Essential Afro-Latino/ Caribbean Current Events

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Brazil will host international meeting of black movements

100 black organizations from Brazil will meet delegations from other countries at Occupation 9 de Julho

Igor Carvalho
São Paulo, November 15 2019 | 09:47


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US movement Black Lives Matter confirmed it will be present. Colombia, Ecuador and South Africa will also have representatives / Photo: Instagram/Black Lives Matter

From November 28 to 30, São Paulo will host the first International Meeting of the Black Coalition for Rights, which brings together black movements from all over the country and acts in the struggle for the rights of the black population in the National Congress and international forums. The event will take place at Occupation 9 de Julho — one of the nine buildings occupied by the MSTC, the City Center Homeless People's Movement — in the central region of São Paulo and will have a delegation of at least 20 foreign guests.

The Black Lives Matter (US), Black Communities' Process (PCN — Colombia), Afro-Ecuadorian Confederation of Northern Esmeraldas (Ecuador) and JASS Stands for Just Associates (South Africa) movements will be some of the participants.

There will be four main debate tables. Among the topics listed for guest analysis are the confrontation with racism; the international conjuncture and diasporic resistance; resisting state violence and black genocide; institutional power dispute and political incidence.

Between the discussion tables, there will be six rounds of talks that will address housing, drug policies, the black population's health, religious racism, femicide and education.

Brazilian participants include journalist and writer Bianca Santana, sociologist Vilma Reis, philosopher Sueli Carneiro, educator Douglas Belchior and the founder of the Mães de Maio Movement, Débora Maria.

International Coalition

Douglas Belchior, one of the founders of the Black Coalition for Rights and of the seminar's organizers, explains that the organization's goal is to “create unity in the Brazilian black movement so that we can act in the national political process at this moment of fascism's advance. It is not possible that the people, who are the main target of violence in Brazil, do not act as protagonists of their own problems and do not present their solutions, since Brazilian political organizations do not represent Brazilian black people”.

Also, according to Belchior, the seminar is important to build an international tendency. “We are provoking a big alliance of the Afro-Diasporic movement that can connect the movements in the countries of African colonial heritage, the countries that were raped in Africa and colonized there and here in America”.


Edition: Cris Rodrigues

Brazil will host international meeting of black movements
 

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South-South Afro-descendant Research Center is created with headquarters in Venezuela

(Caracas, November 13 2019) — The president of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, created the South-South Afro-descendant Research Center that will be based in Caracas, Venezuela and will be under the leadership of Minister of Education, Aristóbulo Istúriz, who is going to be in charge of consolidating the construction of the facility, as well as its resources and logistics.

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During the rally in the vicinity of the Miraflores Palace, Caracas, as part of the closure of the first International Congress of Afro-descendant Peoples and in joint radio and television transmission, the Head of State said: “Excellent idea of creating an international cumbe and advancing to a worldwide organization of African and Afro-descendant peoples”.

For his part, Istúriz said that the Congress was attended by 117 international delegates from 50 nations around the world and 200 national delegates who have been developing the assemblies and elaborating the conclusions of the country's communities.

“We discussed among five round tables, in addition to a central document that was discussed with all members of the congress”, he said.

Likewise, the member of the Trenzas Insurgentes Collective and the Center of African Knowledge, Roraima Gutiérrez, who was part of the event's organization, pointed out the issues debated by the round tables at the congress: “Afro-descendant women, decolonization and the fight against patriarchy, capitalism and racism towards the construction of a new civilization project”.

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In addition, the event's organizer said that the integral defense of the territories, sovereignty and self-determination of the peoples were discussed.



South-South Afro-descendant Research Center is created with headquarters in Venezuela
 

Yehuda

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Racism and sexism keep black women among the lowest-paid

Intellectual Lélia Gonzalez dedicated her life to explaining the impact of the combination of racism and sexism on black women

Katarine Flor | São Paulo (SP), November 19, 2019 | 19:59

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Lélia Gonzalez was the second to last child of a family of 18 siblings, of an indigenous mother and a black railroad worker father / Photo: Gabriela Lucena/Brasil de Fato

“For the black woman, the position reserved for her is the lowest. The position of marginalization. The position of the lowest salary. The position of disrespect for her professional competence”. The analysis is by black intellectual Lélia Gonzalez in an interview with Mali Garcia for the documentary As Divas Negras do Cinema Brasileiro (The Black Divas of Brazilian Cinema), of 1989.

30 years later, the philosopher's assessment remains current. The IBGE study on Social Inequalities by Color or Race in Brazil, released in November, mirrors these obstacles and highlights the advantage of white men over other population groups.

The survey points to a greater gap between the incomes of white men, when compared to those of black or brown women, who receive 44.4% less than them.

Race, gender, class

A historian, anthropologist and professor, Lélia Gonzalez observed not only the class aspects to think about the structure of society and the complexity of social inequalities, but also brought the dimensions of sex, race and the colonial legacy as structuring.

“The black woman is the main focus of the [social and sexual] inequalities in society. Her body is where these two types of inequality are concentrated, not counting class and social inequality”, she said in the mentioned interview.

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Lélia Gonzalez at the board meeting of the Black Cultures Research Institute — IPCN — 1986 / Photo: Januário Garcia

The aspects highlighted by Gonzalez act as social barriers. The study released by the IBGE reveals that the second most advantageous group is white women, whose incomes are higher than black and brown men, who, in turn, are only ahead of women of the same color or race.

Despite the progress made by the struggle and resistance of the black people, wage inequality between whites and blacks persists and is repeated in the available historical series. The IBGE study explains this difference by factors such as: occupational segregation; lower educational opportunities; and receiving lower compensation in similar occupations.

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From the big house to domestic service

Flávio Rios, co-author of the biography Lélia Gonzalez, says the researcher came from a black tradition that has existed since the post-abolition period. The school of thought questions the violent and exclusionary way in which the black population was treated in the transition from slavery to free labor.

“She brought the dimension of women living in the big houses — working women, black women — as slaves, but also as domestic workers, who played a fundamental role in the construction of Brazilian national culture”, she says.

The biographer claims the historian took women who had been relegated to subordinate, invisible roles out of anonymity and gave value to them. “She has a very important focus on fighting racism through figures that are made invisible in the social structure, in Brazilian culture”.

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Researcher Flávia Rios / Personal archive.

Radicalization of feminism

Flávia points out, as an important contribution of Gonzalez's work, the critique of white, middle-class feminism. The questioning began once this group started thinking women's freedoms through a specific look, which did not contemplate the real conditions of black women. However, she points out: “It's important to say that she was a feminist”.

“While white women were seeking their insertion in the labor market, black women were — since the days of slavery — involved with labor. They worked as domestic workers, they did menial work, they did urban services... To make a long story short, it was a different reality”, she says.

If, on the one hand, white women questioned the fragility attributed to women in general, on the other hand, black women were brutalized either in the slave economy or the market economy. Rios points out that Lélia Gonzalez was one of the pioneers in highlighting these contradictions and radicalizing feminism.

