Liberté

Its rocky moonscape is littered with piles of dirt, debris, and garbage. Untold hundreds of residents died here when the Jan. 12, 2010 earthquake destroyed eight out of ten of the closely-packed cinderblock and tin shacks which crowded – and today again crowd – dark narrow corridors down which sewage runs. Flies and rats cohabit this grim warren with large families whose children in doorways (often barricaded by no more than a curtain) squat like frogs, leaping away when a stranger passes.

Looking out across Fort National’s patchwork of tin rooftops, tendrils of twisted rusting iron rebar reach out of unfinished cinderblock walls, like fingers beseeching the heavens for manna.

At the top of this neighborhood perched on top of the capital’s highest downtown hill is a giant billboard that once showed an architect’s vision of a leafy flowered apartment complex with wide walkways and well-dressed people. This construction project, to be carried out by a Dominican construction firm under a contested no-bid contract, was to be funded with $174 million of the more than $13 billion in international aid pledged to Haiti after the earthquake. The sign, along with its promise, has long since faded, like so many projects trumpeted in Haiti after the earthquake. Less than half of the $13 billion has ever been dispersed, and beyond a few luxury hotels and a giant assembly park in the north, far from the earthquake area, it is hard to see much change in Haiti’s harsh realities after the world’s outpouring of support.

Where did Fort National’s $174 million go?

“We were told by Martelly’s officials that about $44 million of it supposedly went to build about 3000 small homes out in the remote desert by Morne à Cabri,” said former Sen. Moïse Jean-Charles. “But when I asked Martelly’s Finance Minister in a Senate hearing where the rest of the money went, he just smiled. At least, I thought, that was honest.”

The Fort National neighborhood is also home to Fort National, a fortress built by Haiti’s founding father Gen. Jean-Jacques Dessalines to guard against feared French, English, or Spanish reprisals or recolonization attempts after Haiti’s Jan. 1, 1804 independence proclamation, the first in Latin America.

However, today, this garrison built to repel foreign invaders is occupied by them: troops of the hated United Nations Mission to Stabilize Haiti or MINUSTAH. Deployed in Haiti since Jun. 1, 2004, the Brazilian-led force, now about 7,500, has been responsible for massacres, rapes, sexual abuse, and, most notoriously, the import of cholera in October 2010. Outhouses leaking Nepalese UN soldiers’ feces infected Haiti’s largest river and set off the world’s worst cholera epidemic, which has now claimed about 9,000 Haitian lives. Despite three lawsuits being brought against it in New York, the UN refuses any responsibility for the outbreak.

The faded sign announcing never-built housing and the machine-gun toting silhouettes of UN soldiers atop the walls of Dessalines’ fortifications are among the constant goads that make Fort National’s residents among the most militant, organized, and mobilized in Port-au-Prince. The neighborhood is home to the Movement for Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity among Haitians (MOLEGHAF), a popular organization which is central in the political party Dessalines Coordination (KOD), formed last February. Greeted by residents like the neighborhood’s mayor, Oxygène David, 40, is a leader of both organizations and lives in an earthquake-damaged one-room hovel buried deep within Fort National’s winding corridors. A former telephone-pole wire-splicer for the state telephone company TELECO, Oxygène lost his job in 2008 when the public enterprise was privatized under former President René Préval. Oxygène became a leader of Haiti’s anti-neoliberal mobilization, organizing weekly picket-lines in front of the Social Affairs Ministry demanding back pay and reparations. For his militancy, he was twice thrown in jail for months – without trial – under both Presidents Préval and Martelly.

Throughout the night of Jan. 11 until 5 a.m., to mark the earthquake’s fifth anniversary, hundreds of Fort National residents thronged around a stage erected in a vacant lot near the top of the neighborhood. The event was organized by several local “baz” – small associations of young people – but the principal one was “Baz Rezistans”, the Resistance Base, whose members are part of MOLEGHAF. Most of the night consisted of Haitian musicians performing rasin (roots) and rap music with a sharply political theme. But there were also political speeches.

“We have to remain mobilized to fight against the (s)elections they are going to try to foist upon us,” Oxygène told the crowd. “There can be no free, fair, and sovereign elections unless Martelly resigns and the MINUSTAH leaves. The coming electoral fever is going to intoxicate and corrupt many people, making them ready to accept anything. But we must stand firm and not let them hand us another bogus election like that of 2011.”