“In Brazil, domestic service structures social economic relations. And many white women were looking for a social, gender liberation... This supposed freedom came at the expense of putting another woman, a black woman, as a housekeeper”, she says.

Many of the contradictions of liberal, and especially Eurocentric feminism, were exposed by Gonzalez. In the book Lugar de Negro, she denounces this incoherent attitude: “We also analyzed the situation of the black woman as a domestic worker in the context of reproduction of racism (including by many white women rights activists)”.

Alex Ratts, co-author of the biography, highlights the relevance of the debate that relates race, class and gender posed by the researcher: “When she brings an essay about a woman from a favela, who has to get water from a fountain and go to work while her son is suffering police brutality and her husband is imprisoned, she is saying that every poor black family has gender and race issues”.

Ratts refers to an excerpt from the article “Nega Ativa”, which can be found in the book Vozes insurgentes de mulheres negras, published by Fundação Rosa Luxemburgo.

“So this was Lélia's perspective. A perspective that combined race, gender and class. And even if men of that period were not interested in the idea of feminism, they could see that these issues were related”, he says.

The racial democracy myth

Jurema Batista, an expert on public policies, former councilwoman and former congresswoman, met the researcher in the 1980s. She points out that the black movement activist made a very heavy denunciation of racism.

“When I met her, I found it strange because I didn't have this vision of what was racism like in Brazil. I believed in the so-called racial democracy. And through contact with her, this was dismantled”, she says.

“The concept of racial democracy was very popular in the 1970s, the 1980s. It said Brazil was a multiracial country, that our culture was very mixed and, because it was a mixed culture, everyone was respected... But this was a myth. The myth of racial democracy, that said: ‘this is a democratic country, black and white people have equal rights’”, she explains.

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Jurema Batista, expert on public policies / Photo: Agência Patricia Galvão.

The myth of racial democracy was one of the main defining foundations of national identity at that time. The concept was strongly opposed by the black movement.

“Through militancy, we found out it was a lie. They would say: "Black people do not access the workplace because they have no education". Then black people started going to universities and graduating and when we went to the labor market, we were not well received”, says Jurema. For her, "there is a kind of honor code among whites to give positions to their equals".

"The practice of racism was well set up and placed on black people the responsibility for their own misery and lack of opportunies. This is a heritage from the slave period of a country that has assigned positions for its people", she says.

Lélia Gonzalez identified that this myth was manifested by the denial of racism. This happened to the extent that Brazilians denied its existence, even though racism produced privileges for whites of all social classes.

In the book Lugar de Negro, Gonzalez points out that “These mechanisms cover a broad framework of rationalization, ranging from effective backwards racism (...) to 'democratic' attitudes that deny the racial issue, mechanically diluting it into the class struggle (so one can see how certain leftist positions do nothing more than reproduce the myth of racial democracy created by the paternalistic liberalism they claim to combat)”.

“Today, it is no longer possible to support culturalist, intellectualist positions and the like divorced from the reality lived by the black masses. Whether one is for it or against, one cannot ignore this concrete issue posed by the MNU [Unified Black Movement]: the articulation between race and class”, she concludes.

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Lélia Gonzalez. Article "Racismo por omissão" (Racism through omission), published by the Folha de São Paulo newspaper, São Paulo, August 13, 1983.

Biography

Born in Belo Horizonte in 1935 in a low-income family, Lélia Gonzalez was the second to last child of a family of eighteen siblings, the daughter of an indigenous mother and a black railroad worker father.

Graduated with a degree in History and Philosophy, with a masters in Media and a doctorate in Anthropology, she was one of the activists who founded the Unified Black Movement and the N’Zinga Black Women Collective.

She wrote Festas populares no Brasil, awarded at the Frankfurt Book Fair, and Lugar de negro, co-authored with Carlos Hasenbalg, two postgraduate theses, as well as several articles for scientific journals and collective works. She died of heart problems in Rio de Janeiro on July 10, 1994.

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Lélia Gonzalez on November 20, 1988.


Edition: Julia Chequer

Racism and sexism keep black women among the lowest-paid
 

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Black movement hits the streets against Sergio Moro's "anti-crime" package

On Black Consciousness Day, militants take to the streets of São Paulo also to celebrate symbols of black people's history of struggle

By Sheila Oliveira and Igor Carvalho
São Paulo, November 19, 2019 17:31


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“This package seeks to deepen a death process in force in our country”, says black movement militant / Photo: Rede Brasil Atual

For the 16th consecutive year, the Black Consciousness March of São Paulo will take to the streets. This Wednesday (20), at noon, the militants will meet at the São Paulo Museum of Art and will march through the central region of the city. During the march, there will be tributes and protests, especially against the "anti-crime" package presented to the National Congress by former judge Sergio Moro, current Minister of Justice of the Bolsonaro administration.

“This package seeks to deepen a death process in force in our country. It seeks to give a license to kill. There are several items that are very dangerous. And there are many studies that point the opposite of what Moro's package proposes”, says Simone Nascimento, State Coordinator of the Unified Black Movement, in a live interview with Brasil de Fato.



Moro's project will be discussed and voted by the Committee on Constitution, Justice and Citizenship this Wednesday (20) in what is considered by the militants to be “a provocation”. However, for Nascimento, the minister should not be the only target of the protest.

“The manifesto also charges the rulers who perpetuate and deepen the genocide process of the black population, such as Bolsonaro and his entire government, and João Doria [of the Brazilian Social Democracy Party, governor of São Paulo], who stated that in his government, police in the streets will 'shoot to kill', and we know who the bullets are going to hit”, explains Nascimento, citing the document that will be read during the protest.

“Racism kills in a structural way by preventing us from gaining access to basic rights and living conditions. In São Paulo, a person living in the periphery has a life expectancy 20 years shorter than someone living in an elite neighborhood. An old plan, followed strictly by the current rulers, who are acting to deepen the policy of death against our people”, says the manifesto.

History

The Unified Black Movement militant also highlighted the history of the date. “Historical militants of the black movement, those who struggled before us, did a lot of reflecting on the days of struggle of the black population in Brazil. Oliveira Silveira, in 1971, along other people from Porto Alegre, decided to have a day to celebrate the death of Zumbi dos Palmares, who was assassinated. Oliveira made a tribute to Zumbi and Dandara, and they thought of November 20”.

In addition, according to Nascimento, “remembering the importance of Black Consciousness Day is remembering a path of struggle of the black movement for the true liberation of the people”.

During the march, there will be a tribute to the centenary of abolitionist Luis Gama's birthday, the 50 years of Carlos Marighella's death and the 165th anniversary of the birth of Hilária Batista de Almeida, known as Tia Ciata, a Brazilian mãe de santo (an iyalorishá) who had influence on the creation of samba in Rio de Janeiro.