In 2011, Washington, the Organization of American States (OAS), and MINUSTAH intervened in Haiti’s sovereign elections to push out of the run-off Préval’s favored presidential candidate, Jude Céléstin, and replace him with former konpa singer and right-wing cheerleader Martelly, who eventually won the race. As the then OAS Ambassador to Haiti Ricardo Seitenfus later put it: “Washington and its allies didn’t just overrule Haiti’s electoral council; they overruled the Haitian electorate.” He called the pollings, held on Nov. 28, 2010 and Mar. 20, 2011, “an electoral coup.”

Haitians, by and large, also saw this power-play but, still reeling from the earthquake, resigned themselves to it, generally saying: “Let’s see what Martelly can do.” What he did over the next three and a half years, since his May 14, 2011 inauguration, was establish a neo-Duvalierist regime whose hallmarks were blatant corruption, impunity, repression, intimidation, ineffectiveness, and waste, all smothered in the most shameless and expensive propaganda proclaiming everywhere that “Haiti is advancing.” Scheduled parliamentary and municipal elections were never held (although three carnivals annually were), resulting in Parliament’s expiration on Jan. 12. As demonstrations grew in size and frequency in the months leading up to the date, so did repression, swelling the next demonstration, and Haiti entered a political vicious circle.

Martelly’s opposition has three principal currents which remain, until now, basically united. First, there is the Patriotic Movement of the Democratic Opposition (MOPOD), a coalition led mostly by traditional “political class” leaders like Turneb Delpé, Martelly’s 2011 challenger Mirlande Manigat, and former deputy Serge Jean-Louis. Then there is former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s Lavalas Family Political Organization, whose current nominal leader, Dr. Maryse Narcisse, most recently characterized the party as the “moderate opposition.” Finally, there is the Dessalinien current, which is composed of KOD and the Platform of Dessalines’ Children (PPD), led by former Sen. Moïse Jean-Charles. (MOPOD recently changed its “D” to signify Dessalines too.)

The opposition-led nationwide uprising resulted in the Dec. 13 resignation of Prime Minister Laurent Lamothe (Martelly’s long-time business partner) as well as the freeing of political prisoners, the replacement of a Martelly pawn who headed the Supreme Court, and the naming of a new electoral council.

Despite these concessions, the weekly, and sometimes daily, demonstrations of thousands continue, although met by teargas, rubber bullets, and water cannon. Every concession the government is forced to make seems like a provocation given Haiti’s revolutionary mood.

Just this week, on Feb. 2 and 3, general transport strikes paralyzed the country, leaving usually vehicle-choked streets eerily empty, with burning-tire barricades along major thoroughfares. Last week, a gallon of gas in Haiti still cost a government-fixed 215 gourdes ($4.58) per gallon while the U.S. average is $2 a gallon. On the night of Feb. 2, the government of Martelly’s new Prime Minister Evans Paul signed an agreement with transport unions lowering the gas price to 195 gourdes ($4.15) per gallon. But the deal has made the population hopping mad.

“The strike was a complete success nationwide, the streets without cars everywhere, and all we got was a 43 cent reduction?” said one irate demonstrator. “That’s crazy. This is exactly why Martelly has to go.”

Every week, another delegation of officials from North America or Europe arrives to bring their support to the embattled Martelly regime. At the end of January, it was the UN Security Council and the Club of Madrid which made three-day visits. It is no surprise that former Bolivian President and Club of Madrid Vice-President Jorge Quiroga, on leaving Haiti on Jan. 28, called on MINUSTAH to “strengthen its presence in Haiti” and invited the UN, OAS, and European Union to send an “on-site mission to observe the electoral process.” Imperialist “observer” missions of this nature have intervened and screwed up Haitian elections in 2000, 2006, and 2011.

“Haiti’s deliverance will not come from the so-called international community,” said Henriot Dorcent, another Dessalines Coordination leader. “In fact, Haiti’s deliverance from poverty, injustice, and political instability will only come when the Haitian people stop them from meddling in our internal affairs. That is what we in KOD, and most of the Haitian people, are fighting for today.”

On Jan. 28, militants of MOLEGHAF and the Movement of National Development (MODENA) held a picket line in front of the U.S. Embassy in Tabarre on the outskirts of the capital. It was the first of seven monthly anti-imperialist actions leading up to Jul. 28, 2015, the 100th anniversary of the first U.S. Marine occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934. The demonstrators had great difficulty getting to the embassy, having to beg for and borrow even car fare to travel there.

“Our struggle today is much like that of Jean-Jacques Dessalines two centuries ago or of [anti-occupation guerilla leader] Charlemagne Péralte fighting the Americans a century ago,” said Oxygène David. “The empire has put Martelly in power as a puppet to carry out their agenda and surrounded him with an occupation army for protection. But like our ancestors, we will continue fighting until both the puppet and his protectors are gone. This is the kind of determination the Haitian people have shown in the past, and it is the same determination we will show again today.”
 

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Bio

Charo Mina-Rojas works with the Afro-Colombian Human Rights Campaign and the Afro-Colombian Solidarity Network.

Transcript
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JARED BALL, HOST, I MIX WHAT I LIKE: What's up, world? Welcome to another edition of I Mix What I Like here at The Real News Network. I'm Jared Ball.




For many here in North America, our continental neighbors to the south are often a blurry brown mystery. For some, Latin America is just a tourist destination. For many others it is the font of cinematic fantasy, the birthplace of drug lords and cartels, and of course a wellspring of swarthy men with machismo and sensuous sexpot women who are often depicted narrowly as maids.




For black America, it was the help. For Latin America, it's /laɪˈjudɑ/. For many, discussions of Latin America are relegated to labor and immigration, while for many others the focus centers around other forms of conflict, in particular that between so-called black and Brown communities. But as a former U.S. president famously called to our attention, many are unfamiliar with Latin America's African diaspora, and the fact that two of the three countries in the world with the largest black populations outside of Africa, Brazil and Colombia, are in Latin America.




In this segment, our focus is that latter country, Colombia, its African population, and in particular how that population is representative of the experience of African people in Latin America, and Afro Latinas specifically.




Our guest for this conversation is Charo Mina-Rojas. Mina-Rojas is a longtime activist who currently now works with Afro-Colombian Human Rights Campaign, which can be found online AfroColombianHR.org.




Greetings, Charo Mina-Rojas, and welcome to the show.




CHARO MINA-ROJAS, ACTIVIST, AFRO-COLOMBIAN HUMAN RIGHTS CAMPAIGN: Thank you very much. It's a pleasure to be on your program.




BALL: Or better said, I should have said, bienvenidos campañera.




MINA-ROJAS: Exactly. Gracias.




BALL: If we could, just start with a brief overview of this grouping called Afro Latinos or Latinas, or the African population in Latin America. Could you just give us a brief overview, obviously an overly simplified history of this community, and then particularly that of the Afro Colombian population?




MINA-ROJAS: Well, the Afro Latino population is people that is from African descent mostly, although there is some immigration from voluntary immigration. Most of the people of African descent in Latin America and Colombia were brought to--for this labor during the period of the slavery, in the earlier 1500s, brought by Spaniards, mostly, in some areas by Portuguese and people from England and from France. And so this population become slaves in the countries in Latin America, and also colonies from these European countries.




Now, Colombia is a country of--is the second-largest country of black population in Latin America. And we have around 26 percent of the Colombian population, which is over 10 million people here, black people here. And we have been here since earlier 1500s, middle of 1500s.




BALL: Now, we also know that from folks like the late professor Ivan van Sertima and others, and even the current work of Dr. Renoko Rashidi, that there African populations that predate the Colombian period, that predate European enslavement. Do they factor in? Does that--how does that--or I should ask, how does that history factor into this overall approach to the study of Afro Latinos or Latinas and African people in Latin America?




MINA-ROJAS: Well, it's true. There are some studies that show that African continent and African people had some area contact, mostly economic contact. They traveled through the continent looking for trade and make connections and make relationships with indigenous peoples here in the continent. There are some--there have been some trace of these [presence (?)] in the continent, although, however, the main history tells about this [incompr.] the time where Africans were kidnapped and brought to the continent to be cheap or free and [known (?)] eventually free labor.




BALL: And we also know, just as a quick point, that what many, particularly in this country here in the United States are not aware of, is that only really about 5 percent of Africans stolen from the continent and brought to this hemisphere as part of the slave trade ended up in this country, that most of the African people were taken to Central and South America, to parts of the Caribbean. So we shouldn't at all be surprised that there are these African populations in Latin America. Quite the opposite. And yet we're often encouraged not only through our media here, but media in Latin America, to only see the stereotypical, more Europeanized Latin American as emblematic of all the population. So I just wanted to point that out, and as even a method of showing appreciation for the work that you're doing, and for this conversation, because so many people seem to not realize just the extent to which African people were brought to that region of the world and still exist there and have their own issues.