Edition: Daniel Giovanaz

Black movement hits the streets against Sergio Moro's "anti-crime" package
 

Yehuda

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The Attempts To Delegitimize Roosevelt Skerrit In Dominica

Last updated Nov 21, 2019

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by Whitfield Mason

Political Commentator

It is clearly emerging that an overseas-funded orchestrated war against Dominica’s Prime Minister Roosevelt Skerrit has been unleashed.

In a campaign suspected to be funded, in part, by a global citizenship and residence advisory firm, and in another part by conservative Republican forces in the United States, there is a move to delegitimize the Prime-Ministership of the Dominican leader.

The main two motivating factors are — on the one hand that passport-selling firm’s peeve of not being engaged by the Skerrit administration in its CBI programme, and on the other hand, globalist politics not too entertained by Roseau’s unwavering progressive stances in the region and internationally.

It is no coincidence that the opposition has focused on two things in the run-up to the elections – a theory opposition Lennox Linton was given to float that 1.2 billion dollars are missing from the CBI program and complaints about lack of progress on electoral reform.

Both parties have blamed each other for the lack of progress on the issue of reform, and though there are some good suggestions on the table to enhance the process, even with the disappointing lack of progress, the system as it is, can deliver free and fair elections, as it has done in the past.

After threatening for months with not taking part in general elections until electoral reforms were instituted, the United Workers Party, in an about-turn, said they will field a full slate of candidates.

They have since boasted that they are confident they will win the December 6 vote, which flies in the face of the counter-narrative which has been promoted largely on social media; that the elections will not be free and fair.

But this counter-narrative is part of a well-thought-out plan.

It is the opposition’s insurance policy, to cry foul, and to be able to instigate unrest against the DLP after the elections should the incumbent win the vote.

If the challengers win, the results will be fine with the sponsors. If not, the ring leaders will instigate a level of unrest that could force the hand of the government, and set the stage for foreign interference in a bid to force Skerrit out of office once and for all.

The threat to Dominica’s democracy is real, and it is not from inside – but from powerful forces from outside, especially those who have frowned upon the DLP’s government brave defense of Venezuelan sovereignty; perceived close relations with China and support of progressive ideas and causes particularly in Latin America.

What happened on Monday night was a coordinated escalation of what until then was a mundane nightly ‘vigil’ outside the President’s house.

Agitators, armed with a running generator, paid-for expanded internet bandwidth and cameras rolling, came with the stated aim of pushing down police barriers and marching onto the house of the president, hoping to ignite a confrontation with the police that will be caught live to the world in real-time.

In many ways, it backfired.

The police, in spite of being taunted, physically assaulted and facing a handful of r riotous men, some who jumped behind security barriers, acted with unbelievable restraint.

There was no serious injury. No one was arrested. No brutality.

There are not too many places in the Caribbean that this would have ended so nicely.

But as if on cue, as soon as the video of the incident – one a paid live stream -popped up online, there were commentaries and articles appearing in coordination on many websites and social media platforms riling about “Dominican unrest” and about the leadership of Skerrit.

With impressive speed, the US Embassy in Barbados issued a travel advisory.

The demonization of the Dominican leader by some of the forces has been a long-term project, only now, with three weeks to go before an election, it is on steroids.

Where did we see that script before? Salvador Allende in Chile 1973? Michael Manley in Jamaica in 1992?

It might be a different era, but it the same strategy from an old playbook.

The insertion of the spectre of violence in Dominica’s elections is a concept that is funded in a capital far removed from Roseau. It is the beginning of the sowing the seed of rebellion against a man, who by every conceivable independent yardstick, has delivered more for Dominica’s poorest in recent years, than at any time in history.

The Attempts To Delegitimize Roosevelt Skerrit In Dominica
 

CASHAPP

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I really hope DR isn’t the next to get their Bolsonaro. Elections are next year and Trujillo is another racist piece of shyt that has been gaining a lot of support.
 

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I really want us Afros to understand that we have each other to build with, we don't just have to work within their system all the time. We can create our system, working with each other, exchanging ideas, educating each other.

I know we all have our own individual problems to deal with, within our communities. But the potential is there, to build a true connection with each other. We are so much more similar than different.

With how slavery was done, we got distant relatives all over this Hemisphere.

I really want our HBCU's to step up, and really start to go in to Latin America, and start outreach programs in them regions

A young brother who currently goes to Howard, has been doing some work in the Black/Afro section of Ecuador, and he's told me, that them bros and sisters over there.They asking about us, they wanna get to know us. They wanna pick our brains, they wanna learn how we in America, were able to accomplish all these things, that we have.

what are some great books about Black/Afro Latinos that you can put me onto breh?
 

Yehuda

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Racist ideological stance remained in Venezuela until Bolivarian Revolution

Manuel Abrizo
Caracas, November 23, 2019 9:40


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Photo: Miguel Romero – Archivo CO

The United States, through USAID, the soft arm of the CIA, works closely with indigenous and Afro-descendant communities in its penetration programs, said Jesús García during his speech at the Foreign Ministry, which marked the end of the seminar. In Venezuela, throughout the twentieth century, a hidden racism was maintained. Uslar Pietri and Alberto Adriani denied Afro-descendants' contribution to Venezuela. The shameful slavery ended in Venezuela once the slave owners were compensated, including José Antonio Páez

It was in the Bolivarian Revolution, with president Hugo Chávez, that Afro-descendants movements made it understood that Afro-descendants were an essential component in politics, geopolitics and international relations, said Jesús García in his presentation “Towards an Afro-epistemology of Latin America”, presented yesterday at the Foreign Ministry during the seminar Week of Philosophy and Theory of International Relations in Latin America, organized by the Institute of High Diplomatic Studies Pedro Gual, in the context of the day of Philosophy, decreed by UNESCO.

This seminar concluded yesterday with other presentations by Ana Cristina Broquen, José Chourio and Rafael Ramos.

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García, who has dedicated more than 30 years of his life to studying Africa and the African diaspora, said that a whole “philosophy of contempt”, an offshoot of Western thought, has marked relations with African peoples and the Afro-descendants on this side of the planet, promoting racism, apartheid and discrimination. Venezuela does not escape this reality, even sustained by intellectuals such as Arturo Uslar Pietri, Alberto Adriani, and which came to guide immigration policies in the twentieth century. A ruler like Marcos Pérez Jiménez came to argue that “we had to create Venezuelan beauty by whitening it”.

Chávez and Haiti

"Chávez in 2004, thanks to a meeting he had with us, began to understand this issue. He declared himself an Afro-descendant. But, in addition to that, he began to see the Afro-descendant issue as geopolitical. He understood Haiti's issue, which was the first triumphant African diaspora in America and the Caribbean, to whom we owe a lot. And the only president of the six countries whose liberation process was helped by Haiti who had a gesture of solidarity was Chávez, when he said the moral debt can never be paid. He made all the effort for Haiti, for all the support Bolívar received and for everything the Haitian Revolution meant, the first to end the slave trade, the first to end slavery and the one that made a constitutional proposal different from the French Constitution, the Spanish Constitution and the United States Constitution. As a matter of fact, when Bolívar separated Upper Peru in order to create Bolivia, he took essential elements from the Haitian Constitution... In one of the researches we did, we then said that Venezuelan independence is born in the Caribbean, because you see, there is Haiti, there is the letter Bolívar in Jamaica, the patriots who took refuge in Trinidad... today we see why the CARICOM supports our revolutionary process, since a complete vote was never achieved in the OAS for the United States to authorize the military invasion of Venezuela, as they did in 1965, in the case of Juan Bosch in the Dominican Republic, and again in Grenada's invasion in 1983. Chávez was very strategic in this sense. He created PetroCaribe, but he created it based on energy solidarity.

In Latin America, according to the ECLAC, there are 130 million Afro-descendants. Lula understood this. During his government, he took more than 25 million Brazilians of African descent out of extreme poverty. The same applies to Zelaya in Honduras, who helped the Garifuna part of the population.

In other words, the Afro-descendant issue, this epistemological vision, is something our diplomacy must begin to understand. They can't continue to see us as different, that religion of African origin is witchcraft, no. Afro-descendants are a political factor, a determining factor...", said Jesús García.

García explained that Chávez declared himself an Afro-descendant and began to see the Afro issue as geopolitical. Chávez understood the case of Haiti, which was the first triumphant African diaspora in America and the Caribbean.

After analyzing the concept of philosophy imposed from the canons of Western thought and questioning Enmanuel Kant, Karl Jung, and Montesquieu, whose postulates contributed to racial dicrimination and the Eurocentric vision, García focused on the Venezuelan case, particularly in the period after the death of Juan Vicente Gómez.

“One of the great ideologists we had”, he said, “was Arturo Uslar Pietri, who in 1937 in an article that appeared in the Caracas Chamber of Commerce newsletter said: “What is Venezuela? Venezuela as it is ethnically constituted cannot be. It has to be modernized and to modernize we have to ask what the indigenous people did. The indian was a slacker and the Negro has not created a visible cultural apparatus to contribute to the formation of venezolanidad”.

Alberto Adriani, another intellectual, reinforced this uslarist stance when he talked about the immigration problem and said that blacks will not be accepted in this country.

“That is going to settle a philosophical concept of Venezuelan society, that will last. Uslar, in order cover that, invented a beautiful concept that was called miscegenation, we are all mestizos, but he was referring to Eurocentric culture. Pérez Jiménez, after World War II, will contribute a lot to that. In the Colony of Turén, in Portuguesa, there were more than 27 European communities that were given all the privileges. Pérez Jiménez stated that Venezuelan beauty had to be created by whitening. All this is due, in the eighteenth, nineteenth centuries, early twentieth century, to a philosophy of contempt”, said Jesús García.

Páez and slavery

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Photo: Miguel Romero – Archivo CO

When considering the term “philosophy”, García urged to ask what philosophy. There is a dominant, Western philosophy. There is a philosophy that was born in the West. There is a philosophy that tells you that human rights, the Universal The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, was from 1789 in France. It is a totally Eurocentric philosophy, one that does not give a vision of the other philosophies, that of the Arab world, the Asian and the African.

García said that long before the French declaration, in 1232, in Mali, Africa, there was the Kouroukan Fouga, or the Manden Charter, unifying different ethnicities and that it is considered the founding charter, in all the history of humanity, of human rights. There the prisoners of war are respected, women are recognized and respected, nature is respected.

“This is very important because speaking of this concept of philosophy, we recognize that African philosophy that we also see later in culture, because in Africa everything is philosophy, everything is spirituality, and spirituality is precisely what philosophy will generate for you”, he asserts.

The speaker considered that in that Eurocentric philosophy of Kant, Jung, of encyclopedism, when referring to the other racial components, there is a contempt for the human being of other cultures.

“This philosophy contributed to creating a racist, discriminatory, colonialist thought that still exists. That is what Unesco said, that philosophy must lead to human understanding; there is still a way to go. It is not enough to have decreed a Philosophy Day, but how that is being implemented in the light of contemporary geopolitical problems, because basically what causes colonialism, invasions, what causes what is happening in Latin America and Caribbean, Africa, is how you approach world issues. The world of the dominated, the world of the dominant”, he said.

He explained that Kant, this extraordinary German philosopher, in his book referring to the beautiful and the sublime, says terrible things about Africans when he expresses that they have an intelligence inferior to the European because of race, and then relies on Jung, another philosopher, who says that those blacks thrown into the diaspora, their feeling is below the sensible. That philosophy has been repeated.

Another French thinker, Montesquieu, author of the Spirit of the Laws, points out that one of the ways to dominate people is to take away their language, and thus disarm them, take away their reason for being.

Another jurist, Jean Baptiste Coulbert, in the Code Noir, passed by Louis XIV, speaks of black as a piece of furniture, as a thing that has no feelings.

“In short, all these arguments of Western philosophy will lay the foundation for the contemporary philosophy of domination”, he said.

It is precisely these criteria that support the existence of slavery in Venezuela until 30 years after the struggle for independence ended. There is an exception: Bolívar's position, which advocates for the freedom of slaves in his Angostura Address, where he also stated that we are not Europeans.

Garcia also said that this position of the Libertador induced them to be called Afro-descendants.

“When the War of Independence ends, we see that Creole whites philosophically support each other to continue slavery, they will rely on Diderot, Kant, Jung, Montesquieu, the same Western philosophy. For example, a great ideologist from Gran Colombia, Joaquín Mosquera, in 1825, when the Free Birth Law, or Manumission Law was being proposed, asked how these boys are going to be freed at 18 if they are going to be worse in their habits than their parents? There is a vision at play here, a philosophy of contempt. Imagine, almost three decades after the War of Independence, there is the freedom of slaves, and it does not happen due to conviction, but because of an economic problem. There was a huge crisis, and that bourgeoisie of Creole whites had to somehow dig into their resources and what better way than to abolish slavery and be compensated by the State? One of these men was Páez. He was in New York and he did not free his slaves until he was paid for every last one of them. This obeys a philosophical conception”, said García.

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The Afro-Left

In the Venezuelan case, under the influence of the revolutionary process, they started with two lines: to recover the memory, the history, and to bring it in line with the Afro-Venezuelan people and that this would permeate the other components of society, so that they understood that to a certain extent there was a hidden racism, a dishonest miscegenation. On the other hand, they wondered how the Afro-descendant issue was introduced in politics and in the field of international relations.

García also recounted the struggles in international forums to end discrimination, racism and apartheid, which had its climax in Durban, South Africa, where García went, where the concept of Afro-descendant was built.

“We are Afro-descendants because we are descendants of the African diaspora, and we suffered a process of slave trade, we suffered a slavery process and we suffered a process of discrimination that still remains. The Durban Plan of Action has been the most important ever in the history of mankind in the fight against racial discrimination. That plan is still in force now”, he explained.

The speaker considered that at this point the ethnic issue must be placed on the geopolitical agenda. The United States has understood this reality.