Now, I was interested in the fact that you said that there were 26 percent, that Afro Colombians are 26 percent of the population there, which is nearly double the black population of the United States percentagewise, and yet we hear very little about the conditions of those communities. In fact, most of the people, certainly from my generation, who have heard anything about Colombia associate everything with, as I said in the opening, this drug trade or Pablo Escobar or something like that. Could you talk to us about the work that you're involved in most specifically and how that is impacted by this overlay or this veneer of an approach via media that suggests that African people aren't even in Colombia?




MINA-ROJAS: Right. You see, in the civility of African people in the continent [incompr.] being 26 percent of the population, black people or Afro-descendent people in Colombia was really--become really visible. In Colombia, we're talking about how you in the United States and a lot of places don't know that there is black people in Colombia. Well, in Colombia there is very little knowledge of the presence of African-descent people in this country. It was only until 1991, when the Constitution has some amendments, that there was a explicit recognition of the presence of people of African descent in the country. And specific rules came from that process that recognized rights of black people to land and political participation and other rights.




So, for us there has been a work of make us visible, make us present, and make sure that this country understand that we built it, that we have been here for many centuries, that we put our blood on this country, on these territories, on this land, and that what these white or mestizo people is enjoying today is in very big part because we made it for them. That's part of the work that we do, the organization, the black committees' process in Colombia, is a nationwide organization that work to make black people visible, to combat racism that exists here in this country and the racial discrimination and disparities that we are [incompr.] that [faith (?)] here. In defense, they write that we have two collective lands to collective property and to enjoy conditions for self-determination.




BALL: Now, you said that the change occurred in 1991 to officially recognize Afro Colombians. Was that the result, or to what extent--or could you tell us a little bit about the history predating that, that the--I'm assuming that there was a movement. And maybe you could tell us about a little bit about the grassroots movement to encourage or push or force that change to occur. And was this part of black Colombians looking to reconnect with their black and African past consciously and directly?




MINA-ROJAS: Right. Well, Afro-descendent people here in Colombia has a tradition, long tradition that we inherited from our ancestors of struggle. From day one that African people was kidnapped and brought to these--come to this area was in those days the country, we have been struggling. We have been struggling to be free, to be self-determined, to have autonomy. And we continued that through the process of being part of this country and this society. Although we have been continually visible for this country, for all those [centuries (?)], very vibrant process of organization has happened through the time. The '80s was a particular important time for us, where organizations, nationwide organizations, mostly organized by intellectuals, they start getting to there and start building up consciousness about our roots, our links to Africa, our--that belonging. Where are we from? Where to belong to? That's what we need to [offend (?)]. A lot of influence from the independent process, the self-determination process, the liberation process, is in the United States and Africa.




BALL: Right, because--I'm sorry to interrupt, but I remember seeing that there was actually a black consciousness movement in Colombia in the 1970s that, if I understood, mirrored what was happening in Southern Africa and here in the United States, right?




MINA-ROJAS: Yeah. There were actually several. One of them is the oldest--and still is as such today--is called /cimarrón/ or maroon. But there were many different groups, study groups that were working on this understanding of identity, understanding where we come from and who we are in this country. So it was prior to that, and it was all this process of identity to build, identity that brought us to make sure that when the Constitution was changed, we appeared as a particular ethnic group. So we are not just black people; we are people of African descent. And we have very specific rights because of that.




Some of those are very important for us, and it's part of our legal struggle today, because we have lands and sister lands that our ancestors struggled for. They brought them. They put their blood for them. And we have been now. We want to keep those lands. They happen to be some of the richest lands in this country. And, obviously, you would imagine they--in the interests, economic interests, the political interests that are on these lands. So we are struggling today to sustain the property, collective property on those territories.




BALL: So just in the few moments we have left, is there anything in particular you would want viewers of this segment to do to lend their support to the work that you're involved with?




MINA-ROJAS: Yes. Today is Human Rights Day, and they are launching in New York the decade of the people of African descent.




I would like people to be aware that people of African descent in Colombia is, right now, today, women of African descent, struggling to stay in their territories. And we would like that they write, Tweet, learn more about research and learn more about the struggles in Colombia, and write to their representatives, write to the Department of State, write to the Colombian Embassy, and tell them that they are with us, that the black lives of people in Colombia are also mattered, and that they must respect the collective rights of African descent, people in Colombia.