“The United States”, dijo García, “has a program called USAID, called international cooperation, which is the soft arm of the CIA. They are working closely with indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. This is what I called in 2007 the “Afro-right”, and from that moment we also recognized ourselves as the “Afro-left” because that's the model we are going to build”.

Finally, García considered that it was a priority to produce a new model against a Western philosophy that still dominates our brain, which still dominates our daily lives, our language and our way of thinking. “It is time to start rethinking, in the specific case of Afro-descendants, we are talking about an Afro-epistemology, which is the construction of knowledge from the inside, and this starts with some principles, one, unlearning the alienatingly learned, and the ignorance that we have of ourselves”.

Racist ideological stance remained in Venezuela until Bolivarian Revolution
 
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Final Declaration of the
Afro-descendant International Congress
Tribute to the Afro-Venezuelan Cimarron “Guillermo Ribas”


We, Afro-descendants of Our America, and Africans, gathered in the city of Caracas, capital of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, on the occasion of the Afro-descendant International Congress, in accordance with what was agreed in the framework of the 25th Meeting of the
São Paulo Forum and in the framework of the commemoration of the 248th anniversary of the assassination of the Afro-Venezuelan Cimarron "Guillermo Ribas", leader of the Cumbe de Ocoyta (1768 - 1771), self-government that put in check the colonial power of the time, after the deliberations carried out we have arrived at the following conclusions:

The conquest and colonization of America, a continent so called by the European invaders, constitutes a founding historical fact of the current international order and of the power relations that impact societies until these days. The unjust international order emerging since the aftermath of the 15th century, characterized by an unequal economic-trade system that had its epicenter in Western Europe, was erected on the extermination, subjugation and spoliation of the original peoples of Americas and of the African population. Undoubtedly, the history of humanity does not record in its annals, genocide of such dimensions. This was recognized by the "3rd World Conference against Racism and Racial Discrimination" held in Durban, South Africa in 2001.

The colonial world-system was marked by an inhuman trafficking of people from Africa to America in order to invigorate the economic-productive apparatus at the service of Western powers. This required a colonial rationality that would "legitimize" such economic-social practices, thus giving rise to the concept of race as an invention conducive to perpetuating Western predominance over other peoples. Racial segregation seeks to protect a civilizing model created for the systematic exploitation of peoples and the plundering of their natural wealth. Consequently, ever since, racism has become an inherent element of modernity.

Today's neoliberal globalization is the continuation of modernity stemming from the European invasion of America. This model not only reinforces exploitation, but also deepens it while imposing a cultural homogenization that does not know the history of peoples, their traditions
and their identity.

Neoliberalism, through the cultural industry of capitalism, perpetrates a memoricide against the peoples of the world, which is aimed at "justifying" the plundering of peoples’ wealth, the subjugation of women and domination over Afrodescendant people based on the alleged superiority of some over others. It is a model that endorses a conception of life that deepens the separation between human beings and nature. It is an instrumental rationality of nature that
condemns it to destruction for the sake of a developmental and extractivist model.

This Eurocentric colonialist logic that threatens biodiversity arises from a secularization that puts material prosperity at the forefront of life. Neoliberalism is part of a global domination project that seeks to perpetuate the colonial model of power synthesized in U.S. hegemony.

Faced with the emergence of new poles of political and economic power such as Russia, China, Iran and India, the West with the U.S. at its head, it clings to the application of neocolonial policies supported by powerful financial, communicational and cultural transnationals at the service of neoliberalism.

However, given the changes resulting from the emergence of a multicentric and multi-polar world, U.S. imperialism has escalated into a global offensive aimed at preserving its supremacy and the perpetuity of the neoliberal model. Forty years after the Washington
Consensus, imperialism, led by a corporate state, continues in its hegemonic eagerness to impose the rules of savage capitalism through neoliberalism, for which it relies on the follow up of European governments that in turn operate with the same pretensions in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean.

In Our America, the offensive of U.S. elites and their allies seeks to end the cycle of
progressive governments to impose neo-colonial relations in the so-called "national interest" of the United States. Coups d'état, political violence, unilateral coercive measures, economic-financial blockade, threats of military intervention, military bases and diplomatic pressures have been some of the tactics of the Doctrine of Non-Conventional War implemented against the peoples of Latin America and the Caribbean. This has led, thanks to the racism inherent in this doctrine, to the displacement of Afrodescendant populations, racial extermination, increased xenophobia, racial discrimination in the justice system, trafficking in persons and hate crimes, among other consequences.

In the cycle of progressive governments, the struggle for peace, national sovereignty, self-determination of peoples and the battle for the rights of the people's sectors were enhanced. At this stage, thanks to the organized action of Afrodescendant people, the denunciation of the genocide committed by Europe was placed, the struggle to overcome structural racism was intensified, and with the support of progressive Governments, the right call for reparations for women and Afrodescendant people, derived from slavery and colonialism, has been brought to various multilateral bodies.

Afrodescendants have played a key role in building the independence of the peoples of Our America, as well as in the ongoing struggle for the full liberation and profound transformation of our peoples. Likewise, its prominence was important in the constitution of the pan-africanist
movement, which from the Caribbean Islands was projected to the U.S., Europe, and Africa in the first international advances of a decolonial proposal and of the entrenchment of the most basic freedoms of men, women and peoples of the world.

Once again, Afrodescendants are uniting with social movements, left-wing political parties, and progressive currents and together with sovereign governments that do not give in to imperialist pretensions, are changing the correlation of classes and social forces in our American continent. The irreducible resistance of the progressive governments, the popular insurrections in Haiti, Ecuador and Chile, as well as the electoral results in Bolivia, Argentina, Colombia and Uruguay, account for the failure of the neoliberal model, express the generalized rejection of that model and the neo-colonial policies of the United States for the region.

A particular mention should be made of the anti-imperialist resistance and offensive of the people of Venezuela. It is well known that the multiple attacks of the American imperialism against the Bolivarian Revolution are aimed at undermining the hope created by Commander Hugo Chavez's liberating work, overthrowing the government of the Constitutional President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela Nicolas Maduro, ending democracy and taking over the country's natural wealth, which has not been allowed by the brave people of Guillermo Ribas and Simon Bolivar.

In Venezuela, the Afrodescendant Movement has maintained a key role in the construction and defense of the Bolivarian Revolution, with its Cumbes, communes and other forms of people’s power organization. Its historical forms of community life are fundamental in the construction of a communal society; its knowledge contributes decisively to the preservation of planet earth; its traditional mode of production contributes extensively to food security. Their positive evaluation is essential in the battle against the neoliberal model, a great importance issue considering that the Afrodescendant sector, scattered throughout the country, constitutes more than 50% of the population.

Today, when a new progressive cycle emerges in Our America, we understand that the full and irreversible liberation of our societies requires a new civilization that recognizes the millions and millions of people of African descent that populate these lands and thus dismantle neo-colonialism as a cross-cutting element of neoliberal capitalism.