BALL: That's right, because black lives matter no matter where they are.




Charo Mina-Rojas, thank you very much for joining us on this segment of I Mix What I Like on The Real News Network.




MINA-ROJAS: Thank you so much again.




BALL: And thank you all for watching. Please stay tuned with The Real News Network for more segments of I Mix What I Like, and of course all the other great programming you can find here. To you we say peace if you're willing to fight for it, as did the late, great Fred Hampton. Charo Mina-Rojas, for the I Mix What I Like and Real News Network staff. Thank you all for joining us.




Take care everybody. Peace.
 

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This Is What It Means To Be Afro-Latino
The Huffington Post | By Carolina Moreno

In a Q&A for his 2011 PBS documentary "Black In Latin America," Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates Jr. said:

There were 11.2 million Africans that we can count who survived the Middle Passage and landed in the New World, and of that 11.2 million, only 450,000 came to the United States. That’s amazing. All the rest went south of Miami as it were.



There's no doubt that the intersection between Black and Latino identity runs deep, and yet the Afro-Latino experience remains largely invisible in mainstream media. In honor of Black History Month, we asked HuffPost Latino Voices and HuffPost Black Voices readers to send us their thoughts via Facebook on what it means to be Afro-Latino. What makes being Afro-Latino beautiful? Challenging? Unique?

We received dozens of responses and compiled a list of our favorites below. We also paid homage to a few of the many Afro-Latinos who've influenced American culture.

o-ROBERTO-CLEMENTE-570.jpg

Roberto Clemente of the Pittsburgh Pirates slides back into first base while playing the Baltimore Orioles at the 1971 World Series October.

  • "Being Afro Latino is being a bridgebuilder, standing squarely at the crossroads of pan Africanism in the US. I am a proud Black Panamanian! We exist! And we exist with the knowledge that Blackness is global in its scope. No one has hegemony on Blackness and we are the proof!" -- Merrick Moise
  • "Afro-latino is not about being Black and Latino, Afro-Latina means to be a Black Latina/Latino hence why the term Afro-latino came about in the late 70’s. Since Latino is not a race, its really not even an ethnic group, it is false to say that folks are Black and Latino, we are racially Black and then many refer to their ethnicity or i.e Afro-Boricua, Afro-Dominican. Often in the US Black becomes synomus [sic] with those that are African-American which then does not take into account the millions of african descendants, Black people globally that are in the world and in the USA." -- Rosa Clemente, Ph. D candidate at UMass Amherst's W.E.B. Du Bois Department of Afro-American Studies.
o-CELIA-CRUZ-570.jpg

Singer Celia Cruz appeared as a musical guest on "The Tonight Show" with Jay Leno in June 1992.

  • "It's obviously about people who identify as Afro Latino...to complicate what it means to be black and Latino and any combination because the diversity of black identity is often oversimplified. Just because people are both doesn't mean they are less of one..." -- Sophia Raine Surage
  • "It was always difficult because I was never Boricua or Black enough. Other Puerto Ricans didn't accept me because I wasn't a fluent Spanish speaker and too brown. I also wasn't 'dark' enough to be Black. These Black girls tried to jump me in the third grade because my Taino roots gave me long, wavy hair and they wanted to 'tear it out and prove if was a weave.'

    I grew up in No Mans' Land. I loved collard greens and mofongo. At Thankgiving we ate fried chicken and arroz con gandules.

    After my first trip to Puerto Rico last year as a grown Black woman (that's how I had finally chosen to identify), I've never felt more complete! I was seen as just Puerto Rican, whether I speak Spanish or not. I didn't need to prove anything. I am proud to say I am AFRO-LATINA. I'll be taking my son next month for his first trip. I can't wait to share the experience with him!" -- Kadyn Velez
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"The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao" author and MIT professor Junot Diaz.

  • "Black is the racial group, while the pan ethnic identification of 'Latino' refers to language, culture, and nation of origin. To be a Black Spanish speaker in the Americas means to feel, taste, hear, see, etc the West African heritage at all times in our phenoytype, in our music, in our dance, in our rhythms, in our food, in our language/daily lexicon, etc. We are the manifestation of our cultural memory. Often overlooked, when the very aspects of our culture that are praised as being 'Latino' come from the African influence on the Americas. We transmit the knowledge passed on to us from our ancestors through our very being; the very act of us living, surviving, and thriving is an act of resistance in the face of white supremacy in both the United States and the rest of the Americas. Sometimes this means living life on the hyphen, to borrow from Professor Juan Flores, neither being perceived as 'Black enough' nor 'Latino enough'...but we're Afrodescendientes and proud." -- L.Tamar Minter
  • "I am black and Latina...I might only be HALF black, but I am still black. It is silly to take pride in black history month yet to singlehandedly exclude those of us who are TREATED like blacks, yet some of our black sisters and brothers refuse to accept us as one of 'them'. As a biracial minority, we grapple with a constant state of acceptance from both cultures." -- Olivia Love
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Journalist Soledad O'Brien receives the NAACP President's Award in 2007.

  • "I am mixed AfroLatina. My father is Black and my mom is Latina. I was born in Puerto Rico, raised in Hawaii before settling here in California where I'm married to my Korean husband. Together we raise our 4 children as 'mini global citizens' by instilling pride in all of the cultures and learning about others in this multicultural world.

    For me being mixed meant some tough times because you are searching for your identity. You don't 'look' black are others may not think you're 'Latin enough'. You speak Spanish but may not be fully accepted in either community.

    Because of this I set out to find my community. Now I am vice-president of a multiracial organization and am also part of an AfroLatino community here in LA where we share what it means to be an AfroLatino and celebrate it." -- Sonia N. Kang, Owner of Mixed Up Clothing
  • "Yes being black and Latino is challenging, beautiful and unique. From growing up filling out job applications that asked if I was: White, Black, Hispanic, Hispanic not of African decent. Which left me having to choose only part of who I am. To being told by my Black and white friends 'your not Black your Cuban'. To also experiencing racism from white Cubans from remarks they would make toward me but now at me. But when I would respond to those remarks in Spanish I would hear this 'Ohh tu eres Cubano, perdon el mano'. As if now I became less black because I spoke Spanish." -- Roger Garcia
o-GINA-TORRES-570.jpg

Actress Gina Torres as Jessica Pearson, the powerful managing partner of one of New York City's most prominent law firms, in USA's "Suits."

  • "Try explaining to your middle school friends that you are Black AND Hispanic back in the 80’s when there weren’t many of us in the neighborhood. My twin sister and I were sore thumbs!

    So we took advantage of our unique background and weaved seamlessly between my white hispanic friends and my African-American friends. We listened to hip-hop and Celia Cruz. We participated in a number of choreographed Quinceañera parties with my hispanic friends and met my black friends at R&B concerts.

    My life was never unusual to me. It was great. I was questioned about my ethnicity and race for as long as I can remember. And although many of my peers asked me to choose sides or tried to make me prove how ‘Cuban’ I really was, I didn’t hold it against them. I was comfortable in my skin, still am. And I continue to answer the same questions that were asked years ago. 'Say something in spanish!' It never gets old. I don’t mind it at all. I love surprising them. I love the interesting stares I get. And whoever needs to be informed on the history of the Afro-latino, feel free to ask. I don’t take offense. Many are just not informed." -- Yvonne Rodriguez, Owner of Tres Lindas Cubanas Cigars
o-BASQUIAT-570.jpg

Artist Jean-Michel Basquiat painting in Switzerland in 1983.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2015/...ino_n_6690032.html?ncid=fcbklnkushpmg00000048
 

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Costa-Chica-Mexico-1150x763.jpg

6329 shares / Culture, Film
A Student Traveling Through Costa Chica Picked Up A Camera to Let Afro-Mexicans Tell Their Story
Written by Andrew S. Vargas February 25, 2015
It’s Black History Month once again, and while it seems like every other day of the calendar year has been dedicated to some cause or another, the concept of Black history is particularly relevant to us as Latinos. With historically documented African populations from Buenos Aires up to Veracruz, including just about every country along the way, a new generation is starting to realize that our African heritage has been systematically erased from our national narratives over the centuries.

Even in countries more traditionally associated with Afro-Latino communities like Colombia, Cuba, DR or Puerto Rico, it was only in the last 60 years or so that African cultural influence was even officially acknowledged. Now, with recent identity movements creating visibility for Afro-descendants in Peru and even Bolivia (not to mention the entire Ecuadorian soccer team doing their thang), it’s becoming ever-clearer that la negritud is a fundamental element of our Latino identity, not just an asterisk relegated to a handful of countries.