In this context, the Afro-descendant International Congress declares:

We support the heroic effort of the Bolivian people to preserve democracy in the face of fascism, we condemn racism against the Bolivian indigenous people, we demand that the coup plotters respect the right of President Evo Morales’ supporters, we denounce the generalized repression against the Bolivian people, we call for permanent mobilization to stand with the Bolivian people’s struggle in the building of a new civilizing model and we demand that the White House depose its neocolonial policy aimed at subduing Bolivia.

We condemn the United States and Western Europe’s interventionist policy in our countries, in order to bend the sociopolitical conquests and appropriate biodiversity at the cost of human life and all forms of life on planet Earth.

We support the Haitian people’s struggles for their social recognitions and their historic legitimate demands in the face of the serious political, economic and social situation derived from the unpopular decisions of their rulers associated with savage capitalism.

We denounce the breach of the "Havana Peace Agreement" by the current Colombian president and reject his direct aggression against the people of Venezuela. Likewise, we condemn the subordinate actions of the governments grouped in the so-called Lima Group as a political operator of the United Sates administration, emulating its universal condition of violator of the human rights and the international order.

We claim the international solidarity with the Ecuadorian people, with their afro and indigenous movements, with the Citizen Revolution Movement’s leadership, all of them who are persecuted and criminalized by a government which betrays the principles and which operate in the mentioned South American country.

We welcome the progress made in incorporating into Mexico's legal framework the afro-descendant population as a step towards their full recognition.

We condemn the violation of human rights by the American government against the African-American population and against migrants from Our America and Africa, particularly women and children.

We warn of the discrimination in selection practiced by the European Union against migrants escaping terrorism sponsored by West Africa.

We demand before international bodies and the old European powers the fulfillment of the historical reparations of the afro-descendant communities based on the recognition of the genocide against the peoples come from of America, Africa and their descendants.

We stand with the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, and especially its afro-descendant movement in their struggle for peace, social welfare, self-determination and sovereignty.

The Afro-descendant International Congress assumes the spirit of the "Final Declaration of the XXV Meeting of the São Paulo Forum" adopted in the city of Caracas in July 2019. Consequently, we approve the following Plan of Struggle:

To recognize in the legal instruments such as international conventions, summits, constituent processes, constitutions, laws and regulations, the moral, political, social, cultural and spiritual contributions of the afro-descendants in the independence processes, and the struggle for participatory and protagonist democracy in Our America.

To urge, within the framework of the Afro descendant Decade, the United Nations to elaborate, discuss and approve an International Convention on the Afro-Descendant Rights, which should be binding on all countries of the world.

To promote and respect the integral protagonist participation of afro-descendant women in political decision-making spaces in favor of justice, equality and equity, and create spaces for international and intercultural meetings of afro-descendant women, with a view to strengthening African approaches in America and the Caribbean.

To carry out legal and political, socio-cultural, educational and communicational actions that contribute to dismantling and eradicating the racial and class prejudices which underpin the criminalization of young Afro-descendants.

To establish cooperation mechanisms among young people of the global south, by developing opportunities that serve to solve problems in our territories. Solutions must range from agricultural production to the sustainable management of electronic waste. Such planning goes together with the takeover of power in order to identify mechanisms to face racism.

To promote, within the political parties and progressive governments, the inclusion of afro-descendant sections in their structures and programmatic schedules.

To hold, biannually, the Afro-descendants International Congress in different venues requested by each country. To provide the Congress with basic rules of procedure based on the experiences and proposals of the participating movements.

To constitute the International Anti-imperialist, Afro-descendant and African Cumbe in order to link and articulate all afro-descendant organizations for the purpose of defining collective purposes, follow up the agreements of the present congress, promote peace, fight against neoliberalism, racism and against any kind of discrimination. The Cumbe is inspired by solidarity, equality, respect, recognition of plurality, independence, dignity and brotherhood among peoples. The International Anti-imperialist, Afro-descendant and African Cumbe will have its headquarters in Caracas, Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela.

To create the International Centre of South-South African and Afro-descendant Studies, attached to the International Cumbe, with a view to promoting training in the intersectional consciousness, politics, ideologies, social production, by naming an interdisciplinary promoter team based in Venezuela for its formation.

To compile, configure and promote our own horizons of meanings expressed in the liberating praxis of cimarrones and cimarronas of all times, through the building of the historical routes resulting in training materials.

To locate reparations not only in the economic and legal field, but also reparations related to epistemicides, culturicides, memoricides, language death, ecocides, filicides and economicides, through militant processes of decolonial and imperialist literacy.

To promote respect for our spirituality as an ethical code, by avoiding the secularization and commodification of our spiritual conceptions, through encounters of knowledge and recognition of our cultural manifestations.
 

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Finally, the Afro-descendants International Congress, assumes the Agenda of Struggle adopted in the "First International Meeting of Workers in Solidarity with the Bolivarian Revolution", endorsed by the “First International Women’s Congress”, by the "International Congress of Communes, Social Movements and People's Power" and by the "First International Meeting of Indigenous Peoples", held in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in 2019, agenda that consists in the following:

1. To coordinate in the world capitals a day of activities on December 9, 2019, the day of the commemoration of the Battle of Ayacucho, in order to condemn the United States imperialism’s interventionist policies in our America. NO MORE TRUMP!

2. To hold an international mobilization in support of the Bolivarian Revolution and against neoliberalism on February 27, 2020 with a view to commemorating the 31st anniversary of the first insurrection in Caracas against neoliberalism.

3. To call for a world mobilization in April 2020, in favor of peace in Venezuela, in Our America and against the war plans of the government of the United States.

4. To develop an international day of activities on June 28, 2020, in rejection the Monroe Doctrine and the blockade and other unilateral coercive measures.

Approved in the City of Caracas, Cradle of the Liberator Simón Bolívar and Capital of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on November 12, 2019.

https://www.araac.org/press-room
 

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Black Awareness March attracts different generations against the advance of genocidal policies

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Photo: Pedro Borges

Nataly Simões
November 21, 2019


With 5 thousand participants, the 2019 edition brought more intense challenges due to politicians considered by the group to be contrary to the well-being of the black population

In São Paulo, 5 thousand people participated in the 16th Black Awareness March, which happened on Wednesday, November 20, the day Zumbi dos Palmares was assassinated.

People began gathering at noon at the São Paulo Museum of Art, on Paulista Avenue. The participants walked down to Rua da Consolação towards the Municipal Theatre, in the central region, where they stayed until six o'clock in the evening.

The theme of this edition was “Life, Freedom and Future. Against the genocide and criminalization of black people!”. The policies of politicians considered by the protesters to be contrary to the well-being of the black population were one of the protest's main guidelines.

Simone Nascimento, of the Unified Black Movement (Movimento Negro Unificado, MNU), says the administration of President Jair Bolsonaro (Social Liberal Party), governor João Doria and mayor Bruno Covas (Brazilian Social Democracy Party) brought new demands to the protest.