One country that’s been at the center of these recent historical revisions also happens to be the most populous Spanish-speaking nation in the world: Mexico. With a steady flow of transatlantic slave ships entering the port of Veracruz throughout the 16th, 17th and 18th centuries, for a while Mexico had the distinction of possessing the largest African population in the New World. To boot, revolutionary heroes like José María Morelos and Vicente Guerrero are widely known to have had African ancestry, yet when it came time to forge a national identity after independence, this “third root” was conveniently washed over in favor of a narrative of Spanish-indigenous mestizaje.

One young filmmaker and anthropology student of Afro-Salvadoran descent, feeling sympathy for the plight of invisible Afro-Mexicans, took it upon himself to make a very independent documentary exploring Afro-Mexican identity in the coastal communities of La Costa Chica — a region spanning the states of Guerrero and Oaxaca that has the highest concentration of Afro-descendants in Mexico. Titled Así Somos: Afro Identities in the Coast, the short doc admittedly features an extremely raw and unpolished style, but director Andy Amaya does a fairly good job of letting his subjects speak for themselves as they reflect on experiences with discrimination, their Afro-linguistic heritage and labels like ‘negro’ vs. ‘afromexicano’.



In the end, we see that popular identity is much blurrier and less defined than clear-cut anthropological labels, with everything from hair texture to skin tone defining who is ‘negro’ versus who is ‘indio.’ And while the individuals he shows are deeply proud of their heritage and unapologetic about their blackness, Amaya points out that constitution of Mexico has yet to acknowledge their existence.

With more and more works like this changing the narrative, hopefully one day Mexicans can grow to be as proud of their tercera raiz as they are of their Hispanic and indigenous heritage.

h/t: SalvaCultura

http://remezcla.com/culture/a-stude...camera-to-let-afro-mexicans-tell-their-story/
 

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01/12/2015 6:10 a.m. - Updated 02/10/2015 21h51

Learn the history of the 1st favela in Rio, established nearly 120 years
Morro da Providencia was occupied by combatants and former slaves in 1897.
City is 450 and has much of the population living in communities.


Janaina CarvalhoG1 Rio

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providencia4.jpg
Headquarters and the Providence of Morro in 1900 (Photo: Anonymous)
As striking as the Christ or the Sugar Loaf in Rio de Janeiro landscape, slums spread throughout the Rio scenario. Today, there are about 763, according to the Instituto Pereira Passos (IPP). In the series of articles in honor of the 450th anniversary of the city, the G1 account on Monday (12) the story of the first Rio slum, Morro da Providencia, which won its first shacks for almost 120 years.

learn more
Two important historical factors contributed to the first occupations in the region: the large number of victorious soldiers of the War of Canudos, who landed in Rio on November 5, 1897 homeless, and the large concentration of blacks who filled the city after the abolition of slavery.

With the free belly law in 1871, the city of Rio was filled with former slaves in search of work. At that time begin to rise to a number of tenements in the Central region, which until then was considered noble area of the city and has become an important work concentration area with the construction of the Central Brazil, in 1858.

providencia3.jpg
Slum known as Pig Head housed about 4000 people (Photo: Marc Ferrez)
Mansions that had no longer exist there without the slaves were transformed into comfortable homes. At the same time, in the second half of the 19th century, the largest and most famous slum city emerged, the "Pig Head". "It was a monumental tenement, with four thousand homes.The exact location where it was is where today the tunnel João Ricardo, along with the Brazil Central, "says the historian Milton Teixeira.

The Pig Head was destroyed in 1893 by order of the mayor Cândido Barata Ribeiro, causing many families were to Happiness platter. Precisely in this region began the first community, then named "Morro da Favela".


RIO 450 YEARS
Everything about the anniversary of the city

The origin of the term arose after the Canudos War, where it was the Morro da Favela original, thanks to a plant known as faveleira, ample on site. Some of the soldiers, as they returned victorious to Rio in 1897, did not receive the promised pay and were invading an old farm, with the support of an official in the Morro da Providencia, who then won the "nickname" for the straws.

"After a mess we tried to kill the mayor, established a chaos, a great disorder. As a result, the soldiers were demobilized. They leave the Ministry of unemployed army and no way to live. Behind there was the Morro da Providencia and they take up this hill, "recalls Milton, noting that at that time the area was already crowded tenements.

But it was with the complete abolition of slavery that the city was full and without housing for all."All slaves of the Paraíba Valley - 200 000 - invade the city of Rio de Janeiro. Here they had no place to live, begin to emerge the first beggars and the concept of crowd, "says the historian.

The hill of Providence has become the ideal place to house low-income families. Surrounded on one side by a quarry, factories and lines of Brazil's Central Railroad, and the other having a cemetery for Protestants and the port area, the lands were then well devalued and free.

providencia4_1.jpg
The first houses in the Morro da Providencia in 1905 (Photo: Renaissance)
The first houses of Providence started to be built in the lower part of the hill, with the same format of existing homes in Straws. Currently, none of these homes there is more, because this part of the hill began to be exploited to the stone quarry to the works of the downtown area.

That was the only autophagic slum in the world, for consuming the very hill where he was. The residents worked in the quarry that destroyed the hill where they lived "
Milton Teixeira, historian
"That was the only autophagic slum in the world, for consuming the very hill where he was. The residents worked in the quarry that destroyed the hill where they lived, "says the historian, noting that the quarry was exploited for decades until, in 1968, an unexpected explosion buried 36 people. The bodies of the victims were never located, "says the historian.

In 1904, the government tried the first removal of Providence slum, frustrated by a baptized popular revolt "Vaccine Revolt", where many slum dwellers participated fighting government troops. After that, the situation calmed down. The government itself realized that this population was fundamental as cheap labor to work in the quarry, in public works in the port docks and factories and plants in the region.

Home of trafficking domain
Violence in communities began many years later. According to Milton Teixeira, during the military dictatorship, the government and the police denominated the poor and unemployed as "dangerous class"."Everyone who does not belong to the state or to the class that supports the state is potentially guilty." But it is only in the late 70 that trafficking begins to dominate the hills of the city. Until then, these regions were controlled by offenders who exploited the animal game.

providencia16.jpg
Aerial view of the operation against trafficking held by the civil police in the Morro da Providencia, on the morning of December 4, 2014 (Photo: Carlos Eduardo Cardoso / Agency Day / Estadão Content)
According to Teixeira, a number of factors "pushed" the traffic to the hill."The police corruption, police unprepared, which was more concerned with suppressing political issues than crime, extreme violence that arrived on the asphalt ... Who lived at the time know that the police killed all that was bad guy," recalls, noting that the world situation also favored the passage of trafficking in Rio de Janeiro.

The period was the heyday of drug trafficking in Colombia and the US government began training its maritime police, the US Coast Guard to close the Caribbean as drug gateway. "With the route closed Caribbean, Mexico route closed, they found a route to distribute the drug in Brazil, finding a weak government, disorganized, a corrupt country, a lot of misery and area where the government did not go," explains historian .

http://g1.globo.com/rio-de-janeiro/...1-favela-do-rio-criada-ha-quase-120-anos.html
 

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Bio

Charo Mina-Rojas works with the Afro-Colombian Human Rights Campaign and the Afro-Colombian Solidarity Network.

Transcript
cminarojas0206imwil-240.jpg
JARED BALL, HOST, I MIX WHAT I LIKE: What's up, world? Welcome to another edition of I Mix What I Like here at The Real News Network. I'm Jared Ball.




For many here in North America, our continental neighbors to the south are often a blurry brown mystery. For some, Latin America is just a tourist destination. For many others it is the font of cinematic fantasy, the birthplace of drug lords and cartels, and of course a wellspring of swarthy men with machismo and sensuous sexpot women who are often depicted narrowly as maids.




For black America, it was the help. For Latin America, it's /laɪˈjudɑ/. For many, discussions of Latin America are relegated to labor and immigration, while for many others the focus centers around other forms of conflict, in particular that between so-called black and Brown communities. But as a former U.S. president famously called to our attention, many are unfamiliar with Latin America's African diaspora, and the fact that two of the three countries in the world with the largest black populations outside of Africa, Brazil and Colombia, are in Latin America.


I had a conversation with this lady (Chara) before via email and at one point I thought we were going to be able to meet up and talk in person but then I never heard from her again :stopitslime: She did send me some pretty crazy information, statistics, and stories about the displacement of Afro-Colombians in the country, I'll have to find that in my email and share some of the info
 

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I had a conversation with this lady (Chara) before via email and at one point I thought we were going to be able to meet up and talk in person but then I never heard from her again :stopitslime: She did send me some pretty crazy information, statistics, and stories about the displacement of Afro-Colombians in the country, I'll have to find that in my email and share some of the info

Would appreciated it :ld:
 
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