“In spite of the fact that the march has been going on for 16 years, this edition brought something new in the face of new politicians who broke with certain historical processes. This year, we saw the advance of black genocide, detrimental reforms to workers' rights and the withdrawal of rights of the quilombolas of Alcântara, among other violations”, she explained.

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Participants left the São Paulo Museum of Art, on Paulista Avenue, towards the Municipal Theatre, in the central region. (Photo: Pedro Borges/Alma Preta)

The 16th Black Awareness March was also marked by the coming together of different generations of the black movement, from the ones who have been at the forefront of the march since the first edition, in 2003, to the new student movements led by black youth.

For Flavio Jorge, of the National Coordination of Black Entities (Coordenação Nacional de Entidades Negras, Conen) the connection between the first generations of the contemporary black movement and young activists brings new directions to the struggle.

“It's very important for old black militants to unite with the younger ones, who today are leading a new path towards the defense of our rights”, he says.

He finished by saying: “we are in a completely different conjuncture from the time of the first march, because this is the first year that our country is being ruled by a far-right government. Our achievements are being attacked, that's why the march is important”.

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Different generations defend the rights of the black population. (Photo: Pedro Borges/Alma Preta)

New challenges in the construction of the march

Organized by entities of the black movement, the Black Awareness March is idealized months before it takes place in meetings between collectives and activists.

According to Simone Nascimento, of the Unified Black Movement, this year the protest's manifesto was updated.

“We created a political seminar to debate how the march would take place. It was necessary to analyze our history and reflect on the challenges of the current situation black people are facing”, she recalls.

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Representation was also stressed by the protesters. (Photo: Pedro Borges/Alma Preta)

The construction of the march was also careful to be representative, with a diversity of social movements and political representatives.

“We can't forget to celebrate the presence of black politicians such as state deputy Erica Malunguinho (Socialism and Liberty Party, São Paulo) and federal deputy Orlando Silva (Communist Party of Brazil, São Paulo)”.

Black Awareness March attracts several generations against the advance of genocidal policies
 
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Méndez: Afro-Colombian population exceeds 6 million people

Bogotá | November 27, 2019 | 06:46 A.M.

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The San Andrés congressman demanded that the Director of the National Administrative Department of Statistics (Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estatística, DANE)'s 4,600,000 figure be ratified

EL NUEVO SIGLO: What was the purpose of the political control debate with the Director of DANE, Juan Daniel Oviedo, on the population census figures for Afro-descendant communities?

JORGE MÉNDEZ: We of the Afro Legal Commission, and in particular congressman Nilton Córdoba Manyoma and yours truly, call for political control debate with the director of DANE because we are not satisfied with the figures given by DANE in the last census.

There is a difference between 2005 and 2018. There is a decrease in the Afro-descendant population's numbers, according to official figures, of 1,300,000 people, which amounts to a 30% reduction. This is serious since government investment and the differential approach for ethnic minorities is affected as we are decreasing the population.

This affects public policies, plans and government projects focused on this population, especially in the case of Belén de Bajirá, since the population factor is important in this litigation.

We are unsatisfied, because the director of DANE stands by the 4,600,000 figure which, although there were failures in the implementation of the survey, he considers is the real figure, and the closest to reality. We disagree with him. We will hold a second debate now at the Afro Legal Commission where we will have more input. We will not rest until a rectification of the census process for ethnic minorities is made. Again, much of the investment from the national government depends on this.

ENS: In the debate you affirmed that, according to these figures, there would be a decrease in the San Andrés raizal population...

JM: In the population of San Andrés there is a decrease of 16.5%. This is something unheard of, since the raizal population in the islands have been growing. This population reduction is inexplicable from any technical point of view. As evidenced in the raizal population of San Andrés, Riosucio, Belén de Bajirá, Valle del Caucawe, we are going to work with all the organizations that defend the Afro-descendant population in the country to have more input for the next debate.

ENS: In the debate, the Director of DANE indicated that there were problems with the question from which the figures were obtained and also with logistics, what do you think about this?

JM: The argument he has used to justify himself is the question of ethnic self-recognition. I stated in my speech that I do not know one Afro-descendant, raizal or palenquero who does not feel proud of and denies his African roots. Therefore, I do not believe the decrease in the population that we know today exceeds 6 million people in Colombia is due to this question. What I think is there is a flaw in the methodology implemented because it has not reached all regions, all corners of the country; that does not allow for an exact figure and this is detrimental to the amount of money that will be invested in our communities.

ENS: When will the new debate take place?

JM: We are going to make some working groups. DANE was asked to form technical working groups. The Commission is going to call all the NGOs and representative movements of the Afro-descendant communities for the debate that I hope will not last longer than 15 days.

ENS: A few months ago you made a debate of political control in the First Committee on an increase in insecurity in your department, how is this problem currently?

JM: It must be said that security has improved. More control has been implemented, prevention work has been carried out. All of this in the short term, but we must work with substantive measures, with intervention to the social fabric of the new generation of young people. We must bet to have an appointment with the Minister of Justice on the implementation of a new court of guarantees control that will boost the judicial process since the terms are being overcome especially for these crimes that are the competence of the municipal criminal courts. In the short term, safety rates have been improved and it has allowed the community to have a safer environment.

Méndez: Afro-Colombian population exceeds 6 million people
 
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Camille Chalmers: "Towards a minimum platform for a transitional government"

The Haitian leader explains the situation Haiti is experiencing in a permanent insurrection since June

Marìa Torrellas
Resumen Latinoamericano, November 6, 2019 18:31

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Camille Chalmers is a teacher, researcher and one of the most recognized intellectuals in the Caribbean / Nodal

During the Anti-Imperialist Meeting in Cuba we met Camille Chalmers, a Haitian leader who helped us understand the situation that Haiti is experiencing in a permanent insurrection since June, which wants its corrupt president to resign and leave forever.

Resumen Latinoamericano: How is this new front, this left-wing political alternative to the situation, advancing in these last days?

Camille Chalmers: The mobilization remains very strong in Haiti, one can say that it is intensifying. These last six weeks we have really had impressive demonstrations, millions of people on the streets. For the first time those marches also won the provinces, up until now the power was concentrated in Port-au-Prince and Cap-Haïtien, but now have had large mass demonstrations with the participation of many sectors of society in almost all of the major cities of the country. So it can be said that at this moment we have a totally politically isolated government, a government that does not govern, that has no legal Prime Minister, has no legal government, has no budget, and cannot collect taxes.

In an ungovernable country.

Yes, we are in a situation of total blockade of the country and where the popular movement has demonstrated a force, a continuity, an admirable determination and that has not surrendered in the face of massive official propaganda, nor in the face of repression. Because one of the responses of the Moise government is repression against the people, for example, in recent weeks we are talking about 51 people killed by bullets. A repression especially directed against poor neighborhoods, for example, last November they slaughtered, in a single day, 78 people in a poor neighborhood called La Saline. So, the government's response is repression and more repression.

It is a government that has the support of some families of the oligarchy and the United States, the Trump administration wants to keep this government that no longer makes any sense, even for the dominant sectors because the economy is already completely paralyzed, which explains why some sectors such as entrepreneurs have also joined the movement. But Trump wants to keep it, first because there is an ideological alliance, because it is a far-right government, which was put there to curb the popular movement and its project to change the State, as they say in Haiti.

Trump is rewarding Jovenel Moise for betraying Maduro. Haiti voted three times against the Maduro government and the scandal of voting in the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance, which opens the prospects for a military intervention in Venezuela. This is one thing that added more fuel to the anger and outrage of the population that does not accept that; even from the moral point of view, not only politically, it is a totally unacceptable betrayal.

It also caught my attention how everytime they wanted to place another authority or pass power to someone similar, the people and the senators destroyed the upper house. This is something unheard of.

Yes, you're right, because the Legislature is fully allied with Jovenel Moise, 95% of the Legislature is controlled by the government and was elected under uncacceptable conditions, with a ridiculous participation. The current president, for example, was elected by 7% of the electorate, so he has no legitimacy. In that sense, the Parliament, the majority of the deputies and senators have behaved in a totally unacceptable way, participating in all of the processes of looting of the public goods, of diversion of the PetroCaribe funds, and the population also wants them to leave with Jovenel Moise.

But we have some legislators, senators and deputies, who have remained very firm with the resistance, who even unleashed a whole impeachment process that was not achieved, because Jovenel Moise has a majority in Parliament. But, at least they created a platform where they systematized all the crimes of Jovenel Moise, all the betrayal of the Constitution, all the robberies in which he participated, and it was a very important element in the popular awareness and that radicalized the population in face of this government.

Are mass mobilizations self-convened?

In that sense, since July 2018 we have a recomposition of the mobilization, which began with the self-convening mechanism, that is, there is no sector that can say that they are the parents of this mobilization, or that it belongs to them. It is a self-convocation where people revolt against a corrupt, illegal, illegitimate government, a lackey of the United States, which is really a very important ethical element in that uprising. Also, it is related to the deterioration of the living conditions of the population because we have a collapse of the national currency, which lost 60% of its value in two years, we have significant inflation, and this government refuses to increase the minimum wage. Which means that we have a situation of massification of misery and hunger. FAO estimates that 49% of the population does not feed itself each day. It is an extreme, tragic situation. In that sense, the population also rejects that and demands the exit of neoliberal programs, of the anti-popular, anti-national economic policies that have created the current situation.

At the beginning you were talking about the popular sectors, what is the alliance that is being built, which has been going on for months? What does it consist of?

Since the end of 2018, five left-wing parties decided to create a common work platform with two perspectives. First, a perspective of building a revolutionary left front, and a perspective of having a direct impact on the political situation we are experiencing. In that sense, peasant federations convened the Patriotic Front, from August 27 to 30, and it is impressive to see that there was an enthusiastic response from the population; there more than 70 organizations present and we did a 3-day work analyzing the international and local situation.

Also, it resulted in the platform of very important agreements, which are basically the departure of Jovenel Moise from Parliament, the departure of PHTK, which is the ruling far-right party, and a period of transition that allows deep change work in the political structures of the country and three important aspects in the mandate of that transitional government.

First, to make judgments against thieves who stole the people's money; second, to convene a Constituent; and third, to make substantial changes in the electoral system because it is now fully controlled by the United States.

We want this transition to be sovereign, it is necessary to have guarantees that it will not be controlled by the United States and that it is a transition of rupture, that opens a perspective of radical changes at the level of the economy and the political system. In that sense, the Patriotic Forum led to a follow-up committee formed by 11 organizations; there are two members of the trade union movement represented, as well as a person from the feminist movement, which groups all the progressive feminist movements, a representative of the neighborhood youth movement, which participate a lot in the mobilizations, and four political parties, two of the revolutionary left and two social democrats. So it is a committee that represents a very large range of political sensitivities and that has the ability to directly influence the game that is being played now, and that allows the left to have the possibility to influence the orientation to be defined for the transitional government.

This week there will be a process of meeting, discussion and elaboration of the institutional architecture of that transition where the Patriotic Forum participates with other sectors such as the Democratic and Popular and others.

So there are three fronts that totally agree with this minimum platform that the Patriotic Front adopted in August, and it is very insteresting that it is an initiative from the popular movements and the left-wing forces. The Patriotic Forum resulted in a very critical speech, an analysis, totally with a left-wing vision, we even had the participation of very interesting international solidarity networks. This is really new because since the repression that was unleashed against the popular movement in 86 the left-wing forces had been virtually eliminated from the electoral political game, the same dynamics of exclusion of the people had also eliminated the presence of left-wing political parties.

We are in a new moment, of accumulation, of redefinition, and this crisis is important because imperialism cannot be changed.

How is it possible that even with a people who go out to the streets in millions, without fear of anything, Moise has not fallen?

The basic explanation is that Haitian people have no power because if they did of course this government would have fallen a long time ago. The second is that the United States maintains strategic control over the police, some elements of the financial system, and now it does not have a viable solution for the replacement, because all the right-wing personalities who could play that role are involved in the PetroCaribe scandals. They are all threatened by the PetroCaribe trial and have no legitimacy to really show up and present solutions. This is why the United States is taking so long to accept a regime change.

But, we are in a situation where in the coming weeks we will go towards the resignation of Jovenel Moise because it is an extreme situation where the country does not function, even businessmen began to protest because their profits are threatened.

Camille Chalmers: "Towards a minimum platform for a transitional government"
 

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Cuba and Vietnam Join Forces for Rice Production

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A man buys in an agromercado with the image of Fidel Castro painted on one of its walls | Photo: EFE

Published 27 November 2019

The role of the support of the Asian nation is crucial to improve the production strategy for the next decade, in addition to the planning of the hydraulic system with the aim of achieving more efficient use of water in crops.


The last phase of the Cuba-Vietnam collaboration project seeks to improve rice production rates in this province, affected by the lack of inputs for grain cultivation.

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After reaching a historical mark of 100 thousand tons of cereal in 2018, the Agroindustrial Grain Complex Ruta Invasora de Camagüey, the second largest in the country, was harmed by the impossibility of importing the technological package due to the direct action of the blockade of the United States against Cuba.

According to the Adelante web portal, the deputy director of the rice company, Jimmi Camejo, 'sought alternatives to the shortage of inputs and today uses some biological products such as Metarhizium (a fungus that attacks insects) and Fitomag, among others'.

The role of the support of the Asian nation is crucial to improve the production strategy for the next decade, in addition to the planning of the hydraulic system with the aim of achieving more efficient use of water in crops.

In its last period, the schedule emphasizes the improvement of rice production infrastructure at the national level, as well as strengthening the control of seed quality and genetic improvement.

Academic and scientific exchanges of Cuban specialists in Vietnam are also included in the collaboration agenda, a priority for the Caribbean country that seeks effective ways to guarantee the food security of its population with more than 11 million people.



Cuba and Vietnam Join Forces for Rice Production
 
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